Armenia and the Task of Remembering

The Catholic Thing
Oct 9, 2026

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Iran is now ‘satisfied’ with Trump Route, Armenia Foreign Minister says

OC Media
Oct 8, 2026
Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan told parliament that Iran is ‘satisfied’ with the ‘entire’ Trump Route process. Mirzoyan says this apparent positive response, which comes after Tehran has repeatedly and publicly voiced concern, was clear to him after a recent visit.

The Trump Route, also known by its official name, the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), agreed upon by Armenia and Azerbaijan with US mediation, would connect Azerbaijan to its exclave Nakhchivan through Armenian territory. Iran has previously voiced concerns about the project’s plans to put US military close to Iran’s border and possible threats to Armenia’s territorial integrity. During talks with his visiting Armenian counterpart Mirzoyan on Monday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi reiterated Tehran’s concerns over the planned opening of a US-run transit corridor through Armenia.

After Mirzoyan returned from a two-day official visit to Iran, MP Arusyak Manavazyan asked him in parliament on Wednesday about his visit to Iran and Iran’s perceptions of the Trump Route. During his visit on Monday, Mirzoyan met with Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, as well as Araghchi.

‘Iran is satisfied with the entire process surrounding TRIPP: with the perfect transparency we have shown, with our readiness to discuss all questions, and also with the economic opportunities that the launch of this same infrastructure will give Iran itself’, said Mirzoyan.

In response to a question about cargo and air transportation, Mirzoyan emphasised Armenia’s readiness to strengthen relations with Iran despite the international sanctions. He added that relations with Iran are deeply valued and will ‘not be put at risk.’

In September, Iran’s ambassador to Armenia said that Iran has no objection to the Trump Route project if it fully respects Armenia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and does not result in an American military or security presence in the region.

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Iranians cross into Armenia to earn what they cannot at home

Iran International
Oct 6, 2026
Farnaz Davari

Iran International

Oct 6, 2026, 12:18 GMT+1
Republic Square in central Yerevan, Armenia.

Economic crisis is driving some Iranians across the border to Armenia for construction, taxi and delivery work, turning a longtime holiday destination into a source of income for families struggling to make ends meet at home.

For years, Armenia meant something very different for many Iranian visitors.

Travel agencies sold packages for the country’s water festival, wine festivals and concerts. The images returning from Yerevan were largely of Iranians who had crossed the border for a few days of music, celebrations and leisure.

Those trips continue, and Iranians remain one of the largest groups of foreign visitors to Armenia.

But as economic pressures have deepened in Iran, another Iranian presence has become increasingly visible in Yerevan.

Around Republic Square, tourists stroll past fountains and the square’s distinctive stone buildings. Among them, Iranian men of different ages sit on benches speaking Persian.

Listen to some of their conversations and the subject is not where to eat or what to see.

It is work: wages, employers, rent and who is still hiring.

For some Iranians, Armenia is no longer somewhere to spend money on a few days away. It is a nearby country where they hope to earn enough to cover their own expenses and send what remains to their families in Iran.

‘Job placement’ signs in Persian

A few streets away, around Tigran Mets Avenue and the Firdusi neighborhood, the change is even more visible.

A job placement advertisement near Tigran Mets Avenue in Yerevan.

Sheets of paper attached to some walls carry a single word in Persian: job placement.

The reasons Iranians travel to Armenia vary widely. Many still come as tourists. Others choose Yerevan as a place to meet relatives who have emigrated to Western countries.

War and concerns about security have also prompted some to leave Iran temporarily.

But another group has been pushed out by the struggle to make a living.

High inflation, falling purchasing power, the declining value of the rial and the growing difficulty of covering everyday expenses have changed the calculation for some Iranian workers.

Even casual work in a neighboring country can make financial sense when the income is earned in Armenian drams and can be converted before some of it is sent back to Iran.

For these workers, a wage that is modest by Armenian standards can carry considerably more weight at home.

Working in Armenia, supporting a family in Iran

Ahmad, a 47-year-old from Sanandaj who asked to be identified by a pseudonym, left his wife and children in Iran and traveled alone to Armenia about four months ago.

He spent his first three months doing construction work in towns around Yerevan, earning about 7,000 drams a day, roughly $19.

A substantial share of that money went to the contractor.

The size of the wage was not Ahmad’s only concern. He had no written contract and worried that he might finish the job without receiving the money he was owed.

About a month ago, he switched jobs and began driving for Yandex in Yerevan.

Ahmad does not speak Armenian. He has learned only a few basic words useful for navigating the city: left, right and straight.

“From morning until the afternoon, I make enough to cover the car and my expenses. Whatever I earn after that, I can save,” Ahmad said.

That money is sent to his family in Sanandaj.

Reza, another Iranian in his 30s, arrived in Armenia from Karaj two months ago.

Friends who had traveled there before him suggested he come to Yerevan for work.

Concerns about war played a role in his decision to leave Iran, but economic pressure became the main reason for staying.

“The economic situation was so bad that I couldn’t cover my own expenses, let alone help my retired father. Now I work construction here. At least I can convert my wages into foreign currency and send money to them,” Reza said.

Reza also works without a formal written contract.

He has heard about workers whose employers failed to pay them, although he has not had problems with his own employer so far.

Construction, taxis and deliveries

The jobs newly arrived Iranians find are often in sectors where fluency in Armenian or advanced professional qualifications are not required.

Construction is one of the main options, with Iranians working in jobs ranging from steel reinforcement and block laying to electrical work.

Others drive taxis through ride-hailing platforms. Some work as couriers, delivering food and other goods by bicycle, electric scooter or even on foot.

Others have found jobs in online casinos or entertainment and nightlife businesses.

Armenia’s expanding construction sector has helped create demand for workers. Official figures show construction activity increased 24.5% in the first six months of 2026 compared with the same period a year earlier.

But the attraction of these jobs for Iranian workers is not simply that Armenia pays higher wages.

The difference between the value of money earned in the two countries matters just as much.

As the rial has lost value and purchasing power has declined in Iran, earnings that may not stretch far in Yerevan can take on a different value once converted and sent home.

For some, working in Armenia is therefore not the beginning of an attempt to settle there permanently.

It is a way of keeping a household in Iran afloat.

Tourist on paper, worker in Yerevan

Official statistics provide only a partial picture of the Iranian presence in Armenia because not everyone who crosses the border and finds work appears in employment-based residency figures.

The number of Iranian tourists visiting Armenia increased from 176,453 in 2024 to 182,364 in 2025, a rise of about 3.3%.

Iranians accounted for around 8.1% of all foreign tourists in Armenia in 2025, making them the third-largest group after Russians and Georgians.

But being recorded as a tourist does not necessarily mean a visitor spends the entire trip sightseeing or on holiday.

Iranian citizens do not need visas for short-term travel to Armenia. Some who enter under those arrangements find jobs after arriving and enter the informal labor market without obtaining a work permit or employment-based residency.

That leaves open the possibility that some Iranians appearing in tourism and arrival statistics are, in practice, looking for work or returning to jobs they have already found.

Available figures do not show how many Iranian visitors begin working after arrival, meaning the share of such workers in the overall increase in Iranian visitors cannot be calculated.

Temporary residency figures offer a clearer view of the formal side of labor migration.

A total of 8,181 foreign nationals received temporary residency in Armenia during the first half of 2026, with citizens of Russia, India and Iran making up the three leading nationalities, according to Armenia’s Interior Ministry Migration and Citizenship Service.

Of those temporary residency permits, 6,085 were issued on the basis of employment.

Citizens of Vietnam, Iran, China and India were among the nationalities filing the largest numbers of applications for employment-based residency.

The figures put Iranians among the main groups receiving temporary residency and among the leading applicants for employment-based status.

The exact number of Iranians granted employment-based residency in the first half of 2026 has not been published.

Those figures also cover only people who went through the formal process. Iranians working without permits in construction, taxis, delivery services and other sectors do not appear in that part of the data.

