Georgia: Samtskhe-Javakheti Armenians Step Up Demands Amid Base Talks
By Jean-Christophe Peuch

Radio Free Europe, Czech Republic
May 5 2005

Russian soldiers in Georgia

Political groupings in Georgia’s predominantly Armenian region of
Samtskhe-Javakheti have in recent weeks staged a series of rallies to
protest against the possible withdrawal of Russian troops stationed
there. Although the timing suggests Moscow may have inspired the
demonstrations as it faces renewed pressure to vacate a military base
in the region, experts note that Georgian President Mikheil
Saakashvili’s failure to address social and economic concerns has
many residents worried.

Prague, 5 May 2005 (RFE/RL) — Visiting Tbilisi last week,
Armenia’s Parliament Speaker Artur Baghdasarian commented on
reports that tensions were once again brewing in Georgia’s southern
Samtskhe-Javakheti region.

“We believe all citizens of the unified Georgian state — be they
Armenians, Russians, or Georgians — must abide by the laws of this
country. But at the same time we must admit that in every society there
are various moods and we [must] accept this calmly,” Baghdasarian said.

Ever since the breakup of the Soviet Union, Samtskhe-Javakheti has
been a thorn in Tbilisi’s side.

Successive invasions and population transfers have turned this center
of Georgian history and culture into a melting pot of nationalities.

Once Samtskhe-Javakheti’s dominant ethnic group, Georgians now
represent a minority there. Armenians, who account for more than
one-half of the population, largely outnumber them.

The region’s ethnic composition is not Tbilisi’s sole concern.
Considering this area a highly sensitive zone, Soviet authorities set
up one of their main military outposts in the Southern Caucasus there.

Located in Akhalkalaki, just 30 kilometers from Turkey, the base is
now the property of Russia — and a major bone of contention between
Moscow and Tbilisi.

Georgia has long suspected Russia of covertly stirring unrest among
local residents.

Following the change of leadership that took place in Tbilisi in late
2003, calls for the region’s autonomy somehow subsided. Political
groupings such as Virk, or Javakh — which were extremely vocal in the
final years of former Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze’s rule —
hoped his successor would pay greater attention to Samtskhe-Javakheti’s
demands.

But despite President Mikheil Saakashvili’s repeated pledges to tackle
the region’s socioeconomic problems, the past 17 months have brought
little improvement — if any — to local residents.

Arnold Stepanian chairs a Tbilisi nongovernmental organization known
as Multinational Georgia. He tells RFE/RL that, for Georgia’s ethnic
minority groups, the regime change went largely unnoticed.

“It’s difficult to say that we’re dissatisfied with the national
integration policy conducted by the government because, unfortunately,
there is no such policy. We can’t even say there is a bad policy. To
be honest, there’s never been a national integration policy in
Georgia. There’ve been attempts to get the nongovernmental sector
involved in these issues. Some of these attempts have succeeded. But
the government has yet to elaborate a national integration policy,”
Stepanian said.

On 28 April, Multinational Georgia and other nongovernmental groups
sent Saakashvili an open letter, in which they criticize his national
policy.

This letter cautions against purported government plans to revise
Georgia’s administrative borders without taking into account the
delicate ethnic balance of its regions. It also demands that minority
groups enjoy better access to education in their native language,
and that non-ethnic Georgians be fairly represented in national
parliament and self-government bodies.

These calls follow reports of ethnic unrest in the predominantly ethnic
Armenian Tsalka district, an area of the Kvemo-Kartli region that
borders Samtskhe-Javakheti to the east. They also coincide with renewed
activity on the part of Samtskhe-Javakheti’s political organizations.

On 29 April, Saakashvili went to Ninotsminda, an ethnic Armenian city
located a few kilometers southeast of Akhalkalaki. The Georgian leader
promised residents he would personally see that a new Armenian school
is built by the beginning of the next school year.

“My wife was here a few weeks ago and she told me about the current
condition of the school. We’ve therefore decided that new foundations
should be built and that construction should be completed by 1
September so that all children get a new school. I promise I’ll come
for the inauguration with books, satchels, and many other gifts for
you,” Saakashvili said.

Saakashvili also called upon residents, most of whom depend on
agriculture for a living, to show patience until a new road linking
Ninotsminda to the rest of Georgia is built.

“You must understand that we subsidize everything here. We’re building
a road for you and we will help you with transportation until this
road is finished. Transportation is expensive [but] you will have
no problem reaching our [Tbilisi] markets. Not only will I give you
a school this year, but, most importantly, I will take you to our
markets,” Saakashvili said.

Stepanian fears that, as Saakashvili’s earlier pledges, these promises
may have no effect.

Last month, a newly created youth group known as United Javakh
organized a rally in Akhalkalaki that attracted several hundred
protestors.

This first demonstration, which was followed by others, was held to
protest against Georgia’s calls for the Russian military base to be
vacated as quickly as possible.

Whether the timing of these rallies — which took place in the
midst of uneasy Georgian-Russian talks — was purely coincidental,
or inspired by Moscow, remains unclear.

Stepanian says he has no answer to this question.

“It’s always difficult to talk about things you don’t know for sure
and in the present case I don’t know whether there is a link here.
But the timing, the fact that these rallies took place during the
[Russian-Georgian] negotiation process, is interesting,” Stepanian
said.

Russia’s Akhalkalaki base is mainly manned by local Armenian soldiers
and employs roughly one-sixth of the town’s 13,000 residents. In all,
more than half of the local population is said to depend, directly
or indirectly, on the base for its livelihood.

Although the base’s true economic value for the town remains to be
quantified, residents claim the departure of the Russian troops would
deprive them of their main source of income.

Georgian authorities say these concerns are unfounded. But they’re
sending contradictory signals on how they envisage the town’s economic
future.

A month ago, Saakashvili said on television that Georgian troops
will move into the base after the Russians leave. But, last week,
he appeared to have changed his mind.

“We’re not planning to set up a new military unit [there]. But we will
offer those who serve on this base to join the Georgian armed forces
in return for a higher pay. To those who turn down this proposal,
we will offer a separate social-rehabilitation program, business
[training]. These people must not feel they will lose out on the
deal. On the contrary, they must benefit from the fact that Georgia
is developing,” Saakashvili said.

Meanwhile, Georgia’s Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili on 2 May
warned that the government would soon take action against what those
who “are pursuing anti-Georgian activities in Samtskhe-Javakheti.”

But Stepanian says any further delay in addressing the demands of
Georgia’s minorities is fraught with risk, as recent Armenian-Georgian
clashes in Tsalka district show.