AZERBAIJAN: YOUTH ACTIVIST ARREST FUELS CAMPAIGN TENSIONS
Eurasianet

Khadija Ismailova and Shahin Abbasov 8/12/05

The arrest of Ruslan Bashirli, head of the Yeni Fikir youth
organization, is stoking antagonism between pro-government supporters
and opposition members in Azerbaijan. Political analysts believe the
controversy could damage the chance of a free and fair parliamentary
election in Azerbaijan this November.

The young activist was arrested on August 3 and charged with plotting
a coup attempt with financial backing from Armenian special
services. The Azerbaijani Prosecutor-General’s office provided
television channels with a video that depicts Bashirli signing a
receipt for $2,000 and drinking cognac with two men identified as
Armenian agents. The film was allegedly made in Tbilisi, when Bashirli
traveled to the Georgian capital July 28-29 to attend a conference
organized by the Georgian non-governmental organization Democracy
Without Borders.

According to a statement issued by the Prosecutor-General’s office,
one of the supposed Armenian special services representatives who met
with Bashirli, Giorgi Ispryan, suggested that live gunfire be used
during an opposition rally in order to undermine stability in
Azerbaijan. The prosecution also alleged that Bashirli received
support from the National Democratic Institute, an American
non-governmental organization that trains political parties and civil
society groups. The prosecution charges that Bashirli stated that he
received “specific instructions” from NDI to stage a “revolution” ` a
charge that has been made previously against the American group by
pro-government parliamentarians. The tape has been repeatedly aired by
pro-government TV channels and even shown on public video displays.

Bashirli has been charged under clause 278 of the Azerbaijani Criminal
Code, which concerns attempts to forcibly seize power and overthrow
the constitutional order. If convicted, Bashirli could face up to life
in prison. Contrary to usual practice, the Ministry of National
Security, which ordinarily handles all espionage cases, has made no
comments or statements on the case.

Bashirli’s defense attorney, Elchin Gambarov, who gained access to his
client one day after the arrest, argues that the case is political
Gambarov claims that the individuals in Tbilisi who paid Bashirli
$2,000 were representatives of Democracy Without Borders, a Georgian
non-governmental organization which was providing technical support to
Yeni Fikir. Rather than Armenians, Gambarov has identified the two
individuals who paid Bashirli as ethnic Georgian “representatives of
democratic forces” — Giorgi Burjanadze and Merab Jibutiya. Gambarov
reported Bashirli as saying that he had intended to use part of the
$2,000 to pay for his upcoming wedding.

Gambarov has argued that if Bashirli is convicted he would rank as a
political prisoner. “It is a provocation, very primitively organized,”
Gambarov said at a news conference on August 8. Gambarov claimed that
authorities attempted to coax Bashirli into testifying against Ali
Kerimli, the leader of the opposition Popular Front Party of
Azerbaijan, a group with which Yeni Fikir has a loose association.

The prosecutor general’s statement was based upon testimony by Osman
Alimuradov, a former bodyguard for Caucasus Muslim Board Chairman
Allahshukur Pashazade. Alimuradov had recently joined Yeni Fikir and
accompanied Bashirli to the Tbilisi meeting. The prosecution alleges
that Alimuradov himself volunteered the information to state law
enforcement officials that the Armenians had offered to pay both
Bashirli and him for staging the coup, but that he had refused the
money. Alimuradov claims, according to the prosecution, that he failed
to persuade Bashirli to do likewise.

Members of the opposition have condemned the arrest and subsequent
street violence as an attempt by the government to discredit the
opposition and youth movements, while moving away from the democratic
reforms advocated by Western countries and international
organizations. The Yeni Fikir movement, which has about 2,000 members,
is supported by the Popular Front Party of Azerbaijan (PFPA), a
prominent opposition party, although no formal connection exists
between the two. On August 4, the party issued a statement demanding
Bashirli’s release. Pro-government parties have since demanded that
the PFPA be closed down.

The National Democratic Institute has categorically denied involvement
in the alleged plot. “The US National Democratic Institute does not
finance anybody, or any political party running for elections,” Turan
news agency reported NDI Regional Director for Eurasia Programs Nelson
Ledsky as saying. “We do not do it. It’s against US law and it’s
against the policies and practices of the National Democratic
Institute.” Ledsky termed the PFPA “an authoritative and legitimate
organization,” but would not comment on calls for the party’s closure.

