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November 3, 2007 — From the front section

To see the printed version of the newspaper, complete with photographs
and additional content, visit and download the pdf
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1. Karekin II: church and family must stand together (by Florence Avakian)

2. Levon Ter-Petrossian enters presidential race (News analysis by
Tatul Hakobyan)
* Declares war against former comrades

2a. How many? (Editor’s note)

3. From Washington, in brief (by Emil Sanamyan)
* Members of Congress speak of Genocide affirmation; Committee
approves military aid to Turkey
* More talks held on Turkish-Kurdish conflict
* U.S. interest in GUAM said to be reviving
* Western embassies reportedly threatened in Baku
* Georgian railroad up for sale

4. SunChild Festival serves as a regional platform for environmental
cooperation (by Betty Panossian-Ter Sargssian)
* The second phase of the regional environmental festival goes indoors

5. From Armenia, in brief
* Perina-Pennington handover at the U.S. Embassy
* Peace Corps marks 15 years in Armenia
* Government employees to get a pay boost
* "Brand Expo" International Exhibition opens
* More buses arrive to replace vans in Yerevan
* ARF presidential candidates meet with the public
* Country of Talking Stones tourism exhibition opens
* New wiretapping law passed

6. Commentary: The history of the Armenian Genocide Museum and
Memorial in Washington (by John J. Waters, Jr.)
* Part 2 of 4 — The opportunity grows

6a. The additional grant properties

7. Justin McCarthy’s rationalization for genocide makes for
challenging reading (Book review by John M. Evans)
* Justin McCarthy. The Armenian Rebellion at Van. Salt Lake City:
Univ. of Utah Press, 2006. 336 pages.

8. Commentary: Mutafyan must tell the Turks "No" — or be ignored by
world (by Avedis Kevorkian)

9. Editorial: A broken moral compass

***************************************** **********************************

1. Karekin II: church and family must stand together

by Florence Avakian

NEW YORK — "Our visit to the parishes of the Eastern Diocese gave us
the opportunity to speak with you, hear you, and heed your concerns,"
said Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II in his homily during the
Pontifical Divine Liturgy at New York’s St. Vartan Cathedral on
Sunday, October 28.

This special event was part of the concluding leg of a month-long
whirlwind Pontifical visit to 18 cities of the Eastern Diocese of the
Armenian Church of America, that began with an inspiring hrashapar
service at St. Vartan Cathedral on Wednesday, October 3.

"The theme of the [Eastern] Diocese this year, ‘Church and Home,’ is
the true environment for the teaching of honesty, integrity, and
righteousness," the Catholicos said. Quoting his predecessor, the late
Catholicos Karekin I Sarkissian, he went on to state that "the
miniature representation of the Church is symbolized through the
Mother."

"The relationship between God and man is holy, and therefore the
Armenian family is also holy, filled with faith, hope, and love."
Stating that the family is in jeopardy today, he emphasized that it is
the "duty of the church to implement the will of God. The church must
defend the family. Each Armenian family is a small homeland. We must
protect the mother who protects every Armenian family."

Continuing on this theme, Karekin II declared: "Let us build the new
homeland, so it can be prosperous and vibrant with education, science,
and culture. Let us support the rights of the people of Artzakh, and
work toward the condemnation of the Genocide. If we unite our efforts,
we can succeed."

The Catholicos then presented a charming painting, depicting the
vision of St. Gregory the Illuminator, to the Diocesan Primate
Archbishop Khajag Barsamian, as a token of his appreciation for the
dedicated efforts of the Eastern Diocese in arranging the Pontifical
visit.

"This is a sign of my love and prayers for you," the Catholicos said
in English as he presented the painting to the crowded sanctuary. "We
are united in our love for our church and our homeland. We have to
unite our efforts and direct them in service to our nation. I ask God
to strengthen our people, because in God we have hope for the bright
future of our nation and church."

The pontiff’s remarks were greeted by spontaneous applause from the
more than 1,000 faithful present for the momentous occasion.

* Pontifical blessings

The service had started with the majestic welcoming hymn, Hrashapar,
slowly ushering in the Pontifical procession. More than two dozen
clergy took part, including Archbishop Khajag Barsamian; Archbishop
Hovnan Derderian, Primate of the Western Diocese; Archbishop Bagrat
Galustanian, Primate of the Canadian Diocese; Archbishop Yezras
Nersissian, Primate of Russia; Archbishop Vicken Aykazian, Diocesan
Legate; and Bishop Anoushavan Tanielian, Vicar General of the Eastern
Prelacy, representing the Catholicos of Cilicia Aram I and Archbishop
Oshagan Choloyan.

As Karekin II entered the sanctuary and made his way down the center
aisle, he stopped numerous times to bless members of the crowd, who
eagerly stepped forward to receive his special blessing. Garbed in
magnificent gold robes and mitre, he ascended to the altar lined with
hundreds of red roses.

Following a warm welcome by Archbishop Barsamian, who wished him
good health and continued success in his pontificate, the soulful
chants of the Yekmalian badarak filled every corner of St. Vartan
Cathedral. During the communion service, six clergymen participated in
conferring the sacrament on the hundreds of faithful.

During the service, the Chancellor of Holy Etchmiadzin, Bishop
Arshak Khachatryan, read an encyclical announcing the establishment of
an Endowment Fund for Etchmiadzin by the parishes of the Eastern
Diocese.

A combined choir of singers from parishes throughout the Eastern
Diocese was directed by Khoren Mekanejian, choirmaster of St. Vartan
Cathedral, with Fr. Mamigon Kiledjian, pastor of the St. Stepanos
Church of Elberon, N.J., accompanying on a grand new organ, which had
only just been installed in the cathedral, after a long period of
planning and anticipation.

The beautiful hymn Hayrabedagan maghtank, by Komitas, dedicated to
the office of the Catholicos of All Armenians, brought the three and
a-half hour inspiring service to a close, as the Pontifical procession
wended its way through the crowded cathedral, with Karekin II again
taking his time to bless the faithful.