Tourism and residency figures therefore offer signs of a growing Iranian presence but cannot establish the actual size of the Iranian workforce in Armenia.

Earning abroad, sending money home

Employment brings its own difficulties.

Housing is among the first challenges facing new arrivals. Many Iranians stay in hostels or share rooms and apartments with several other people to keep costs down.

Access to banking services can also be difficult.

Sanctions and banks’ risk-management policies mean opening an Armenian bank account does not necessarily give Iranian nationals full access to cards and international financial services.

But workers such as Ahmad and Reza are not comparing Yerevan with wealthy European cities.

  • Iran, where eggs are a better bet than cash

Their calculation is more immediate: what they could earn in Iran versus what they can save in Armenia and send to the people waiting for them at home.

That calculation is giving Armenia a different meaning for some Iranians.

A country associated for years with tours, concerts, festivals and short holidays is now also a place where Iranians lay blocks on construction sites, drive taxis and deliver food to earn money for households across the border.

For those families, Iran’s economic crisis is measured not only in inflation, the exchange rate or lost purchasing power. It is measured in the distance between home and the nearest place where one member of the family can still earn enough to send something back.

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Huawei Shares Strategy at Armenia Engineering Week to Accelerate Industrial In

Agence France Presse
Oct 7, 2026

07 Oct 2026 – 16:10

Press release from Huawei -Wednesday 07 October 2026.

Yerevan, Armenia, October 3, 2026 – Huawei joins Armenia Engineering Week (AEW) 2026 on Friday, where the company outlined its strategic direction for supporting Armenia’s digital and intelligent transformation. During his keynote address, “Embrace Intelligence, Drive Industrial Revolution,” Alex Zhao, CEO of Huawei Armenia, shared Huawei’s vision for advancing intelligent connectivity, computing, cloud, green energy, and ecosystem development to help accelerate the country’s innovation-led growth.

“Armenia is a key strategic market for Huawei’s global operations. And in this exciting era of digital intelligence, we are thrilled to share our insights, learn from your breakthroughs, and build the future of technology together,” Zhao said. “We will continue to build better networks, deploy more green energy, secure sovereign cloud environments, and deliver a new choice for open-source computing, helping local companies grow on Huawei’s global platforms and ecosystem.”

In his keynote, Zhao stated that the shift from generative AI to physical AI will require more powerful and reliable infrastructure, including secure networks with ultra-low latency and strong computing capabilities. Huawei’s All Intelligence strategy supports this transition through intelligent connectivity, full-stack computing, AI cloud, green energy, and ecosystem development. These capabilities can help Armenia strengthen digital independence, have a new option for world class computing power, advance sovereign cloud adoption in key sectors, and use energy storage to support growing solar capacity and grid stability.

“In the AI era, major technology companies like Huawei provide Armenia with technology platforms, standards, ecosystem connections, training, and access to real-world industry scenarios,” added Cong Liang, Chief Strategy Officer of Huawei Middle East and Central Asia Region.

To strengthen local cooperation in AI, innovation, and talent development, Huawei and Armenia’s Enterprise Incubator Foundation (EIF) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) at the Huawei Connect Summit in Shanghai last month. As part of this collaboration, EIF has officially joined the Huawei ICT Academy network, becoming the first member from Armenia. This initiative is designed to bridge the gap between academic theory and industrial application, providing Armenian engineers with direct access to Huawei’s global certification programs and ensuring the local talent are prepared to lead the country’s intelligent transformation.

 “Engineering, innovation, and customer-centric philosophy are the core elements that both Huawei and EIF care about,” said Thomas Zhang, Chairman of Huawei Central Asia, Caucasus and Mongolia Region, adding that the shared vision will bring two organizations closer in future cooperation.

For 16 years, Huawei has been a committed partner in Armenia’s intelligent transformation. Looking ahead, the company will continue to innovate locally, create lasting value, and help advance Armenia toward an intelligent future.

[email protected]

About Huawei

Founded in 1987, Huawei is a leading global provider of information and communications technology (ICT) infrastructure and smart devices. We have approximately 213,000 employees, and we operate in more than 170 countries and regions, serving more than three billion people around the world.

