There is no alternative to fair elections

Aghavni Yeghiazarian – HETQ

Stepanakert

June 8, 2005

“I will definitely participate in the elections. I’ve already decided
whom I will vote for,” said the 23-year-old Nelly Galstyan.

“To vote or not…there’s no difference. Alone I cannot make a change,”
replies 67-year-old Greta.

“I won’t go to vote. I don’t believe in what they say and I advise
everybody to boycott the elections because everybody lies,” said
46-year-old Vlad Hagopian.

“I will vote for nobody. Elections are a show. Workers vote for the
sake of some upper-class people,” said 41-year-old Flora Ohanian,
in anger.

“I will vote for a neighbor of mine. He’s a nice, humble, good-looking
guy. Probably he needs my vote,” said 76-year-old Gena Balian.

The Nagorno Karabagh Republic (NKR) will hold parliamentary elections
on June 19. For the first time, the parliament will consist of deputies
based on proportional representation of parties, as well as directly
elected candidates.

This is based on the new NKR election law, established in December
2004, which formally allows parties, as such, to participate in the
elections. Under this system, the new parliament’s 33 deputies will
include 22 from party lists, and 11 who are directly elected. “We have
formed 274 local electoral commissions, and every step has been taken
to ensure this is done according to the law,” said Sergei Nassibyan,
Chairman of the NKR Central Electoral Commission (CEC).

“These commissions, as well as the CEC, each consist of 5 members,
3 of which are appointed by the President, 2 of which are appointed
by the National Assembly’s parliamentary factions.”

Eight parties are competing in the system of proportional
representation. These consist of six individual groups – the “Azad
Hayrenik” party, the “Artsakh Democratic Party (AZhG),” the “Moral
Rebirth” party, the NKR Communist Party, the “Our Home is Armenia”
party, and the “Social Justice” party – as well as the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation-“Movement ’88” coalition. Those actively
carrying out propaganda work are Azad Hayrenik, AZhG, and the
ARF-Movement ’88 coalition.

The remaining parties, it may be said, are not really participants. For
example, it proved impossible to meet with Moral Rebirth chairman
Murat Petrosyan, as he had traveled to the US for five days and there
was no one else from the party able to meet with journalists. Instead
of an interview, Mr.

Petrosyan suggested the reading of excerpts from an earlier
interview he’d given to the press. Meanwhile, the Communist Party
and Social Justice did not even answer phone calls placed to their
offices. Meeting with Our Home is Armenia chair Ararat Petrosyan
was also a major production, because the party’s offices were
always closed, and the girl who answered the phone told that he was
unavailable because he was constantly in meetings with the electorate
and could be found out on the streets. And, in fact, that’s what
happened: I found Ararat Petrosyan on the street, but he had nothing
to say; he showed me his campaign booklets, told of some election
bribes and pressure tactics, then asked that I not publicize these.

In reality, this contest is between Azad Hayrenik, AZhG, and the
ARF-Movement ’88 coalition. The AZhG (Formerly ZhAM – Artsakh
Popular Union) has a 5-year history and currently holds a majority
in parliament. “We were founded in Karabakh more than 5 years ago,
and we hold the majority of seats in the parliament. We serve for our
country, our people, and democratic and political reforms.” said the
party’s current chairman and NKR Minister of Education Ashot Ghulyan.

The Azad Hayrenik party was established in January 2005, but in
principles and programmatic outlook hardly differs from AZhG. Other
participants in this election say that Azad Hayrenik was established,
in fact, by the ruling authorities, who understand that AZhG, on
its own, will probably not succeed in gaining a majority in the
new parliament.

“Azad Hayrenik was established by a group of intellectuals, and this
election will be our first trial. Our top issue is to reconstitute
civil society, and regardless of the outcome our goal is to bring
about free, fair, and transparent elections,”‘ said the party’s leader,
Artur Tovmasyan.

The Movement ’88 public-political movement was established in
February 2004.

During the local elections of summer 2004, and despite the efforts
of the ruling authorities, they succeeded in electing their chairman,
Edik Aghabegyan, as Mayor of Stepanakert.