*************************************** ************************************

2. Levon Ter-Petrossian enters presidential race

* Declares war against former comrades

News analysis by Tatul Hakobyan

YEREVAN — For months, the big subject of speculation in the 2008
presidential contest was whether former president Levon Ter-Petrossian
would run. On October 26, in a 90-minute speech in Freedom Square
before perhaps ten thousand supporters, the first president of the
third Armenian republic announced his candidacy. Mr. Ter-Petrossian
hurled serious accusations against the incumbent authorities —
accusations much like the ones Armenian citizens hurled against him
and his circle from 1991 to 1998.

"The recent acts of violence against my supporters by the
authorities, as well as the immense energy emanating from this rally
make the further postponement of this decision impossible. Therefore,
from this moment, I declare myself a candidate for the Armenian
presidency. This is not simply a declaration, but a radical change in
my political status. From now on any act of violence against my
supporters will be viewed as a criminal violation of the right of the
citizens to vote," Mr. Ter-Petrossian declared.

Mr. Ter-Petrossian’s speech threw down the gauntlet before his
former comrades in arms, President Robert Kocharian and Prime Minister
Serge Sargsian. Claiming that "the current authorities are living
their final hours," Mr. Ter-Petrossian said the primary issue for
Armenia was not the person of the future president, but "aborting of
the reproductive capacity of the current administration because it is
an authority that is foul, demeaning, treats its own citizens as
aliens, and brings no honor to the Armenian nation.

"For them the fatherland is merely conquered territory," said Mr.
Ter-Petrossian in what might be interpreted as an effort to drive a
wedge between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, from where Mr. Kocharian
and Mr. Sargsian hail. Pointing at the scores of new buildings in
front of him, he continued, "The majority of people, especially in
provincial towns and villages, have been left in total poverty and
must deal with an everyday struggle for existence. Half-empty villages
and scattered families; this is the true picture of Armenia."

Mr. Ter-Petrossian threatened the national security apparatus,
saying he is compiling a blacklist and naming police chiefs whose
officers had clashed with, detained, and allegedly beat opposition
activists on October 23.

"High-ranking police officials Alexander Afian, Ararat Mahtesian,
and Nerses Nazarian are already at the top of the list," he said.
"Depending on their behavior in the future, there is a possibility
that the names of the heads of two Yerevan districts will be declared
in upcoming rallies."

As he had done on September 21 — in his first public appearance in
ten years — Mr. Ter-Petrossian reserved his most bitter words of
denunciation for Mr. Kocharian and Mr. Sargsian. The current system,
he claimed, is a kleptocracy structured as a "monolithic pyramid," he
said.

"At the apex of the pyramid is President Kocharian. In the second
place, Serge Sargsian. Vying for the third place are Deputy Prime
Minister Hovik Abrahamian and the president’s chief of staff, Armen
Gevorgian," he claimed. The former president pointed to five sources
of vitality for the administration: the president’s chief of staff;
the Customs Service headed by Armen Avetisian; Prosecutor General
Aghvan Hovsepian and his office; the Central Bank of Armenia, which
"is destroying the country’s poor productive capacity by its
suspicious appreciation of the dram," and Public Television, which
"implements the low work of defaming opponents of the criminal
administration."

* "Filled with malice"

On October 31, President Kocharian responded briefly to Mr.
Ter-Petrossian’s accusations. Speaking at the inauguration of a
shooting range in Yerevan constructed by the "Hayastan" All-Armenian
Fund, he said, "It is regrettable that Levon Ter-Petrossian is trying
to return to politics filled with malice. It is that same malice that
in the past destroyed the Armenian National Movement. I think the
population remembers very well what the quality of life has been at
differing times. There is a simple approach to evaluating how each
person operates: what was the situation when he took up his post, what
was the situation he inherited, and what was the situation when he
ended his term in office.

"The Armenian National Movement came to power in August 1990. At
that time Armenia was one of the most industrially developed republics
of the Soviet Union and it had fairly well-developed agriculture.
Within three to four years, Armenia was transformed into one of the
poorest countries in the world. Of course, the collapse of the Soviet
Union was bound to cause some damage. I assess the potential volume of
those losses in the first two to three years as possibly no more than
15-20 percent. The following can be clearly stated: the Armenian
National Movement inherited a country in good condition but [in 1998]
they handed over a country with a ruined economy, which international
organizations classified as one of the world’s poorest."

The Armenian airwaves, especially Public Television, are inundated
with images of the 1990s, when Armenia had no light, no heat, and was
experiencing mass emigration. The images highlight lawlessness during
the days when Mr. Ter-Petrossian’s Armenian National Movement was in
power. The few newspapers that support Mr. Ter-Petrossian are writing
the exact opposite: they are blackening the achievements made during
Mr. Kocharian’s presidency and praising those of Mr. Ter-Petrossian’s
era.

Mr. Kocharian also commented on Mr. Ter-Petrossian’s activity on
October 26, the day of the rally, but before Mr. Ter-Petrossian’s
speech. At the opening of the new Kapan-Meghri highway in Syunik
Province, Mr. Kocharian said that Mr. Ter-Petrossian is not going to
be the only candidate for the opposition; there are at least two to
three opposition leaders with a better reputation.

"To assume that the nation has forgotten the period when the
Armenian National Movement governed the country is naive," the
president said. "The Armenian National Movement has left a very bad
legacy and bears the responsibility for destroying Armenia’s economy.
Perhaps now that they see that the economy has revived, they can see
new opportunities for plunder. I am sure that our people will not wish
to return to 1995–1996. I think that very few have good memories of
those years."

* "A hanging branding iron"

The opposition rally at which Mr. Ter-Petrossian announced his
candidacy took place on the eve of the eighth anniversary of the day
when gunmen stormed Armenia’s National Assembly and assassinated seven
people, including the prime minister and the speaker of the Assembly.
Mr. Ter-Petrossian said that he had been in touch with Mr. Kocharian
only once since his resignation. On October 28, 1999, in a written
statement Mr. Ter-Petrossian appealed for solidarity with the
president. He said Mr. Kocharian phoned and thanked him.

"The formation of this criminal regime is directly linked to the
October 27 crime," Mr. Ter-Petrossian told the citizens gathered at
the rally, listening in stone silence. "Through open interference,
[Mr. Kocharian] aborted the detection of the possible organizers of
the October 27 conspiracy."

Mr. Ter-Petrossian, a historian by training, said three events in
Armenia’s history were reminiscent of the assassinations of October
27, 1999: the burning alive in 705 of the Armenian aristocracy by
Arabs; the rounding up and murder on April 24, 1915, of Armenian
political and intellectual leaders by the Ottoman state; and the
destruction in 1930 of Armenia’s most prominent public figures by
Stalin.

"The October 27 slaughter fundamentally differs from these other
slaughters in that it was not carried out by foreigners, but by
Armenians. The October 27 crime will forever remain a branding iron
hanging over the head of Armenia’s statehood, the disgrace of which
will be partially lessened only after the full disclosure of the case.
Therefore, the resolution of the issue will become one of the primary
duties of the future president of Armenia, something that can be ruled
out in the case of Serge Sargsian’s election," said Mr.
Ter-Petrossian, who was reading from a prepared text. Mr. Sargsian is
the ruling Republican Party’s declared candidate for the presidency.

There is no doubt that the first president is a brilliant orator. He
practiced the art in this same square, renamed Freedom Square, some
two decades ago, standing before tens of thousands of Armenians and
describing to them the road to Armenia’s independence and Karabakh’s
unification with the motherland. The former president is very adept at
identifying sensitive nerves that he can strike to plaster over the
unforgivable mistakes he made during his presidency and instead draw
attention to the present administration’s errors and omissions.

* A book of confessions

"Do not mess with us." This was the unwritten but daily repeated motto
during the Armenian National Movement’s ruling years.

It is possible that many Armenian citizens, particularly those
hundreds of thousands who bore the privations of the lawlessness of
the Armenian National Movement’s years in office, might be charitable
and forgive the authorities of those days — officials who built
palaces for themselves while people lived in the dark and cold.

Mr. Ter-Petrossian is preparing a booklet in question-and-answer
form, where he himself will ask the questions and also provide the
answers to real and imagined accusations made regarding the Armenian
National Movement years. That booklet could become Mr.
Ter-Petrossian’s and his administration’s book of confessions. And as
to what value that booklet will have, the population of Armenia will
have to decide.

"So that no one suspects that I am afraid of or avoiding
accusations, I will present the full catalog myself: cold and dark
years, the case of oil, the discharging of electricity into the earth,
the destruction of industry, the lawless privatization, the
disappearance of people’s life savings, the closure of political
parties and newspapers, the betrayal of the Artsakh cause, the
incorrect human-resource policy, pro-Turkism, antinationalism,
cosmopolitism, and so on. Some with malice, and the majority in
society with sincerity, are waiting to hear my explanations for the
abovementioned accusations," said Mr. Ter-Petrossian during the rally.

* Karabakh

In this way the first president is trying to present himself to
Armenian society with a new image. But Mr. Ter-Petrossian definitely
does not regret his actions and during the past 10 years he has not
changed his opinion, at least on one issue:

"The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is the greatest issue facing
Armenia’s statehood. Armenia’s and Artsakh’s future, the economic
prosperity of our countries, and the well being of the Armenian nation
depend on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. As long as the issue remains
unsolved, as long as the blockades that are strangling us are not
lifted, as long as relations with our neighboring countries have not
been stabilized, and as long as our country has not integrated into
regional and international systems, Armenia does not have a prospect
for developing and strengthening in compliance with global demands,"
he said.

Mr. Ter-Petrossian sent a clear message to the international
community that if he is elected president, Armenia will change its
current philosophy on the resolution of this issue.

"Armenia’s current authorities’ policy toward the settlement of the
Karabakh issue is dangerous and shortsighted and must be radically
changed. In other words, the philosophy of protracting the resolution
of the issue and maintaining the status quo must change to the
philosophy of solving the issue. It is meaningless to fear or avoid
compromises, as there is no other solution in nature," Mr.
Ter-Petrossian said.

It seemed as if the former president was playing the "Karabakh
card." There is a certain amount of dissatisfaction in Armenia that
some important posts in the administrative system are occupied by
Armenians from Karabakh. In his speech, Mr. Ter-Petrossian claimed
that he is against these authorities not because they are from
Karabakh, but for other reasons.

"In order to prevent possible accusations, I would like to stress
that Kocharian’s and Sargsian’s Karabakhi origins do not play a role
in my attitude. If they are deserving, let them rule Armenia for a
hundred years not just ten, as their ancestors, the Hetumians from
Artsakh, ruled the Kingdom of Cilicia for 150 years."

And at the end, Mr. Ter-Petrossian’s "most friendly" advice to his
former comrades in arms was the following: "The best solution and the
last chance to preserve their achievements and good name in history
would be for Robert Kocharian and Serge Sargsian to leave the
political arena voluntarily, which I am sure would be justly valued by
the grateful and forgiving Armenian people."

Mr. Kocharian and Mr. Sargsian have given no indication of any
intention to follow Ter-Petrossian’s 1998 example and "leave the
political arena."

* * *

* How many?

Editor’s note: In a breaking news story in last week’s paper, we
reported that five to seven thousand people were present at the rally
in which Levon Ter-Petrossian declared his candidacy for president.
Our estimate was based on observation through the midpoint of the
rally. Our correspondent Tatul Hakobyan, who was also present at the
rally, estimates the crowd at 10,000. This estimate corresponds to
that of The Associated Press. Other sources have higher estimates.
They range from 15,000 (Agence France-Presse) to 20,000 (Radio
Liberty). Haykakan Zhamanak, edited by one of the organizers of the
rally, suggests the figure of 60,000.

***************************************** **********************************

3. From Washington, in brief

by Emil Sanamyan

* Members of Congress speak of Genocide affirmation; Committee
approves military aid to Turkey

Reps. Frank Pallone (D.-N.J.) and Joe Knollenberg (R.-Mich.),
co-chairs of the 155-member Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues,
confirmed on October 29 their determination to bring the House
resolution affirming the U.S. record on the Armenian Genocide to a
vote before the end of 2008. Last week, the resolution’s co-sponsors
decided to ask the Speaker not to bring it up this month because of
the erosion of support for the resolution as a result of strong
opposition from the Bush Administration.