Our vision and mission is to bring digital to every person, home and organization for a fully connected, intelligent world. To this end, we will drive ubiquitous connectivity and promote equal access to networks; bring cloud and artificial intelligence to all four corners of the earth to provide superior computing power where you need it, when you need it; build digital platforms to help all industries and organizations become more agile, efficient, and dynamic; redefine user experience with AI, making it more personalized for people in all aspects of their life, whether they’re at home, in the office, or on the go.

For more information, please visit Huawei online at:

www.huawei.com

or follow us on:

http://www.linkedin.com/company/Huawei  

http://www.facebook.com/Huawei  

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Azerbaijan will sign a peace agreement once Armenia stops claiming territories

Reuters
Oct 9, 2026

Licensable video:

Thursday, 8th October 2026, 18:21 GMT+3

Madrid, Oct. 8 (EFE). — The only “obstacle” preventing Azerbaijan from signing a peace agreement with Armenia is for Armenia to stop laying claim to Azerbaijani territories, Azerbaijan’s Deputy Foreign Minister Elnur Mammadov said in an interview with EFE, referring to the Nagorno-Karabakh region. CAMERA: CLARA ANTÓN. STATEMENTS BY ELNUR MAMMADOV, AZERBAIJAN’S DEPUTY FOREIGN MINISTER.

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Armenia, Azerbaijan discuss stepping up search for war missing

Reuters
Oct 8, 2026
By Reuters

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev and Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan attend a plenary session in the outreach/BRICS Plus format at the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia October 24, 2024. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov/Pool/File Photo Purchase Licensing Rights, opens new tab
BAKU, Oct 8 (Reuters) – Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on Thursday he had discussed with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev stepping up efforts to find people missing from decades of conflict, as a conference in Baku ended with Azerbaijan detailing its exchanges of ‌information with Yerevan.
Pashinyan said the two leaders had discussed intensifying cooperation between their countries’ commissions dealing with missing persons, without specifying when the discussion took place.

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“This issue can be resolved through cooperation,” Pashinyan told reporters, adding that Armenia was ready to work with Azerbaijan to establish the fate of those missing.
The comments came on the final day of a ⁠conference in Baku, where Azerbaijan said the two countries’ commissions had been in direct contact since February 2025 and were exchanging information about missing people.
Ali Nagiyev, head of Azerbaijan’s State Commission on Prisoners of War, Hostages and Missing Persons, said Armenia had provided DNA profiles of 50 missing ethnic Armenians in January, but none matched human remains recovered by Azerbaijani authorities.
He said Azerbaijan had given Armenia a list of 834 of its citizens it believes were taken prisoner or hostage during the first Karabakh war in the 1990s, including detailed information on 104 of them.
The fate ‌of ⁠missing persons is among the humanitarian issues covered by a US-brokered peace agreement initialled by the two countries in Washington in August 2025.
Article 9 of the agreement commits both sides to exchanging available information, searching for and returning remains and investigating disappearances as part of efforts to build confidence and reconciliation.
Aliyev in a ⁠message to the conference said resolving the fate of missing persons was essential to building trust and achieving lasting peace.
Pashinyan called on Armenia to provide information about missing Azerbaijanis and possible burial sites, as well ⁠as access to relevant archives.
Azerbaijan says 4,010 of its citizens remain missing from the conflicts, including 782 civilians.
The two South Caucasus neighbours fought two major wars over Karabakh, a region internationally ⁠recognised as part of Azerbaijan that Baku regained full control of in 2023, prompting the flight of more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians.
Although the two countries initialled a peace agreement last year, it has yet to be formally signed.

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Der Matossian co-edits first in-depth study of Armenian Genocide camps

Nebraska Today
Nov 9, 2026

The Concentration Camps of the Armenian Genocide,” a 520-page volume co-edited by Bedross Der Matossian, will be published Oct. 29 by Bloomsbury Publishing.

