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Stumbling Over Political And Historical Themes

STUMBLING OVER POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL THEMES
By Stefan Steinberg

World Socialist Web Site, MI
March 5 2007

The increasing commercialisation of major modern film festivals obliges
a festival director and his staff to strike a balance between a number
of competing interests. Large corporations, which invest considerable
sums of money in the festival, are keen to secure advantages from
product placement, and also have an interest in seeing that films
critical of their activities are not prominently presented. The
cooperation of international television stations and media outlets
requires that the festival staff ensure that a sufficient number
of stars tread the red carpet. Under such conditions, the room to
present artistically engaging cinema becomes increasingly limited.

In previous years, the director of the Berlin Film Festival, Dieter
Kosslick, has won some support from the media as well as cinema circles
for his readiness to incorporate a broad mix of themes and film genres
in his festival selection. This year, banal and thoroughly uncritical
documentaries about fashion tsars Karl Lagerfeld and Christian Dior
seemed to be an evident sop in the direction of one of the festival’s
main sponsors, the French-based cosmetic multinational, L’Oreal.

Perhaps adversely influenced by some criticisms of last year’s festival
as too solemn and politically minded, Kosslick has also introduced a
new category aimed at the food gourmet and the world of gastronomic
consumption-"Eat, Drink, See Movies." "After 25 years in the film
business," Kosslick observes, "I know one thing for certain: without
good food, nothing happens."

One might unhappily conclude that his activities in the film world have
increasingly drawn him into the sort of social circles that can only
enjoy a film when the wine is right. In any event, under conditions
where the consequences of war and the brutality of everyday life
in every social sphere are increasingly apparent, a number of the
selected films at this year’s Berlinale left a thoroughly bad taste
in the mouth.

The main competition selection at this year’s festival was an eclectic
collection of films, combining serious social and historical issues
with appalling commercial contributions such as Zack Snyder’s 300,
based on the comics of Frank Miller (Sin City), which apparently seeks
to relativise and aestheticise a cinematic bloodbath by situating the
action-the battle of Thermopylae between Greek and Persian forces-in
the year 480 BC.

Goodbye Bafana (director Bille August) is an unconvincing and at times
cliched English-Xhosa co-production dealing with the imprisonment
of the South African leader Nelson Mandela, based on the memoirs
of his white prison guard of 20 years. The political content of
Mandela’s brand of African nationalism is uncritically treated,
and we are left merely with the idealised portrait of a man whose
personal characteristics and convictions are enough to melt the heart
of his jailer.

I Served the King of England, by veteran Czech filmmaker Jiri Menzel,
deals with the German annexation of Czechoslovakia in 1938. Four
decades ago, Menzel won an Oscar for his film Closely Observed Trains
(1966) and ran into problems with Czech Stalinist censorship, which
disrupted his film career for a time.

Working from scripts written by his favourite novelist Bohumil Hrabal,
Menzel has refined a whimsical and comic style of filmmaking that
continuously seeks to demonstrate the link between passing, accidental
human foible and momentous historic events-a sort of catastrophe
theory of history. His films, which have had their charms, appeal
in the end to those who see no basis for society apart from eternal
universal values such as love and respect for one’s neighbours,
winning him praise from a number of critics for his humanism.

Menzel’s latest film (also based on a Hrabal novel) reveals clearly
that such an approach is inadequate when the filmmaker (and novelist)
takes up complex historical issues. The film relates in flashback the
adventures of an apprentice waiter in Prague during the first half of
the last century. While the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia is dealt
with at some length in the film, remarkably the postwar domination
of the county by a Stalinist regime imposed by Moscow and all the
complex issues bound up with that are given just two minutes’ space.

Through a series of random events, the film’s hero, Jan Dite, becomes
a millionaire and after the Second World War owns a castle-the war
has been good to him. Two local members of the Communist Party pay
a visit and inform him that the new regime has decided to penalise
wealth. They ask Jan Dite how rich he is….. "I have 10 million,"
Dite responds. "Then you will be imprisoned for 10 years," the two
Stalinist officials reply-one year in jail for every million.