In a letter to fellow members of Congress, the co-chairs noted that
"although the events of the resolution took place more than ninety
years ago, denial of its historical fact remains. And until this
denial is removed, we must stand up to injustice and refuse to allow
another country to impede our efforts to speak out against
inhumanity."

During a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing with Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice on October 24, Rep. Dana Rohrabacher
(R.-Calif.) said that the committee’s approval of the resolution on
October 10, strongly opposed by the administration, was "a human
rights vote and recognition of a violation of human rights." In
response, Secretary Rice said that she "recognize[s] that it was a
difficult vote for some who supported the administration’s position,"
but that the administration would continue to oppose passage.

A day earlier, on October 23, the committee approved a transfer of
decommissioned U.S. military ships worth nearly half a billion dollars
to Turkey, Reuters reported same day. The legislators denied that the
bill — drafted by committee chair Tom Lantos (D.-Calif.), who
supported the Armenian Genocide resolution — was intended to placate
Turkey.

Committee member Rep. Brad Sherman (D.-Calif.), who led the fight
for the Genocide resolution’s passage in the committee, wondered how
the vessels would help in Turkey’s fight against Kurdish rebels, which
Ankara identifies as a top priority.

"In dealing with the defense concerns on its Iraqi and Iranian
border, where will Turkey deploy these naval vessels? The last time
ocean-going ships were seen in Eastern Anatolia, it was Noah’s Ark,"
Rep. Sherman was quoted as saying.

* More talks held on Turkish-Kurdish conflict

The U.S. military began providing "actionable intelligence" to help
Turkish forces attack Kurdish rebel positions, BBC News and others
reported this week. While the Turkish military continued operations in
the country’s southeast region and just across the border with Iraq, a
major invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan appeared less likely, as Turkish
media reported that no action would be taken before Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to Washington for talks with President
George W. Bush on November 5.

In a recent speech, Mr. Erdogan said that future U.S. steps on the
Kurdish issue "will determine the nature of our relationship." About
50 Turkish soldiers were killed and eight captured in clashes over the
past month, and the Turkish public has pressured the government to
retaliate. But Iraqi Kurdish leaders said they would fight a Turkish
invasion, and U.S. and regional governments cautioned against it.

Secretary of State Rice, who was in Turkey on November 2, again
promised a joint struggle against the forces of the Kurdistan Workers’
Party (PKK). While Turkish leaders demanded immediate U.S. action
against the PKK, Ms. Rice cautioned that the struggle against the PKK
"is going to take persistence, it is going to take commitment. This is
a very difficult problem."

The Jamestown Foundation reported on October 31 that amid fears of
intercommunal violence between Turks and Kurds, the liberal Democratic
Society Party (DTP) represented in the Turkish parliament called for
giving Kurdish-populated regions more autonomy as a way to end the
conflict. Following that statement, DTP leaders were charged with
"supporting a terrorist organization."

* U.S. interest in GUAM said to be reviving

Officials from Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova (GUAM)
visited the U.S. earlier this week to discuss efforts to strengthen
the grouping first established in 1997 on Azerbaijan’s initiative.

While GUAM is often perceived as an anti-Russia initiative in the
former Soviet space, members’ interests have since diverged, with
Azerbaijan and Russia enjoying warmer relations, just as Georgia
appeared near an open confrontation with Moscow.

Speaking at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
(CSIS) at a workshop on October 31, Tofig Musayev of the Azerbaijani
Foreign Ministry recalled that the four countries were brought
together by shared concerns over "aggressive separatism" and conflicts
"accompanied by . . . genocide."

GUAM members have tried to jointly lobby larger international
organizations, including the United Nations, to adopt a more favorable
attitude to the states’ interests. But the U.S. and the European Union
have avoided taking a uniform approach to conflicts affecting GUAM
states.

A former U.S. State Department official, Steven Pifer, said at CSIS
that the U.S.’s interest in GUAM reached a low point five years ago,
but has since revived, with former Deputy Secretary of State Richard
Armitage playing a key role. (Prior to joining the Bush
Administration, Mr. Armitage was on the board of the U.S.-Azerbaijan
Chamber of Commerce, a lobbying group.)

Amb. Thomas Adams, the State Department’s assistance coordinator for
Europe and Eurasia, also recalled Mr. Armitage’s desire to make GUAM a
successful organization and welcomed the organization’s focus on
specific projects, funded in part by the United States.

While in Washington this week, the officials from GUAM countries met
Assistant Secretary of State Dan Fried and gave a briefing on Capitol
Hill organized by the offices of the Azerbaijani Caucus co-chairs,
Reps. Solomon Ortiz (D.-Tex.) and Bill Shuster (R.-Pa.).

In addition to Rep. Shuster, the briefing was attended by the
Turkish Caucus co-chair Ed Whitfield (R.-Ky.); two Armenian Caucus
members, Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D.-Ohio) and Joe Wilson (R.-S.C.); and
former House Speaker Bob Livingston — currently the main
congressional lobbyist for the Turkish and Azerbaijani governments.

* Western embassies reportedly threatened in Baku

The U.S. and British embassies in Azerbaijan limited their operations
earlier this week after the Azerbaijani government claimed there was a
"credible threat" that Islamic "radicals" planned to attack Western
interests in Baku, the State Department’s spokesperson Sean McCormack
confirmed on October 29.

According to official claims carried by Azerbaijani media, the
"plotters" included about a dozen army officers who espouse radical
Islamic beliefs. One suspect was killed and several dozen were
detained. The crackdown reportedly included the police shaving and
burning the beards of pious-looking individuals in rural areas.

As of November 2, police were still looking for more plotters,
including an officer who is said to have left his unit weeks ago with
a weapons cache. While mutinies in the Azerbaijani armed forces have
occurred in the past, this is the first reported case of religiously
motivated insubordination.

Meanwhile, on October 30, in what Human Rights Watch described as an
"unrelenting crackdown on media," dissident Azerbaijani editor Eynulla
Fatullayev was sentenced to an additional eight and a half years in
prison.