Although scholarship on the Armenian Genocide has expanded significantly in recent decades, the concentration camp system established by Ottoman authorities, particularly in present-day Syria, remains insufficiently studied. This is the first volume to offer an in-depth and multifaceted examination of these camps. Its chapters trace the origins and development of the camp system and document the atrocities committed at sites such as Deir ez-Zor, Ras al-Ain, Meskene and elsewhere.

Der Matossian is the Elwood N. and Katherine Thompson Distinguished Professor of Modern World History at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. A Guggenheim Fellow, he is the author, editor or co-editor of nine books, including “Shattered Truths: Denial of Genocides in the Digital Age,” forthcoming from the University of Nebraska Press in fall 2026. He also serves as director of genocide research at the Zoryan Institute.

Co-editor Edita Gzoyan teaches at the American University of Armenia. She is a genocide studies scholar specializing in the legal and historical dimensions of the Armenian Genocide.

“This has been one of the most demanding projects we have undertaken,” Der Matossian and Gzoyan said. “One of the volume’s distinguishing features is that it brings together renowned experts and emerging scholars, including a substantial number of Armenia-based researchers. Over the course of three years, we worked closely with the contributors to ensure the scholarly quality and historical accuracy of each chapter. Repeatedly engaging with accounts of the suffering and violence endured by Armenians in these camps was difficult, but it also reinforced our commitment to documenting this understudied dimension of the genocide.”

Featuring 21 chapters by historians and social scientists from Armenia, France, Germany, United States, United Kingdom, Lebanon and Australia, the volume brings together diverse disciplinary and geographic perspectives. It also foregrounds survivors’ voices through memoirs and diaries that document their experiences of deportation and life in the camps. Literary reflections and biographical studies of Armenian and foreign individuals connected with the camps and humanitarian missions further enrich the volume’s interdisciplinary approach.

The contributors examine the experiences of deportees along deportation routes, in transit camps and in concentration camps; the geography and spatial organization of the camps; the brutal realities of daily life; the distribution of humanitarian assistance and the development of self-help mechanisms; interactions between deportees and local populations; moral and physical forms of resistance; and the experiences of children. The volume also considers Ottoman laws, decrees and administrative practices relating to the camps and situates the Armenian case within the broader comparative history of concentration camps and genocide.

“We consider this one of the most important books published in the field of Armenian Genocide studies in the past few years,” Der Matossian and Gzoyan said. “We hope that it will make a significant contribution to Armenian Genocide scholarship and encourage further research on the concentration camp system and what is often described as the second phase of the genocide.”

The book is part of the series “Armenians in the Modern and Early Modern World,” also edited by Der Matossian. The project was supported by the Friedman Fund, the Hymen Rosenberg Professorship and the Department of History at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln.

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Russia ready to turn screws on Armenia

EurasiaNet
Oct 7, 2026

Kremlin hints at using force to keep Yerevan in line.

Oct 7, 2026

Unable to persuade Armenia to abandon its efforts to join the European Union, Russia is now signaling that it is adopting a harder line.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan evidently is taking the menacing tone of recent Russian statements seriously. It appears the price of keeping the Kremlin at bay for now is the suspension of a nuclear cooperation deal with the United States and an accompanying commitment to have Rosatom, Russia’s nuclear energy entity, build Armenia’s next-generation reactor.

Armenia over the past two years has grown increasingly defiant of Russia, Yerevan’s traditional geopolitical overlord. Pashinyan’s government downgraded security ties with Moscow, while taking steps to reorient the Armenian economy away from the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) toward the European Union.

Russia presently is Armenia’s dominant trade partner and clearly does not want to lose its influence in the South Caucasus. Officials in Moscow have maintained that Yerevan cannot be a member of both the EAEU and EU, and have adopted a carrot-and-mostly-stick approach to steer Armenia back into a stable Russian orbit.

To pressure Armenia, Moscow has imposed bans on a variety of Armenian imports in apparent violation of the spirit of EAEU’s free-trade rules. Russian officials at the same time engaged in a fleeting charm offensive. Until recently, everything that Russia tried had failed to dissuade Pashinyan from pursuing EU accession.