“That was a major victory. The present authorities discovered that the
people don’t accept them, and didn’t elect their candidate. Meanwhile,
the people began to feel that their vote actually has value,”
said Movement ’88 vice-chairman Gegham Baghdasaryan. “The people of
Stepanakert were freed of that complex in which ‘it’s all the same –
the authorities win no matter what you do.’ During that election,
the only real force was the ARF, and it was the ARF’s cooperation
that secured our victory. We found that the ARF’s goals were very
close to ours; the ARF was also struggling for free elections –
and thence the coalition was born.”

Election Bribery in Karabagh The parties meet with the electorate,
they used paid air-time on TV, they publish their pre-election
platforms and place them in newspapers. And yet, the pre-election
“customs” of Armenia have unfortunately infiltrated Karabagh as well –
i.e. pressure tactics and various forms of election-bribery.

“Whatever they’re handing out, I’m taking. Why shouldn’t I?” said
one woman from the village of Chanakh. “But I’m unable to vote for
all of them, so I’ll end up voting for one of them.”

“Throughout all of Karabagh, they’re handing out election bribes –
in different forms and sizes. In Hadrut, they’re distributing sacks
of flour with receipts.

If the distributor’s favored candidate wins, then the recipient
villager doesn’t have to pay; if the candidate doesn’t win, then
they have to return their receipt with payment,” said parliamentary
deputy Albert Hambartumyan, who is also an ARF Central Committee
member. “They’re distributing heating fuel, and there’s talk that
it comes from the army. We have information that in Jardar, the
pro-government candidate has distributed wheat to the electorate.”

While complaints over such violations are common, not one party has
appealed officially to the courts or to the CEC, in accordance with
NKR election law.

The apparent reason is that citizens who have accepted bribes are
fearful of pressure from above and will likely say nothing about
what they’ve received, or from whom. So the political parties say
they cannot offer clear proof.

Meanwhile, inhabitants act in the following fashion: “If they’re
giving it, why not take it?”

“We don’t live well, our living standards are poor, there aren’t
any jobs. What are we supposed to do, when these deputies think of
us only around election time? If they’re giving us something, we’re
not going to shrink. Why not take something?” says Armik, a mother
with several children.

“To date, there have been no election violations recorded. I, too,
hear of election bribes, but no one has yet offered any written protest
or proof regarding such acts,” said CEC Chairman Nassibyan. “And if,
on May 9 [Shushi liberation day] or on international children’s day,
some candidates wish to give something to families of fallen fighters,
I don’t want to characterize that as bribery; it’s something that
happens here frequently.”

The word in Stepanakert is that graduating 10th graders held a
sumptuous feast at Amaras, for which financial support came from
Azad Hayrenik’s leading candidate Arayig Harutyunyan. “We organized
the outing ourselves, the students brought food from home, and
each teacher contributed 2000 dram for the occasion,” said school
principal Mrs. Minasyan. “Arayig Harutyunyan simply provided buses
for transportation. And he did so as a benefactor, for the sake
of the children. Why does it have to be interpreted as something
election-related?” Despite her repeated assertions, when I asked her
if Mr.

Harutyunyan provided such assistance every year, she honestly replied,
“No.”

Other pre-election violations come in the form of administrative
pressures placed upon candidates. “One of our party candidates works
at Karabakh Telecom.

During one of his campaign speeches, he subjected the authorities
to sharp criticism, after which he was warned that he’d lose his job
if he didn’t calm down, and that it would be a good idea for him to
resign from the party,” commented Ararat Petrosyan.

It is clear that Karabagh’s ruling authorities are assisting the
AZhG in this election. Aram Sarukhanyan, mayor of the village of
Nakhijevanik, says that during a meeting of village heads convened by
the district governor, attendees were warned that they must support
the AZhG’s candidates. He says that during previous such meetings,
he was usually complimented for his exemplary work; now, by decision
of the district governor, he has been relieved of his post.

The governor’s decision is based upon the investigation of the
district prosecutor, who has questioned the dealings of a flour-mill
Sarukhanyan owns.