Earlier this year, Mr. Fatullayev was sentenced to two and a half
years in prison for an article he wrote questioning the nationalist
government narrative of the war in Karabakh. (See this page in the May
26 Armenian Reporter.) New charges stemmed from Mr. Fatullayev’s
article about the potential impact of a U.S.-Iranian confrontation on
Azerbaijan.

In comments reported by kavkaz.memo.ru, the imprisoned editor
described the Azerbaijani court system as "worse than in Nazi
Germany," but also "thanked" the government for not murdering him
outright. The March 2005 murder of Fatullayev’s colleague Elmar
Huseynov remains unresolved.

* Georgian railroad up for sale

The Georgian government has put the national railroad up for sale,
after a long-term management deal with an anonymous offshore
investment company fell through, reported. The rail line
is a key part of the transit infrastructure for goods transported to
and from Armenia.

According to an ad in the October 28 Economist, the Georgian
Economics Ministry is inviting investment proposals by January 25,
2008, for a general tender, but "reserves the right to withdraw from
the purchasing procedures at any time; or suspend or change procedure,
or exclude any interested party from the purchasing procedure." In the
same issue, Georgia also invited bids for the construction of the
highway between Tbilisi and Armenian-populated Javakheti, to be funded
through a U.S. grant.

A deal with offshore firm Parkfield Investment to manage the
Georgian railway for 99 years, agreed in August (see this page in the
August 25 Armenian Reporter), has been reportedly annulled, with
officials offering no explanation for the cancellation.

Georgian media speculated that businesspeople linked to Russian
interests may have been behind the August deal. It also came shortly
after Azerbaijan transferred the first tranche of a $220 million
low-interest loan to Georgia to build a railroad to Turkey bypassing
Armenia.

* * *

Nareg Seferian contributed to this week’s column.

***************************************** **********************************

4. SunChild Festival serves as a regional platform for environmental cooperation

* The second phase of the regional environmental festival goes indoors

by Betty Panossian-Ter Sargssian

YEREVAN — SunChild environmental festival launched its second phase
in Yerevan, October 24-28. The continuation of this endeavor, which
began in April of this year, once again called attention to
environmental issues in Armenia and the region.

An initiative of the Foundation for the Preservation of Wildlife and
Cultural Assets in the Republic of Armenia (FPWC), SunChild has
successfully established itself as the first major regional
environmental festival. This multi-phased undertaking indicates
excellent organizational power and dedicated hard work.

"The difficulties one encounters in organizing a festival with such
dimensions in Armenia can hardly be imagined. Sticking to the
timetable and convincing people of the importance of such work still
requires a lot of energy," Ruben Khachatryan, director of the festival
said. However, in spite of all the obstacles the organizers kept their
promise of returning in October.

Sponsored by VivaCell under the slogan "VivaCell and the children
for nature," SunChild first introduced itself to the Armenian public
in April – the first part of the 2007 festival. It attracted and
integrated more than 5000 volunteers, mainly schoolchildren, students,
scouts, and young people into a series of outgoing environmental
activities in six regions of Armenia.

The first phase of the festival’s program was mostly comprised of
outdoor activities: tree planting, replanting, garbage cleaning,
placement of environmental signs, culminating with an environmental
march in Yerevan.

The second part of SunChild is regional. It focuses on special
educating programs, seminars and workshops for volunteers and
professionals in the field. Environmentalists and artists from
Armenia, Russia, Georgia, Iran, Turkey, Latvia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Estonia, and India participated in the festival.

SunChild aims to become an annual event, a platform that targets and
tries to solve many of the environmental issues in the South Caucasus.

* Beehive of eco activities

During the past several months young participants of SunChild
completed films on environmental issues and presented them at the
festival.

Films with environmental themes were an important component of
SunChild. The environmental film program included regional film (in
and out of competition), films made by children (Armenian and
international), and international information programs. More than a
hundred films were shown.

An international jury named Shikahogh by Nikolay Davtyan from
Armenia as the best environmental film of the festival. Source by
Martin Marecek, a Czech Republic/Azerbaijan co-production was
considered the best regional film.

A children’s environmental and wildlife photo exhibition was
included in the festival program. The exhibition, titled "Following
the Sun,"showcased a phase of the educational program with the members
of SunChild eco-clubs in six regions of Armenia. "Following the Sun"
has already accepted an invitation from the KSZ Museum of Art and
Media in Karlsiuhe, Germany.

Two professional workshops with the themes of ecotourism and
environmental networking took place over the course of the festival.

* Garbage becomes art

In April 2007, members of SunChild eco clubs launched an Armenian wide
program through which they created statues of special or endangered
species of animals made of garbage.

The result of their summer toil was a one-day open-air art garbage
exhibition. These huge statues made from plastic garbage collected
from green zones was a creative way to highlight the adverse treatment
of mother nature by man.

* Investing in the youth

Most participants of the first phase of the SunChild Festival kept
themselves busy by embracing creative projects such as environmental
photography, filmmaking, and garbage art. Their handicraft was
included as part of the second phase of the festival.

During the summer hundreds of young volunteers, members of SunChild
eco clubs, became part of yet another pilot project. In cooperation
with GTZ, a German environmental organization, SunChild launched the
first summer eco camp in Tzaghkadzor.

For two weeks, the summer eco camp grouped the most promising
teenage members of SunChild eco clubs. "It was more like a seminar. We
had prepared courses on environmental law and nature preservation,"
Ruben Khachatryan said.

He added that a group of participants studied and filmed the
ecological problems of Tzaghkadzor. "The summer camp gave its
participants the basic mechanisms for pursuing ecological projects in
the community," Mr. Khachatryan says.

The environmental clubs operate in various ways. Some clubs operate
through social centers and schools. However, "Not all schools welcome
our eco clubs. They may have financial expectations that we do not
satisfy. Nevertheless, we focus on our objective, working on the
mindset of children and young people, providing them with an
opportunity of alternative education," said Mr. Khachatryan

He adds that one of the most crucial questions SunChild addresses is
the involvement of the young generation in environmental issues. "This
region needs a young generation who will be ready to overtake
responsibility not only for the protection of the environment within
its own national borders but also to cooperate on these issues with
young people in all neighboring countries."