But an autumn intimidation blitz by top Russian officials appears to have gotten Pashinyan’s attention.

On October 4, Dmitry Medvedev, the erstwhile Russian president who now is a member of Russia’s Security Council, issued a far-from-subtle threat that if Russia cannot get its way with peaceful means, it may consider a resort to force. 

“The current Armenian leadership decided it was right to change the direction of its development,” Medvedev said, referring to the Pashinyan government’s EU intentions. “I am certain that this, too, will lead to nothing good. The worst thing that could happen to Armenia is its transformation into a new Ukraine.”

Even with the Russian army bogged down in Ukraine, and the Russian economy in tatters as it struggles to absorb the costs of war, the Kremlin retains the means to wreak havoc in Armenia. The Russian military maintains about 5,000 combat-ready troops at a base outside Gyumri, Armenia’s second city. Moscow also controls the country’s energy and electricity supply systems.

Medvedev’s comments may have been designed to reinforce a message delivered in late September by Rosatom’s chief, Alexei Likhachev, whose visit to Yerevan was clearly aimed at reviving the company’s chances of securing a contract to build a new nuclear plant to replace the aging Metsamor facility. Citing a looming electricity deficit in the coming years in Armenia, Likhachev asserted that a large-scale Rosatom reactor was Yerevan’s best option to close the gap.

A state-aligned Russian media outlet also opined that Armenia’s opting for Rosatom “could contribute to improving Russian-Armenian relations.”

Since signing a nuclear cooperation pact with the United States during Vice President JD Vance’s February visit to Armenia, Pashinyan’s government had been leaning towards replacing Metsamor with one or more American-built small modular nuclear reactors (SMRs).

Likhachev’s sales pitch apparently contained an offer that Pashinyan found hard to refuse, however. A day after Likhachev’s departure from Yerevan, Pashinyan’s stance on the nuclear plant issue made an abrupt u-turn.

On October 1, Pashinyan seemed to parrot Likhachev’s position that SMRs would be insufficient to meet the country’s fast-growing electricity needs, given the government’s ambitions to transform the country in the South Caucasus’ digital hub. He added that a 1-megawatt plant based on Russian VVER-1000 technology might be a better solution. A final decision should be made in the coming months, Pashinyan indicated.

Pashinyan’s political position now stands to become increasingly complicated as he tries to thread a geopolitical needle, keeping Russia content while maintaining his pursuit of EU membership and a lasting peace with Azerbaijan.

On October 7, EU Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos offered encouragement for Armenia’s accession bid, telling journalists in Brussels that “Armenia is really moving a lot toward the European Union. At this point, it is the only country with which we are negotiating visa liberalization.”

Meanwhile, the Armenian government’s dissatisfaction with the EAEU shows no signs of easing. Pashinyan aired grievances about the EAEU during an October 2 Eurasian Intergovernmental Council session. 

“Restrictions and administrative barriers remain in place, which continue to significantly hamper the full and effective functioning of the single market,” the official Armenpress news agency quoted the prime minister as saying. He called for “constructive dialogue aimed at eliminating existing barriers to the export and transit of Armenian products in accordance with EAEU law.”

In the event that Yerevan hands the nuclear plant contract to Rosatom, it is difficult to predict how the Trump administration might respond. A fundamental building block of Armenia’s economic development strategy is TRIPP, a US-backed transit corridor project that is also the centerpiece of the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace process. Losing out on the nuclear plant contract could potentially diminish US interest in TRIPP’s development, or potentially prompt Washington to accelerate efforts to build out the transit route. At the same time, both Russia and Iran oppose TRIPP.

On October 1, Alexey Shevtsov, another member of Russia’s Security Council, assailed TRIPP as an initiative designed to establish an American military presence in Armenia.

“In Armenia, in full accordance with classical post-colonial models, yet another ‘state within a state’ is being established, of which Westerners created many in the former Soviet republics,” the Russian broadcaster RTV1 quoted Shevstov as saying.


