TIME TO INCLUDE MINORITIES IN PEACE PROCESS
Alkan Chaglar

Londra Toplum Postasý, UK
19 Eylul 2007

People tend to regard the Cyprus problem as a Greco-Turkish affair,
but without close observation you would never have guessed that there
are actually three other communities living alongside the two main
Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities on the island.

In fact, Cypriot Maronites and Armenians have lived on the island for
over a millennia, while many Cypriot Latins trace their origins to
the 13th century Lusignan dynasty and Venetian Empire. Yet the three
communities have for decades been assigned a back seat in the peace
negotiations in Cyprus as a consequence of a racist constitution
drawn up in 1959, their interests are supposedly ‘taken care of’ by
the larger Greek Cypriot community. But considering these communities
are equally victims of the "national problem," surely it is a manifest
injustice to exclude them from talks on account of their size? Given
that few if any Greek and Turkish Cypriots community leaders can
realistically think outside of their own communal interests, would
it not make sense to include other communities to represent their
own interests too?

ROOTS OF THE PROBLEM

The Latin, Maronite and Armenian communities are numerically weaker
than Greek or Turkish Cypriots – Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders will
very often remind us of this. Cypriot Maronites number 5000, while
Cypriot Latins number anything from 750-7000 with Cypriot Armenians
numbering around 5000. In the case of all they constitute equal but
distinct communities with their own languages, schools and churches on
the island. Yet as a result of a rather racist constitution drawn up in
1959, the communities were told that there was no alternative; they had
to either register on the Greek or Turkish Cypriot electoral register –
for linguistic reasons they opted for he Greek Cypriot register while
most still enjoy amiable relations with Turkish Cypriots.

However, what may have been a decision based on practicality has
been misconstrued and twisted over the decades to lend support to a
policy of assimilation. "They belong to the Greek Cypriot community,"
is a very common statement. Anathema to the idea of equality and
human rights, the three communities did not in fact surrender their
community rights back in 1959 – they are not Greek Cypriots at
all. In actual fact these communities simply accommodated themselves
(they had little choice) to an inequitable proposal that demonstrated
little sensitivity to their equal rights as communities but which
penalised them for their size. As a consequence of this constitution,
the communities were reduced to semi-communities who are assigned the
role of observers and deprived of the right to participate during any
negotiations for peace notwithstanding the fact that in the case of
the Maronites practically 100% of them were made refugees after 1974.

GRECO-TURKISH ETHNOCENTRISM

Excluded from decision-making and an on -off peace process, the
three "Religious Communities" were each authorized to elect their
own Representative who could sit but not vote in the Cyprus House
of Representatives. After all in he eyes of those who subscribe to
the view of "majority rule and do as they please" they are small
therefore insignificant.

Consequently, as issues pertaining to the state of Cyprus have steered
towards a Greek or a Turkish Cypriot way of thinking, and not a Cypriot
perspective so too has legislation. With Greek Cypriots gaining a
monopoly over the state apparatus of the Republic of Cyprus following
the withdrawal of Turkish Cypriots in 1964, Cyprus is effective
governed by one out of five official ethnic groups with occasional
‘privileges’ afforded to the smaller minorities to keep them passive,
while any negotiations focus on the needs of the two main Greek and
Turkish Cypriot communities.

THE CONSEQUENCES…

In the North policies increasingly reflect Turkey’s interests,
while those in the Republic reflect a bias to Greece. As a result,
the immigration policies of both the Republic and the North have long
given preference to Pontian Greeks or Turkish settlers. The President
of Cyprus makes no secret of his Greek bias when he travels abroad
and makes speeches defending Hellenism, while the Turkish Cypriot
leader does what he is told. And while the Republic participates in
foreign events, games, exhibitions and conferences it rarely makes
any effort to confront foreign misconceptions that Cyprus is a Greek
country, worse, in the Eurovision Song Contest, which is watched
by over 300 million viewers all over the world it awards Greece 12
points every year without fail or shame, forgetting that Cyprus is
not a Greek island.

ASSIMILATION

As if heading towards two separate ethnically homogenous states,
both the Republic and the North have adopted unofficial assimilation
policies to compliment their consolidation of power in their
respective sectors, in neither it must be mentioned is it aimed
at Cypriotisation. Referring to the closure of Maronite villages
in Northern Cyprus, Iason Athanasiadis reports in an interview with
historian Marios Mavrides in the Lebanese Daily Star that "The policy,
originally, was to get rid of (the Maronites)," but "now that they
(the Turkish Cypriot government) realize that eventually they will die
off, they leave them in peace." While the Republic housed the Maronite
refugees, the irony is that the community faces death there too. Many
Greek Cypriot politicians do not even accept the Latins, Armenians
and Maronites as separate communities – many claim they are Greek
Cypriots, while others begrudge them for what they see as "privileged
citizenship." But what "privilege" do they possibly have? With no
power in decision-making, there is little effort if any to resuscitate
Cypriot Maronite Arabic language or to save the Melkonian School,
while all groups are in danger of losing their identity as many marry
Greek Cypriots, begin to speak Greek at home and adopt Greek Orthodox
customs – a process of assimilation is taking root fast. The result
we all know will be two areas: one Greek state and one Turkish state.

But one is compelled to ask in a state where many politicians argue
for hours over how to bring about unity, very few if any realise the
advantage of approaching the Cyprus question with multiculturalism
and inviting all communities to participate in its governance and
talks for its future. And why not? Had the Cyprus constitution makers
who laid the foundations of the 1960 Republic of Cyprus emphasized
multiculturalism by way of including these communities in government
and in any negotiations as equals to Greek and Turkish Cypriots, rather
than a union between Greeks and Turks, it is certainly possible that
the Cyprus problem would not have formed into a Greco-Turkish affair.

MULTICULTURALISM IS THE WAY FORWARD

But sadly, neither the Greek nor the Turkish Cypriot community
leaders have understood their past mistakes, while even their years of
education and training abroad in multicultural countries like the UK
has failed to permit them to comprehend the important and advantageous
role multiculturalism can play in grasping a sustainable peaceful
solution. What is more tragic is that through no choice of their own,
the fate of these communities lies in the hands of the larger Greek
and Turkish Cypriots. But unless Greek and Turkish Cypriot community
leaders recognise the multicultural character of Cyprus and include
communities like the Maronites, Armenians and Latins in their talks
then the future of Cyprus will be a Greco-Turkish one and not a Cypriot
one. As a result, the assimilation process will continue wiping out
these age old communities within a single generation.

But if we are serious about creating a "Cyprus" and not a marriage
of convenience between Greeks and Turks, then Cyprus must recognise
multiculturalism by including in government these three communities
as equals.

–Boundary_(ID_sIp5jHCAg9oKyTJHqO+yCA)–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress