American Thinker, AZ
June 4 2006

Dhimmitude and The Doyen
June 4th, 2006

Recently, multiple deserving tributes to Bernard Lewis’ career as a
scholar, and public intellectual, have been written in celebration of
this remarkable nonagenarian (see here for example ) – the latest by
Reuel Gerecht appearing in the Wednesday May 31, 2006 online edition
of The Weekly Standard, coincided exactly with his 90th birthday.
Gerecht, in his lavish praise, maintains that Lewis,

…has attained a stature in the field and with the general reading
public unrivaled by any historian, living or dead, of the Middle East
and Islam. His range of writings – from the pre-Islamic period, through
Islam’s classical and medieval ages and its premodern `gunpowder’
empires, to today’s Muslim nation-states – is simply unparalleled by
any other scholar, even from the golden age of Islamic studies in the
late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the field’s terrifyingly
erudite, multilingual European founding fathers – the much despised
`orientalists’ – bestrode the earth. Lewis is the last and greatest of
the orientalists…

Whether or not one accepts all of Gerecht’s assertions, there can be
little debate regarding Lewis’ `unrivaled’ current stature,
particularly as a public intellectual. And in discussing how Lewis’
views have evolved over his enduring and illustrious career, Gerecht
highlights a striking example:

In 1945, for example, Lewis was not in favor of a Jewish state in
Palestine; today, he is, seeing Israel as one of the things that has
gone more right than wrong in the region.

Gerecht might have also cited the evolution of Lewis’ thought on the
Muslim conception of freedom, or `hurriyya’. At present, Lewis
worries,

The war against terror and the quest for freedom are inextricably
linked, and neither can succeed without the other. The struggle is no
longer limited to one or two countries, as some Westerners still
manage to believe. It has acquired first a regional then a global
dimension, with profound consequences for all of us. . . . If freedom
fails and terror triumphs, the peoples of Islam will be the first and
greatest victims. They will not be alone, and many others will suffer
with them.

Previously, analyzing hurriyya/freedom for the venerable Encyclopedia
of Islam, Lewis discussed this concept in the latter phases of the
Ottoman Empire, through the contemporary era. After highlighting a
few `cautious’ or `conservative’ (Lewis’ characterization) reformers
and their writings, Lewis maintains,

…there is still no idea that the subjects have any right to share in
the formation or conduct of government – to political freedom, or
citizenship, in the sense which underlies the development of
political thought in the West. While conservative reformers talked of
freedom under law, and some Muslim rulers even experimented with
councils and assemblies government was in fact becoming more and not
less arbitrary…

Lewis also makes the important point that Western colonialism
ameliorated this chronic situation:

During the period of British and French domination, individual
freedom was never much of an issue. Though often limited and
sometimes suspended, it was on the whole more extensive and better
protected than either before or after. [emphasis added]

And Lewis concludes with a stunning observation, when viewed in light
of the present travails in Iraq and throughout the Muslim world, as
well as his own evolved views:

In the final revulsion against the West, Western democracy too was
rejected as a fraud and a delusion, of no value to Muslims.

In stark contrast, Lewis’ views have remained unchanged on the
subject of the plight of those non-Muslims living under Islamic
rule – what Bat Ye’or’s own remarkable scholarship has characterized
with painstaking elegance as the civilization of dhimmitude (here,
and here). Writing in 1974 ( vol. 2, p.217) Lewis maintained,

The dhimma on the whole worked well. The non-Muslims managed to
thrive under Muslim rule, and even to make significant contributions
to Islamic civilization. The restrictions were not onerous, and were
usually less severe in practice than in theory. As long as the
non-Muslim communities accepted and conformed to the status of
tolerated subordination assigned to them, they were not troubled. The
rare outbreaks of repression or violence directed against them are
almost always the consequence of a feeling that they have failed to
keep their place and honor their part of the covenant. The usual
cause was the undue success of Christians or Jews in penetrating to
positions of power and influence which Muslims regarded as rightly
theirs. The position of the non-Muslims deteriorated during and after
the Crusades and the Mongol invasions, partly because of the general
heightening of religious loyalties and rivalries, partly because of
the well-grounded suspicion that they were collaborating with the
enemies of Islam.

More recently, Lewis in a rather flippant pronouncement,
characterized the conception of `dhimmi-tude’ (derisively hyphenated,
as he wrote it), `…subservience and persecution and ill treatment’ of
Jews, specifically, under Islamic rule, as a `myth’.

The late S.D. Goitein (d. 1985), was a Professor Emeritus of the
Hebrew University, scholar at The Institute for Advanced Study in
Princeton, and a contemporary of Lewis. The New York Times obituary
for Professor Goitein (published on February 10, 1985) noted,
appositely, that his seminal (and prolific) writings on Islamic
culture, and Muslim-Jewish relations, were `…standard works for
scholars in both fields’. Here is what Goitein wrote (from, S.D.
Goitein. `Minority Self-rule and Government Control in Islam’ Studia
Islamica, No. 31, 1970, pp. 101, 104-106) on the subject of
non-Muslim dhimmis under Muslim rule, i.e., dhimmitude, circa 1970:

…a great humanist and contemporary of the French Revolution,
Wilhelm von Humboldt, defined as the best state one which is least
felt and restricts itself to one task only: protection, protection
against attack from outside and oppression from within…in general,
taxation [by the Muslim government] was merciless, and a very large
section of the population must have lived permanently at the
starvation level. From many Geniza letters one gets the impression
that the poor were concerned more with getting money for the payment
of their taxes than for food and clothing, for failure of payment
usually induced cruel punishment… the Muslim state was quite the
opposite of the ideals propagated by Wilhelm von Humboldt or the
principles embedded in the constitution of the United States. An
Islamic state was part of or coincided with dar al-Islam, the House
of Islam. Its treasury was mal al-muslumin, the money of the Muslims.
Christians and Jews were not citizens of the state, not even second
class citizens. They were outsiders under the protection of the
Muslim state, a status characterized by the term dhimma, for which
protection they had to pay a poll tax specific to them. They were
also exposed to a great number of discriminatory and humiliating
laws…As it lies in the very nature of such restrictions, soon
additional humiliations were added, and before the second century of
Islam was out, a complete body of legislation in this matter was in
existence…In times and places in which they became too oppressive
they lead to the dwindling or even complete extinction of the
minorities.

Bat Ye’or’s own extensive analyses of the dhimmi condition for both
Jews and Christians published (in English) in 1985 and 1996, are
summarized here:

..These examples are intended to indicate the general character of a
system of oppression, sanctioned by contempt and justified by the
principle of inequality between Muslims and dhimmis…Singled out as
objects of hatred and contempt by visible signs of discrimination,
they were progressively decimated during periods of massacres, forced
conversions, and banishments. Sometimes it was the prosperity they
had achieved through their labor or ability that aroused jealousy;
oppressed and stripped of all their goods, the dhimmi often
emigrated.’

…in many places and at many periods [through] the nineteenth century,
observers have described the wearing of discriminatory clothing, the
rejection of dhimmi testimony, the prohibitions concerning places of
worship and the riding of animals, as well as fiscal charges-
particularly the protection charges levied by nomad chiefs- and the
payment of the jizya…Not only was the dhimma imposed almost
continuously, for one finds it being applied in the nineteenth
century Ottoman Empire…and in Persia, the Maghreb, and Yemen in the
early twentieth century, but other additional abuses, not written
into the laws, became absorbed into custom, such as the devshirme,
the degrading corvees (as hangmen or gravediggers), the abduction of
Jewish orphans (Yemen), the compulsory removal of footware (Morocco,
Yemen), and other humiliations…The recording in multiple sources of
eye-witness accounts, concerning unvarying regulations affecting the
Peoples of the Book, perpetuated over the centuries from one end of
the dar al-Islam to the other…proves sufficiently their entrenchment
in customs.

Thus it is not surprising that in a letter (personal communication)
dated April 7, 1977 hand written to Bat Ye’or and her historian
husband, referring to their earliest (French and English) writings
(see for examples, Les Juifs en Egypte Geneva: Editions de l’Avenir,
1971, and this; this; this; and this), Goitein wrote,

I do not think our opinions on the history of the dhimmi differ
widely. It is merely a difference of emphasis

Another seminal modern scholar of Islamic civilization, Speros
Vryonis Jr. , endorses Bat Ye’or’s (see this, p. 115) negative view
of the Ottoman devshirme-janissary system which, from the mid to
late 14th, through early 18th centuries, enslaved and forcibly
converted to Islam an estimated 500,000 to one million non-Muslim
(primarily Balkan Christian) adolescent males. Lewis’ divergent
characterization portrays this institution as a benign form of
social advancement, jealously pined for by `ineligible’ Ottoman
Muslim families:

The role played by the Balkan Christian boys recruited into the
Ottoman service through the devshirme is well known. Great numbers of
them entered the Ottoman military and bureaucratic apparatus, which
for a while came to be dominated by these new recruits to the Ottoman
state and the Muslim faith. This ascendancy of Balkan Europeans into
the Ottoman power structure did not pass unnoticed, and there are
many complaints from other elements, sometimes from the Caucasian
slaves who were their main competitors, and more vocally from the old
and free Muslims, who felt slighted by the preference given to the
newly converted slaves