The next environmental issue the army of young volunteers of
SunChild will undertake is paper recycling. They will talk with the
representatives of their communities into organizing paper recycling
and collecting plastic bottles. The young volunteers will educate
their peers and the community about the benefits of garbage
management. "We have already agreed with several organizations that
will buy the used paper. The income will go to the development of
schools," explains Mr. Khachatryan. "We are pretty sure that our
children will be able to accomplish this project. They proved
themselves during the summer camp."

The organizers of SunChild will spend the following months preparing
for their next set of environmental programs. In April 2008, the
festival will return with tree plantings, garbage cleaning, and a
"hopefully bigger environmental march."

Their focus continues to be on raising public awareness. Progress
may be slow, however the youth continue to represent hope for future.

***************************************** **********************************

5. From Armenia, in brief

* Perina-Pennington handover at the U.S. Embassy

According to Taguhi Jahukian, a spokesperson for the U.S. Embassy in
Armenia, U.S. Chargé d’Affaires Rudolph Perina has completed his
diplomatic mission in Armenia. Deputy Chief of Mission Joseph
Pennington will now serve as Chargé d’Affaires until the appointment
of a new ambassador.

The U.S. Embassy in Armenia has been without an ambassador since
September 2006 when Ambassador John Evans was recalled from his post
for acknowledging the Armenian Genocide.

Regarding the appointment of a new ambassador, Ms. Janikian said
that the American Embassy in Armenia has no information from the White
House or the State Department.

* Peace Corps marks 15 years in Armenia

On October 29, the U.S. Peace Corps Armenia held an open house to
welcome Mr. Ronald Tschetter, director of the Peace Corps’ worldwide
operations, and regional director Jay Katzen and also to celebrate the
15th anniversary of service in Armenia. Mr. Tschetter, who arrived
from Washington, commended the volunteers for their efforts and met
with representatives of the government of Armenia, expressing his
gratitude for the support the Peace Corps program has received during
the past 15 years.

Also present at the event were U.S. Chargé d’Affaires Joseph
Pennington and Armenian government representatives, including Minister
of Education and Science Levon Mkrtchian, Minister of Sport and Youth
Affairs Armen Grigorian and his deputy Arthur Poghosian, Minister of
Nature Protection Aram Harutunian and his deputy Hakob Matilyan, and
deputy Minister of Healthcare Tatul Hakobian.

Following the reception a press conference was held at which Mr.
Tschetter acknowledged the importance of promoting volunteerism among
the youth of the world. Additionally, two memoranda of understanding
were signed. The first, between the Peace Corps and Ministry of Sport
and Youth Affairs, was signed to fortify the idea of developing
volunteerism in Armenia and also to ensure that the activities of the
Peace Corps volunteers continue to align with ministry efforts. The
second memorandum, between the Peace Corps and the Ministry of Nature
Protection, was signed as a promise of collaboration and cooperation
on environmental education activities in Armenia. A new, five-year
action plan was also signed between the Peace Corps and Ministry of
Education and Science.

Since the establishment of Peace Corps Armenia in 1992 at the
invitation of the government, 574 Peace Corps volunteers have served
in Armenia.

* Government employees to get a pay boost

Paul Safarian, deputy minister of finance and economy, said that the
draft 2008 budget envisages an allotment of 44.3 billion drams ($136
million) for maintenance of the government apparatus. The figure
represents a 400 million dollar increase from this year’s spending.

However, the ratio of this projected budget in the overall GDP will
drop from 1.5 percent in 2007 to 1.26 percent in 2008, the deputy
minister said.

The average salary of public servants will rise to 123,000 drams
($378) per month. Salaries in the Foreign Ministry are to rise
approximately 20 percent, increasing the average monthly earnings to
200,000 drams ($615), compared to 161,000 drams per month now.

Prosecutors’ average salaries will rise the most, jumping to 375,000
drams ($1,154) against 120,000 now. Old-age and retirement pensions
will be 20,000 drams ($62) next year.

* "Brand Expo" International Exhibition opens

This is the third year that "Brand Expo" has been taking place in
Armenia. The main objective of the exhibition is the active promotion
and advertising of Armenian brands that are ready to compete in the
global market. Approximately 40 local and foreign companies will be
participating, representing 100 brands.

Another objective is to familiarize the Armenian consumer with new
brands out on the market as well as the more familiar ones. It is an
opportunity for these companies to promote their products.

According to Arminfo, Nerses Yeritsian, ministry of Trade and
Economic Development, said at the opening ceremonies that
international exhibitions like "Brand Expo" provides an opportunity to
businesspeople to showcase to potential investors and consumers the
quality of their products and services.

Armenia’s economic policy, the minister said, is to promote
stability and confirm Armenia’s place and role in the international
arena. He went on to say that "Brand Expo" will contribute to the
development of the export sector of the economy. "To attain this goal
we should try to meet the high international criteria, create
competitive production and render high quality services," Mr.
Yeretsian said.

* More buses arrive to replace vans in Yerevan

Karen Yedigarian, head of the Yerevan-Trans company, announced that
before the end of this year, fourteen private companies are expected
to bring 110 Ukraine-made passenger buses to Yerevan to help alleviate
the burden on marshrutgas, or minibuses. The larger buses can
accommodate more passengers and will also help to reduce the
congestion and chaos caused by minibuses and increased car traffic
navigating the construction on so many of the city’s streets.

Yerevan authorities also promise the launch of a bus to accommodate
the physically disabled. Approximately 700 minibuses, still the main
form of public transportation in Yerevan, will be withdrawn this year.

Authorities also plan to have as many as 650 passenger buses in
Yerevan and reduce the number of minibuses from 3,300 to 1,800 by
2010.

* ARF presidential candidates meet with the public

For the upcoming presidential elections, the Armenian Revolutionary
Federation is considering two potential candidates. The ARF had
suggested that it would choose its candidate during a party congress
in September. Instead, it narrowed down its choice to two prominent
members, one of whom will be selected as the party’s presidential
candidate at another party congress slated for late November. Vahan
Hovhanesian, ARF Bureau member and deputy speaker of the National
Assembly, and Armen Rustamian, chair of the parliamentary Committee on
Foreign Affairs are the two short-listed candidates.