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Armenia tightens residency requirements amidst EU visa liberalisation talks

OC Media
Oct 8, 2026


Armenia’s Internal Ministry has announced that from 1 November, the process of obtaining Armenian residence status will be digitalised and state fees for residence status will change. The ministry will also begin issuing new biometric identity documents in November amid visa liberalisation talks with the EU.

On Tuesday, EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos said that Armenia is moving towards Europe. She highlighted the ongoing collaboration with the country and stated that Armenia is the only country with which they are discussing visa liberalisation.

The latest moves are connected to the push for EU integration and are part of a number of significant administrative changes introduced by the government — which include an increase in fees to obtain a passport or citizenship. The state fee for temporary residence status will increase from ֏105,000 ($300) to ֏150,000 ($420). The fee for permanent residence status will increase from ֏140,000 ($390) to ֏250,000 ($700). The ministry says the changes are due to the introduction of a new biometric system and the need to modernise services for foreigners as well as to increase administrative efficiency.

The ministry has also set a fee of ֏30,000 ($80) for issuing a certificate certifying the legality of residence. The work visa application fee will be ֏15,000 ($40). Previously, both services were free. The fee is non-refundable if your residency application is rejected.

In recent years, Armenia has been at the recipient of several waves of immigration: including Russians and Ukrainians following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine; Iranians in the wake of the Iran-US war; and Indian migrant workers, attracted by a relatively easy residency process with no set financial requirements.

According to the new regulations, applicants submitting their documents digitally must provide proof of financial means. It will no longer be possible to obtain a five-year residence permit immediately. Instead, applicants will first be issued a one-year permit, after which they will be able to apply for a five-year permit following three years of continuous residence.

From November, Armenia will begin issuing new biometric identity documents, including passports and ID cards. The new biometric passports, which meet EU standards, will cost ֏28,650 ($80) instead of ֏25,000 ($70) and will be valid for 10 years. According to authorities, the new passports will improve document security, facilitate border crossings, and contribute to the free movement of Armenian citizens. The change is part of Armenia’s visa liberalisation process with the EU, which has been underway since September 2024.

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The EU requires countries to meet certain benchmarks before providing visa-free access to the Schengen area. Before its citizens received visa-free access to the EU, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine were tasked with meeting four blocks of requirements which tackled issues such as border management, migration and asylum, public order and security, and external relations and fundamental rights.

The Interior Ministry is also discussing adding new requirements in the new regulations of citizenship for ethnic Armenians. During a press briefing on August, acting Deputy Interior Minister Armen Ghazaryan talked about the necessity of introducing additional requirements because the country ‘has zero requirements for diaspora Armenians to acquire citizenship’, while the current migration flow and citizenship applications show that the Armenian passport is used mostly as a travel document by diaspora Armenians whenever their country of residence is in trouble.

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Opinion from Yerevan: Baku steps up pressure on Armenia with new tools

JAM News
Oct 6, 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Statements by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev should be seen as a “public _expression_ of dissatisfaction with Nikol Pashinyan’s government”, according to political analyst Suren Surenyants.

Speaking at the eighth congress of the ruling New Azerbaijan Party, Aliyev said, among other things, that the blame should not be placed solely on Armenia’s former leadership.

“It is true that Armenia’s former leaders are war criminals and must be punished, but it was Armenia’s current government that made territorial claims against us and insulted the dignity of the Azerbaijani people with inappropriate and uncivilised statements. We must never forget this,” the president stressed.

Political analyst Suren Surenyants analysed what prompted the recent statements by Aliyev and his aide Hikmet Hajiyev, as well as Azerbaijan’s tougher rhetoric more broadly.

“Baku is effectively signalling that it is dissatisfied with the way Pashinyan is fulfilling his commitments and, if necessary, could use his previous positions and statements as an additional means of exerting pressure,” he said.