In the next and final scene of the film, the elderly Dite resides
towards the end of his life in a humble cottage. He is now a free
man. He has lost all his money, but a decade in a Stalinist prison has
had a beneficial affect and taught him that there are more important
things in life than wealth and privilege. He is now happy with his lot.

Menzel’s film-the work of a director who had his own problems
with the stifling straitjacket of Stalinist so-called "socialist
realism"-entirely sidesteps the history of postwar Czechoslovakia!

This suggests something about the enormous backlog of unresolved
historical questions and problems that beset filmmakers in the Czech
Republic and the other eastern European countries.

In his latest film, The Walker (shown out of competition), US director
Paul Schrader returns to a recurring theme in his films-the plight of
the social outsider. Schrader’s film American Gigolo (1980) focused
on a male escort whose job was to bring some relief into the lives
of the bored wives of rich influential husbands. He takes up the
story again in The Walker. The garish, ostentatious and tiresome
concentration on cars, furnishings and Gere’s physical attributes
in American Gigolo-accessories at the beck and call of the nouveau
riche in Los Angeles in the 1980s-has given way to the polished wood
of stately homes in Washington.

A striking feature of the film is the inclusion of references to modern
US political life. The plot revolves around the attempt to cover
up a murder, which in turn is linked to a confusing web of business
corruption and political intrigue, reaching into the highest levels
of the American state.

Having teased and amused a foursome of bored and frustrated wives
and widows at their weekly round of bridge, Carter Page III (Woody
Harrelson) is able to concentrate on his own private life and
visits his boyfriend-the young conceptual artist Emek. The latter
lives in a flat decorated with photos, blow-ups and reproductions
of Abu Ghraib prisoners. The backdrop to every scene in Emek’s flat
is imagery of US-sponsored torture and suppression. At one point,
Carter kisses his lover through the barbed-wire curtain that Emek
hangs in his flat! In other scenes, as Carter passes through a room,
the television is flickering, inevitably with the latest news of
atrocities and bombings from Iraq.

Entangled in a murder through one of his clients, Carter becomes
increasingly aware of the political ramifications of the affair and
at one point acknowledges, with resignation, his disenchantment with
American political values. He admits his mistake in thinking that
"in America it is the people who elect a president." Schrader and most
of his cast, judging by their comments in interviews surrounding the
film’s release, are intensely uneasy about the direction of American
politics.

At the same time, Schrader is unable to make a convincing film out of
such a mix. The director’s snapshots of the Iraq war and Abu Ghraib
are confrontational and blunt, but the intrigue at the heart of
the film remains vague and remote. The transformation of Carter (his
favourite quote: "I am not naïve, I am superficial!") from a parasitic
and fawning attachment of idle rich women into quasi-detective and
scourge of the Washington establishment is unconvincing. Having
long ago rejected any confidence in the mass of the population as a
force for progressive change, Schrader presents us with an unlikely
individual prepared to stand up to the depravities of the Washington
business-political machine.

Harrelson’s Carter Page excels when it comes to cynical broadsides
aimed at the superficiality of official bourgeois Washington and
its mores, and revels in his toiletry as he prepares himself for
his soirees with rich wives and widows, but all that constitutes
an inadequate basis for a character standing up to the political
corruption in Washington and weakens the impact of the rather
harder-hitting film one suspects Schrader hoped to make.

The Lark Farm

The Lark Farm by the Taviani brothers, veterans of Italian cinema, is
one of a handful of film works that examines the 1915 genocide of the
Armenians by Turkish forces. Some years ago, the Canadian-Armenian
director Atom Egoyan made a scrappy and unsatisfactory attempt,
Ararat, to tell the story of the massacre of Armenians from a variety
of standpoints, including through the modern-day eyes of relatives
of some of those who lost their lives. This time, Paolo and Vittorio
Taviani (Padre Padrone, 1977; Notte di San Lorenzo [The Night of San
Lorenzo], 1982) have sought to recreate the events of the period by
concentrating on the fate of one Armenian family.