From October 29 to 31, the two candidates met with party activists
and citizens of Yerevan at three different locations throughout the
city. They presented their position on a variety of pressing issues in
the country and took questions from the public. The first town hall
meeting was held at Moscow Cinema in downtown Yerevan; another at the
Kanaz Cultural Center in Zeitoun; and the third at Haypousag in
Ajapniak. At each of these meetings, hundreds of potential voters came
to listen to the contenders.

At the October 29 meeting, Armen Rustamian claimed that unlike other
political parties in Armenia today, the ARF has chosen not only to
raise awareness about pressing problems plaguing the country but is
also offering "clear-cut solutions to solve them."

A day later at the second meeting, Vahan Hovhanessian said that
having a presidential candidate for the party was not a decision they
took lightly. However the party is committed and determined to conduct
a fair and clean campaign. He said, "We do not have enemies, we have
rivals whom our country will need tomorrow."

* Country of Talking Stones tourism exhibition opens

Armenpress reports that the 7th annual international tourism
exhibition "The Country of Talking Stones" 2007 opened today at Moscow
Cinema in Yerevan. The exhibition, which has over 48 organizations
participating, will run through November 4. Travel agencies, air
carriers, hotels, resorts, restaurants, and insurance companies are
taking part.

The main goal of this year’s exhibition is to showcase Armenian
tourism facilities located outside the capital city of Yerevan. About
30 percent of participants are from six regions of Armenia: Armavir,
Gegharkunik, Kotayk, Lori, Shirak, and Vayots Dzor.

The exhibition is organized by the Armenian representative office of
the American Society of Travel Agents (ASTA), the Armenian Association
of Travel Agents (AATA), and the Armenian Tourism Development Agency
(ATDA).

It is held under the patronage of the Armenian Ministry of Trade and
Economic Development, with the support of the USAID-funded Competitive
Armenian Private Sector Project (CAPS). The event is sponsored also by
the Yerevan Brandy Company, as well as Czech Airlines in Armenia and
the Congress Hotel.

* New wiretapping law passed

Armenia’s parliament on Oct. 22 passed a law that allows
law-enforcement authorities to wire-tap any telephone conversation
without a court authorization. The vote was 65 in favor, 3 opposed,
with 8 abstentions.

Law enforcement agencies will have to obtain a court warrant within
72 hours of beginning wiretapping.

The Armenian government, which drafted the law, says it is aimed at
making it easier for the police, the National Security Service, tax
collectors, and the customs service to combat and investigate various
crimes, RFE/RL reported.

–M.T.

******************************* ********************************************

6. Commentary: The history of the Armenian Genocide Museum and
Memorial in Washington

* Part 2 of 4 — The opportunity grows

by John J. Waters, Jr.

The purchase of a site in Washington for the proposed Armenian
Genocide museum and memorial was announced in March 2000. In the seven
years that have passed since that announcement, the project has failed
to move forward, and some in the Armenian-American community wonder
why.

This week’s installment reviews the inspiration and actions that led
to the acquisition of four additional parcels of real estate that,
when acquired, doubled the amount of property available for the
development of the museum and memorial.

* The euphoria

Less than 35 days had elapsed from the date of my first visit to the
site of the former National Bank of Washington (NBW) to the date of
closing. Through the leadership and generosity of Anoush Mathevosian
and Gerard Cafesjian, the Armenian community now had the opportunity
to move forward with the development of an Armenian Genocide museum
and memorial in the heart of Washington.

The building was bigger, better, and more strategically located than
any other building that had been considered. The frustration of years
of waiting faded away and a sense of euphoria took its place.

In a news release issued March 31, 2000, announcing the purchase,
Hirair Hovnanian, chair of the Assembly Board of Trustees, said, "I
pay tribute to Anoush and Gerry for their generosity, vision and
confidence in our institutions."

The first meeting of the AGM&M Planning Committee was held on
Sunday, March 26, 2000, in Boca Raton, Florida. There was tremendous
excitement generated by the announcement, and those that gathered for
that first meeting were anxious to get the project moving forward.

The project would need a guiding vision, leadership, and funding.
Experts would need to be hired. Studies would need to be done,
committees formed, budgets set, and timelines developed.

At that meeting, Mr. Cafesjian stated that this was a special
opportunity to create a permanent presence for the Armenian community
in Washington — a great asset in support of universal affirmation and
the community’s broad advocacy agenda, noting that the AGM&M’s effect
might be felt for centuries. Carolyn Mugar mused that the AGM&M
represented a wonderful opportunity for the community to leapfrog
beyond the Armenian Genocide to emerge as a strong moral voice for the
prevention of genocide. And Ms. Mathevosian hoped that the AGM&M would
serve as a cultural and educational center for the community, for the
government, for our elected officials, and for the diplomats that come
to Washington from around the world.

There were many challenges ahead, and many unknowns. The project had
just over $200,000 in the bank, from funds Mr. Cafesjian had loaned to
the Assembly to help complete the purchase of the building and to
launch the project. In spite of the challenges, the group set an
aggressive tentative opening for the spring of 2002, just a short two
years later.

* Overwhelmed by opportunity

Prior to the acquisition of the former NBW building, most of the
buildings that had been considered were 5,000 to 7,000 square foot
buildings. The NBW building had over 30,000 square feet, and possible
room for expansion. In the first days and weeks after the initial
acquisition, it seemed like there would be more space than the project
might ever use.

Certainly we thought there would be room for a museum and memorial.
But it was also hoped there may be office space for the Assembly and
the Armenian National Institute (ANI), a restaurant, a bookstore, and
a gift shop — and maybe even space to be rented out for income. In
those early days, the possibilities for the bank building seemed
unlimited.

* Reality sets in

In the following weeks and months, the Assembly AGM&M Planning
Committee began the serious task of planning. Concrete goals and
objectives were defined, discussed, and refined. Space plans and
allocations were being developed and reviewed. The implications of
zoning and the historical designation of the NBW building were
beginning to emerge. The prospect of acquiring and incorporating
additional land into the project was being examined. The lack of
experience in museum development was becoming more evident.