In his defense, Sarukhanyan says that he is being unfairly treated
for expressing his anger over being pressured to support the AZhG
candidate, and that this is his punishment. “I said before, and I
say again, that I’m simply incapable of lending my voice to their
candidate, because at the same time candidacy has been put forth by my
[one-time] military commander. I’ve been his soldier, and I cannot go
against him now. I’m a clean, just, patriotic Karabaghtsi. I simply
can’t go against my commander, with whom I’ve fought and defeated
our enemy. And for going against the authorities’ candidate, I’m now
labeled anti-republic. Meanwhile they, who pass out bribes… aren’t
they anti-republic?”

The main electioneering parties each have their own newspaper, and
through their papers present their campaign issues. Azad Hayrenik
has its “Agounk” newspaper, AZhG has its “Hairenik” newspaper,
and the ARF has its “Abaraj.” The so-called “non-partisan” press
includes “Azad Artsakh” (a government newspaper), and “Demo,” which
seek to present the pre-election environment objectively. Although
“Demo”s editor is Gegham Baghdasaryan – a leader of Movement ’88 and a
candidate himself – Baghdasaryan says that the newspaper is trying to
maintain its neutral posture. “At present, I’m not working as editor –
that’s demanded by law. But all the same, people think I’m playing
both sides. On one hand, I try to maintain the paper’s neutrality,
so that it doesn’t become partisan. But on the other hand, I live in
this republic, and I can’t completely disappear and shy away from
contact. Our paper prints paid ads, but it also features interview
with candidates of multiple parties; this is not electioneering,
but rather, journalism,” he says. “I realize that right now, I’m
not doing my job 100 percent, and after the elections I will have to
choose – either I’m a journalist or I’m a politician. In the long run,
it won’t be possible to maintain both postures, because the reader’s
confidence toward our newspaper’s reliability will diminish.”

All parties say their overriding concern is to strengthen democracy,
and that they expect elections to be fair. In their election platforms,
the main difference concerns the negotiated settlement of the Karabagh
issue. “The NKR parliament should, at its first opportunity, delineate
our boundaries, then appeal to Armenia and the international community
for recognition as a free and independent republic,” states Albert
Hambardzumyan of the ARF. “Armenia should be the first to recognize
Karabagh’s independence.”

“Karabagh should always be with Armenia, at its side,” said Azad
Hayrenik’s Artur Tovmasyan. “I see no other path for Karabagh.”

“I consider the Karabagh problem solved,” says Education Minister
and AZhG chairman Ashot Ghulyan. “Now we must, through international
mediators, solve the remaining areas of dispute between Karabagh and
Azerbaijan. Our top issue is to gain recognition for Karabagh as a
free and independent republic.”

Each of the leading parties believes it will carry the day in the
upcoming elections. “We will undoubtedly claim the top position, I’m
certain,” says Ashot Ghulyan. Of course, all political forces should be
represented in parliament, in order to create an appropriate political
environment, but this doesn’t mean all should have equal weight,
because all do not have the corresponding political sophistication. In
our current reality, it’s most appropriate for one party to have
control over parliament.”

I believe our party undoubtedly will enter parliament, but I’m ready
to enter without a mandate as long as democracy is established within
Karabagh,” says Azad Hayrenik’s Rudik Hyusnyunts.

The fairness and transparency of these elections will be determined
by the wisdom of the people,” says Stepanakert’s Mayor and Movement
’88 candidate Edik Aghabegyan. “Unfortunately, the ruling authorities
– who should be the guarantor of fair elections – have done nothing
in this regard. All parties should focus their resources on securing
fair elections, regardless of the outcome.”

Aghabegyan’s assertions are countered by Ashot Ghulyan, who says
that “the guarantor of free elections is the political atmosphere
established during the past five years, during which everyone has been
free not only to speak as he pleases, but to act as he pleases. Our
party takes on the responsibility of ensuring fair elections;
but other parties with smaller biographies should take on the same
responsibility. Securing Karabagh’s appraisal before the international
community should not be the concern of only one political force.”

The leaders of all parties acknowledge that the outside world
attentively follows these elections, and these leaders seem to
understand that unfair elections could carry heavy consequences
for Karabagh.