Vryonis rejects categorically Lewis’s celebratory assessment with
these deliberately understated, but cogent observations :

…in discussing the devshirme we are dealing with the large numbers of
Christians who, in spite of the material advantages offered by
conversion to Islam, chose to remain members of a religious society
which was denied first class citizenship. Therefore the proposition
advanced by some historians, that the Christians welcomed the
devshirme as it opened up wonderful opportunities for their children,
is inconsistent with the fact that these Christians had not chosen to
become Muslims in the first instance but had remained
Christians…there is abundant testimony to the very active dislike
with which they viewed the taking of their children. One would expect
such sentiments given the strong nature of the family bond and given
also the strong attachment to Christianity of those who had not
apostacized to Islam…First of all the Ottomans capitalized on the
general Christian fear of losing their children and used offers of
devshirme exemption in negotiations for surrender of Christian lands.
Such exemptions were included in the surrender terms granted to
Jannina, Galata, the Morea, Chios, etc…Christians who engaged in
specialized activities which were important to the Ottoman state were
likewise exempt from the tax on their children by way of recognition
of the importance of their labors for the empire…Exemption from this
tribute was considered a privilege and not a penalty…

…there are other documents wherein their [i.e., the Christians]
dislike is much more explicitly apparent. These include a series of
Ottoman documents dealing with the specific situations wherein the
devshirmes themselves have escaped from the officials responsible for
collecting them…A firman…in 1601 [regarding the devshirme] provided
the [Ottoman] officials with stern measures of enforcement, a fact
which would seem to suggest that parents were not always disposed to
part with their sons.

`..to enforce the command of the known and holy fetva [fatwa] of
Seyhul [Shaikh]- Islam. In accordance with this whenever some one of
the infidel parents or some other should oppose the giving up of his
son for the Janissaries, he is immediately hanged from his door-sill,
his blood being deemed unworthy.’

Perhaps most concerning in the realm of dhimmitude have been Lewis’
inexplicably evolved views on the jihad genocide of the Armenians.
His renowned The Emergence of Modern Turkey, originally published in
1962 (reissued in 1968 and 2002), includes these characterizations of
the mass killings of the Armenians by the Turks in 1894-96, 1909, and
1915:

(1894-96, p. 202) The Armenian participants mindful of the massacres
of 1894-96, were anxious to seek the intervention of the European
powers as a guarantee of effective reforms in the Ottoman Empire [in
the 20th century].

(1909, p. 216) With suspicious simultaneity a wave of outbreaks
spread across Anatolia. Particularly bad were the events of the Adana
district, which culminated in the massacre of thousands of
Armenians…While Europe was appalled by Turkish brutality, Muslim
opinion was shocked by what seemed to them the insolence of the
Armenians and the hypocrisy of Christian Europe. The Turks were,
however, well aware of the painful effects produced by these
massacres in Europe, which had not yet forgotten the horrors of the
Hamidian repression [i.e, the 1894-96 massacres]

(1915, p. 356) Now a desperate struggle between them [i.e., the Turks
and Armenians] began, a struggle between two nations for the
possession of a single homeland, that ended with the terrible
holocaust of 1915, when a million and a half Armenians perished.

Thus when Lewis wrote his authoritative history of modern Turkey, he
understood, and made explicit, that the Armenians had been massacred
under successive Ottoman governments in 1894-96, and 1909. Moreover,
he maintains that the Armenians were subjected in 1915 to a
`holocaust’, during which 1.5 million `perished’. By 1985, however,
Lewis was the most prominent signatory on a petition to the US
Congress protesting the effort to make April 24 – the date the
Armenians commemorate the victims of the genocide – a nationwide
Armenian-American memorial day, which would include the mention of
man’s inhumanity to man. Both this petition drive and a simultaneous
high profile media advertisement campaign were financed by the
Committee of the Turkish Association. Vryonis has raised,
unabashedly, the appropriate questions and accompanying concerns
regarding Lewis’ actions:

When was Professor Lewis expressing an objective opinion: when he
wrote the book [i.e., The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 1962/68
versions], or when he signed the political ad? To phrase it more
bluntly, what shall we believe? Certainly, the data available to him
in the writing of the book were sufficiently clear and convincing for
him to proceed to these three clear and unequivocal statements [i.e.,
describing the 1894-96, and 1909 events as massacres of the Armenians
by the Turks, and the 1915 slaughter of 1.5 million Armenians by the
Turks as a holocaust]. What had changed? The subject had entered the
sphere of politics, and Prof. Lewis, along with so many other signers
of the ad, had decided to take sides where their economic,
professional, personal, and emotional interests lay: with the Turkish
government, and not with history.*

Furthermore, during the past decade, as Yair Auron has observed, when
Lewis was requested,

…to make available the academic research published in recent years,
which, in his professional opinion, constitute the basis for the
change from his original position to his new position that there was
no state-planned or administered genocide/mass murder of the
Armenians…Lewis did not respond to this demand, even though he noted
that letters to him and his reply would be published.