The film’s screenplay is based on a novel by Antonia Arslan-a
literature professor now living in Italy-and deals with the history
of Arslan’s family, a respectable middle-class Armenian family living
in a provincial Turkish city. The Lark Farm opens with scenes from the
everyday life of the Arslans in 1915. This is a liberal household doing
its best to encourage good relations with its Turkish neighbours-and
not without success. Following the death of the family patriarch, even
Turkish Colonel Arkan (Andre Dussollier) comes to pay his respects
to the deceased.

The Tavianis make clear in their film that the massacre was not a
product of Turkish society as a whole, but the result of a deliberate
strategy by Young Turk officers to whip up chauvinism and scapegoat
the Armenian minority as the enemy inside Turkey itself, at a time
when a combination of foreign powers was seeking to carry out the
final breakup of the Ottoman Empire.

We witness the stormy scenes as Young Turk officers meet to decide
the new strategy and the rebellion by one of the officers present
who has fallen in love and seeks to protect a young Armenian attached
to the Arslan household. The terror begins with Young Turk officers
threatening to denounce their superiors (such as Colonel Arkan)
as traitors to the fatherland, if they refuse to participate in
the slaughter.

In a series of scenes, the film depicts the bestial methods employed
by the Turkish troops. First, men and boys are butchered, and then,
women and surviving children are herded into the desert to die along
the way-either of hunger or butchered by troops in the deserts of
eastern Anatolia.

The motives of the Taviani brothers in making the film are entirely
honourable. They make clear that a primary aim of their film was to
set straight the historical record on a crime that continues to be
denied by Turkish authorities and nationalists. The brothers are keen
that their film be shown in Turkey and have demonstrated considerable
personal courage in making The Lark Farm under conditions where Turkish
and Armenian journalists and writers continue to face persecution
from chauvinist forces for addressing the issue.

Following the recent murder of the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant
Dink, Turkish novelist Orhan Pamuk has been forced to flee abroad.

Nevertheless, the film remains unsatisfactory in a number of
respects. Although the camera always turns away at the decisive moment,
the immediate preamble and consequences of appalling acts of violence
are shown on a number of occasions. At a certain point, they become
difficult to tolerate and also lose their impact. The barbarity
of the methods employed by the Young Turks and their followers is
documented, but cinema offers possibilities of presenting violence
in a more subtle and telling fashion-which often stays longer with
the viewer than the spilling of large quantities of blood.

As if to compensate in some fashion for the many scenes of Turkish
brutality, the Tavianis go to considerable and finally dramatically
unconvincing lengths to demonstrate that some Turks involved in
the deportation operation were reluctant to carry out their orders
and slaughter innocent women, children and babies. So we witness the
barely credible blossoming of a relationship between a Turkish soldier,
Youseff, and the last surviving daughter of the Arslan family, Nunik,
during the ardours of the death march through the desert. When Nunik
confronts her own death-burning at the stake-Youseff intervenes;
he decapitates Nunik to save her from being burned alive.

One senses that the moral indignation that the Tavianis quite rightly
feel with regard to the subject matter of their film has overridden
other, more critical faculties, which they have put to good use
in their past work. To the extent it is shown, The Lark Farm will
inevitably re-ignite a polemic over the events of 1915, but a better,
more satisfactory cinematic treatment of the fate of the Armenian
minority still needs to be undertaken.

2007/ber1-m05.shtml

–Boundary_(ID_wZzbVmgFSVuhH/ IpjZ/JvQ)–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2007/mar
Emil Lazarian: “I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this small tribe of unimportant people, whose wars have all been fought and lost, whose structures have crumbled, literature is unread, music is unheard, and prayers are no more answered. Go ahead, destroy Armenia . See if you can do it. Send them into the desert without bread or water. Burn their homes and churches. Then see if they will not laugh, sing and pray again. For when two of them meet anywhere in the world, see if they will not create a New Armenia.” - WS
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