The Armenian special services have also denied involvement. National
Security Service Chairman Harik Hakopyan dismissed the allegations as
“ridiculous,” Radio Liberty reported, and compared the case with the
accusations brought against alleged “spies” during the late 1930s
under Soviet leader Joseph Stalin.

In the days since Bashirli’s arrest, PFPA headquarters have become the
target for regular attacks by pro-government protestors throwing
stones, eggs, and tomatoes. City police, usually quick to crack down
on unauthorized street actions, have not acted vigorously to stop the
protests. On August 8, police forces could be seen pinning PFPA
members up against the building, while protestors attempted to enter
it.

Asked whether the protest had been authorized by police, Kamal
Velishev, deputy chief of the Sabayil district police department
supervising police forces at the rally, told EurasiaNet that the
street action did not qualify as a “picket” and, therefore, did not
require official approval before it could be held. In a statement to
Turan news agency, the Interior Ministry characterized the
demonstrations as “popular protests” that do not require police
intervention, adding that the police “just control the situation.”
Eight people were injured during the August 8 protest.

PFPA members have denounced the protests as an attempt to fuel
discord. PFPA leader Ali Kerimli charged that the government was
behind the attacks. “We have information from inside the government
about a special plan of provocation aimed at capturing the PFPA
headquarters,” said Kerimli, who has urged party members to stay
inside the building and not respond.

The PFPA claimed that at an August 10 meeting, Minister of Youth,
Sports and Tourism Abulfaz Garayev urged athletes to actively
participate in the demonstrations against PFPA. The ministry has
denied the charge, but a PFPA press release went on to claim that its
office in Lankaran had been attacked on August 10 by a group of
athletes under the direction of Azad Kazimov, head of the ministry’s
Lankaran branch. The party also claimed that members of its branch in
the exclave of Nakhichivan were severely beaten by police and
unidentified assailants on August 9.

Pro-government television channels and newspapers financed by the
government have broadcast and published a steady stream of stories
attacking opposition political forces, echoing the charges voiced
during anti-PFPA street protests. In response, pro-opposition papers
have published letters from the intelligentsia that condemn the
anti-PFPA campaign as reminiscent of the Stalin era.

Reactions from the international community have been harsh, but, as
yet, to little apparent effect. “We expect that the government of
Azerbaijan will conduct a fair and impartial investigation into the
recent allegations raised by the General Prosecutor against the head
of the Yeni Fikir organization. Serious allegations should be
addressed in the courts, and not in the media,” a statement released
by the US embassy on August 10 reads. The statement goes on to urge
the government to “pursue fair, transparent elections in November” and
to permit “all political parties to pursue their elections campaigns
without harassment or unsubstantiated allegations.”

The scandal surrounding Yeni Fikir and the PFPA has already caused a
halt in talks between the opposition and pro-government parties,
sponsored by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE). Pro-government parties have refused to continue any contacts
with the opposition Azadlig alliance, which includes the PFPA, on the
grounds that they are financed by the Armenian special services.

The OSCE, in response, has expressed strong concerns about the
situation developing in Azerbaijan. “We strongly condemn these acts of
violence. It is unacceptable that groups of private citizens decided
to take justice into their own hands,” Ambassador Maurizio Pavesi,
head of the OSCE Baku mission, said on August 10 in reference to the
attacks on PFPA headquarters. “I hope the government will take all
necessary measures to prevent damages to private properties, and
violent and unauthorized public meetings, which would result in an
unjustifiable deterioration of the electoral campaign.”

One political analyst, however, believes that the campaign over
Bashirli’s case will fail to sway public opinion against the PFPA or
other opposition parties. “The scandal is rather aimed to curb the
wave of [opposition] rallies,” said Rasim Musabekov, an independent
political analyst who is running as a non-party candidate for
parliament. “This will allow the government to ban opposition rallies
which are attracting youth to the Orange movement in Azerbaijan.”

Zardusht Alizade, a columnist for several local newspapers and
independent political analyst, also maintains that the campaign
against the Popular Front will not discredit the party. “The
authorities have discredited themselves enough and people will not
believe in an allegation that someone could arrange a coup for
$2,000,” said Alizade.

Existing tensions show little sign of subsiding soon. Opposition
activists have promised to start similar protests in front of the
ruling Yeni Azerbaijan Party’s headquarters and government agencies if
the attacks against PFPA continue. “This is only the beginning of the
[election] campaign,” commented one shop owner, who was forced to
close his store, located near PFPA headquarters, during the recent
street violence. “What can we expect further?”

Editor’s Note: Khadija Ismailova and Shahin Abbasov are freelance
journalists based in Baku.