Auron’s final assessment is apt:

Lewis’ stature [has] provided a lofty cover for the Turkish national
agenda of obfuscating academic research on the Armenian Genocide.

Lewis’ wildly fluctuating opinions aside, a consensus among bona fide
genocide scholars has emerged which is consistent with Richard
Rubenstein’s conclusion from 1975, that the 1915 Turkish massacre of
the Armenians was,

…the first full-fledged attempt by a modern state to practice
disciplined, methodically organized genocide

And Bat Ye’or reminds us why the Armenian genocide was a jihad
genocide committed against a non-Muslim people `violating’ the
ancient dhimma, a `…breach…[which] restored to the umma [the Muslim
community] its initial right to kill the subjugated minority [the
dhimmis], [and] seize their property…’. Moreover, the massacres,

were perpetrated solely by Muslims and they alone profited from the
booty: the victims’ property, houses, and lands granted to the
muhajirun, and the allocation to them of women, and child slaves. The
elimination of male children over the age of twelve was in accordance
with the commandments of the jihad and conformed to the age fixed for
the payment of the jizya. The four stages of the liquidation –
deportation, enslavement, forced conversion, and massacre –
reproduced the historic conditions of the jihad carried out in the
dar-al-harb from the seventh century on. Chronicles from a variety of
sources, by Muslim authors in particular, give detailed descriptions
of the organized massacres or deportation of captives, whose
sufferings in forced marches behind the armies paralleled the
Armenian experience in the twentieth century.

Bernard Lewis possesses an enormous fund of knowledge regarding
Islamic civilization accrued over a distinguished career of more than
six decades of serious scholarship. A gifted linguist, non-fiction
prose writer, and teacher, Lewis shares his understanding of Muslim
societies in both written and oral presentations, with singular
economy and eloquence. These are extraordinary attributes for which
Lewis richly deserves the accolades lavished upon him in the recent
spate of 90th birthday homages. And even Lewis’ detractors cannot
deny his deep seated affection and genuine concern for the Muslim
world. For example, Ian Buruma sees Lewis’ cheerleading role in
relation to the war in Iraq as a manifestation of this phenomenon:

…perhaps he loves it too much. It is a common phenomenon among
Western students of the Orient to fall in love with a civilization….
His beloved civilization is sick. And what would be more heartwarming
to an old Orientalist than to see the greatest Western democracy cure
the benighted Muslim?

But Lewis’ remarkable contributions are diminished by a yawning gap
in his understanding of dhimmitude, including an apparent
unwillingness to even acknowledge this uniquely Islamic institution.
His myriad works and addresses are largely devoid of the concerns for
the dhimmis – past (here, and here) present (here), and ominously,
future (here) – Lewis freely expresses for their Muslim overlords. This
critical limitation and its implications must also be recognized by
all those for whom Lewis remains an iconic source of information, and
advice.

* Note: The 2002 edition of The Emergence of Modern Turkey, p. 356,
reads:

Now a desperate struggle between them [i.e., the Turks and Armenians]
began, a struggle between two nations for the possession of a single
homeland, that ended with the terrible slaughter of 1915, when,
according to estimates, more than a million Armenians perished, as
well as an unknown number of Turks.

In this revised text, `slaughter’ replaces `holocaust’, the estimate
of the Armenians who `perished’ is changed from 1.5 million to
`according to estimates, more than a million’, and a concluding
remark is added referring to the `unknown number of Turks’ who also
perished in the putative struggle for possession of a single
homeland. Peter Balakian makes these germane observations (from, The
Burning Tigris, New York, 2003, p. 432, note 25):

…without any substantiation, Lewis dispense of the Armenian Genocide
in a couple of sentences, calling it a `a struggle between two
nations for the possession of a single homeland’. Lewis never
explains how an unarmed, Christian ethnic minority in the Ottoman
Empire could be fairly called a `nation’, that could engage in a
`struggle’ with a world power (the Ottoman Empire) for a single
homeland. In a recent interview, There Was No Genocide: Interview
with Prof. Bernard Lewis, by Dalia Karpel, Ha’aretz (Jerusalem,
January 23, 1998), Lewis asserts that the massacres of the Armenians
were not the result `of a deliberate preconceived decision of the
Turkish government’. These evasions are aimed at trivializing the
Armenian Genocide.

Andrew Bostom is the author of The Legacy of Jihad.

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