  • Azerbaijani soldier who entered Armenia fired at local residents
  • ‘Unresolved issues and conflicting narratives remain’ — Pashinyan on relations with Azerbaijan
  • ‘Helping Baku justify ethnic cleansing’: Yerevan views on diplomats’ trip to Karabakh

‘We would like to make peace not only with the Armenian government, but with the Armenian people’

Against the backdrop of Aliyev’s tough statements, the head of the foreign policy department of the Azerbaijani presidential administration also addressed the peace agenda with Armenia. Speaking at the CAMCA Regional Forum in Baku, he said Azerbaijan intended to build a long-term architecture for peace:

“That is why we always say that we want to make this peace not only with the Armenian government and the country’s prime minister. We want to make peace with the Armenian people. And that is why we continue to expect changes to Armenia’s Constitution. Of course, this is an internal matter, and we fully refrain from interfering in this process.

“We are waiting for just one final step – amendments to Armenia’s Constitution concerning territorial claims against Azerbaijan. After that, I think the final peace agreement will become a reality.”

Baku is demanding amendments to Armenia’s Constitution as a precondition for signing a peace treaty. Azerbaijan argues that the document contains territorial claims. The Constitution itself contains no wording that could give rise to such concerns. However, it refers to the Declaration of Independence, which mentions the reunification of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.

A draft of Armenia’s new Constitution is currently under discussion. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has repeatedly said that it should not contain a reference to the Declaration of Independence. At the same time, he insists that constitutional change is something Armenia itself needs.

Political analyst Suren Surenyants notes that Armenia is building its entire policy around the peace agenda with Azerbaijan, while Azerbaijan, far from softening its rhetoric, has been toughening it in recent months:

“One possible explanation is that Azerbaijan is seeking to consolidate as quickly as possible the political gains resulting from the military advantage it achieved through the war, recognising that the current balance of power will not last forever.”

In his view, this interpretation is also supported by statements from the Azerbaijani president’s aide. In particular, he points to Hikmet Hajiyev’s remarks that a peace treaty will only be signed after Armenia changes its Constitution, despite peace having already been established:

“This is not a contradiction, but a division of labour. One formulation is intended for an international audience, while the other is addressed to Yerevan, reminding it of the need to fulfil its commitments.”

Surenyants also considers the statement about seeking peace not only with the Armenian government but also with the Armenian people noteworthy.

According to him, this means Azerbaijan wants changes in Armenia to acquire “legitimacy enshrined through a referendum and to be made as irreversible as possible”.

The political analyst suggests Baku is in a hurry because the regional balance of power could change, primarily due to the growing Iranian factor:

“If Iran is able to capitalise on its regional influence, a shift in the balance of power in the South Caucasus could limit Baku’s ability to exert pressure on Armenia.”

Surenyants notes that:

  • Tehran has repeatedly said that any violation of Armenia’s territorial integrity, changes to international borders or alteration of the geopolitical status quo in the region constitute “red lines” for Iran;
  • Iran is particularly sensitive to the development of transport links through Armenia, viewing them through the prism of its own security and regional influence.

Surenyants argues that the demand for changes to Armenia’s Constitution is taking on additional significance and cannot be seen simply as a “mechanical precondition” for signing a peace treaty.

“Azerbaijan is seeking to achieve its desired outcome within Armenia at both the legal and political levels. And that outcome will not be limited to removing the reference to the Declaration of Independence,” he argues.

The analyst notes that discussions have intensified again in Baku, in particular about the return of Azerbaijanis to “Western Azerbaijan”, by which they mean virtually the entire territory of Armenia. He believes these developments will not end with changes to Armenia’s Constitution and is convinced that Azerbaijan will then present Armenia with a new list of demands:

“Does all this mean that Azerbaijan is preparing for a new military escalation? At present, there is not enough publicly available evidence to draw such a definitive conclusion.”

The political analyst believes Baku has not yet obtained everything it wants from Armenia and is therefore stepping up political pressure. In his assessment, this is driven by concerns that it may become more difficult to secure all its demands in the future:

“And Baku is rushing to get everything it wants while there is a government in Yerevan that regards Baku’s demand for constitutional amendments as part of its own agenda, and before regional developments close the ‘window of opportunity’ for exerting unilateral pressure on Armenia.”

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