In May 2000, at a meeting held in Washington, Tom Kevorkian, then
chief operating officer of the Assembly, and I made a presentation
calling on the AGM&M Planning Committee to take a much more structured
approach to the process of project development. Project funding was
already becoming an issue. A plan was needed to present to potential
donors. There was a need to engage the services of museum experts,
development consultants, architects, and others experienced in this
specialized area. The Assembly did not raise sufficient funds in the
critical planning stage. Without the funds to move forward, the
project began to stall.

The museum experts we were able to interview were delivering a
consistent message. An effective exhibition hall would need to be
20,000 to 25,000 square feet to effectively engage the visitors and
properly tell the story of the Armenian Genocide. Typical museums are
usually two to three times larger than their exhibition space, to
support the museum programs. For example, the United States Holocaust
Memorial Museum in Washington sits on a land parcel approximately
twice the size of the full AGM&M land parcel, and has 36,000 square
feet of exhibition space on three floors, out of a total of 265,000
square feet of space.

Further, the beautiful spaces in the former bank building, protected
by National Historic Register designation, could not be sufficiently
altered to serve as exhibition space. Therefore, any attempt to
develop just the bank building as a museum would fall far short.

The planning process was further impacted by events not directly
related to the core mission of AGM&M. For a time, there was
consideration given to incorporating a Cafesjian Art Museum component
into the property adjacent to the National Bank of Washington. Any
planning for a Cafesjian Art Museum was terminated in October 2001,
when Mr. Cafesjian recognized more land and more space would be needed
to support the proper development of the AGM&M. In the spring of 2002,
Mr. Cafesjian announced his plans to build the Cafesjian Center for
the Arts in Yerevan, Armenia.

For a time, consideration was also being given to incorporating
office space for the Assembly into the new development site.
Eventually, it was determined that it would not be appropriate to have
the Assembly, an advocacy organization, located in the AGM&M
development, and that planning process was terminated.

The consideration of each option and each change impacted the
development schedule. By early 2001, the proposed opening date had
moved to 2006 from 2002. The project’s limited funds continued to
hamper progress, and the community backlash over the Assembly’s
involvement in the Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission further
restricted the Assembly’s ability to raise funds in the community.

* A new way forward

In early 2002, a consensus decision was taken to move the AGM&M
project and its related assets into a new, independent entity. Clearly
the subject and the scope of the project required, even mandated, the
broadest possible community participation. Mr. Cafesjian agreed to
contribute the additional properties he had acquired to the project in
support of its expanded needs and scope.

In announcing the decision at the Assembly’s March 2002 trustee
meeting in Florida, Ross Vartian, AGM&M executive director at the
time, stated: "I am honored to announce that Gerry Cafesjian has
proposed that the properties he acquired be transferred to the AGM&M.
We who are charged with this sacred mission now have the freedom to
create within a physical space worthy of the subject. We convey to
Gerry our deep appreciation for his vision, commitment, and singular
generosity. I am also pleased to announce that it is the intent of the
Cafesjian Family Foundation, the Assembly, and ANI to create an
independent entity to oversee this initiative."

In July 2002, over two years after the launch of AGM&M, the Assembly
finally hired a project management firm to oversee project management
and development. As part of the scope of services, the project
management firm would assist in the selection of a both an architect
and a museum design firm.

The creation of the new entity, the Armenian Genocide Museum and
Memorial, Inc., was completed 19 months later, on November 1, 2003.
Simultaneous with the creation of the new entity, Mr. Cafesjian and
the Cafesjian Family Foundation made an additional, conditional grant
in the amount of $12.85 million, the terms and conditions of which are
detailed in its Grant Agreement with the Assembly. In doing so, he
raised the total amount of his contribution to the AGM&M project to
over $17.5 million.

* * *

* The additional grant properties

In February of 2000, within days of the signing of the purchase
agreement for the NBW building, Mr. Cafesjian instructed me to do what
we always do when we acquire a piece of real estate: start looking at
adjacent properties that may be available for purchase.

Just to the east of the NBW site were a series of smaller buildings
and vacant lots. The buildings were run down. The tenants in those
buildings included a tattoo parlor, an adult novelty shop, and a
massage parlor. Several of the tenants in those buildings would not
have been especially attractive neighbors for the AGM&M. There was a
tattoo parlor, an adult novelty shop, and a seedy massage parlor.

There were several possible uses for the additional properties. Mr.
Cafesjian has an extensive art collection, and he thought that he
might explore the possibility of developing an art museum next door to
the AGM&M. Maybe the space could be used for parking, or for the
museum, or for a community center, or for offices. Within days, we
began working to acquire several of the adjacent properties.

* 1338 G Street

The first additional property that was acquired was located at 1338 G
Street. The building had been owned and occupied by the Barrazotta
family bakery for many years. With more and more of their customers
moving to the suburbs, their downtown business had suffered. Yes, they
were willing to sell.

On March 10, 2000, Mr. Cafesjian, through the TomKat Limited
Partnership, signed the first of what would ultimately be four
additional purchase agreements. The purchase of 1338 G Street closed
on May 15, 2000, just three months after the purchase of the NBW
building. Although it was located three buildings east of the NBW
building, Mr. Cafesjian was confident that he would successfully
acquire the two buildings in between.

* 1342 G Street

The second additional property acquired was located at 1342 G Street.
It is the building immediately adjacent to the eastern border of the
NBW building. The purchase agreement was signed on March 16, 2000. At
that time, it appeared that the acquisition process might go more
smoothly than had been anticipated.

But not so fast. Big hurdle number one. The building was owned by 29
heirs of the original building owner. The heirs were spread across six
states and the District of Columbia. They all need to sign off, or the
deal could not close. Several of the heirs were older and in poor
health. If any of them passed away during the sale process, we would
have to wait for months for probate to settle. With a bit of luck and
a lot of hustle and hounding, we were eventually able to collect all
29 signatures, and we closed the purchase on September 22, 2000. On to
big hurdle number two.

The owners of the 1342 building had signed a master lease to the
property to a hair care company based in Virginia. They had subleased
the entire property to another individual, and that individual had in
turn, entered into two sub-subleases. If the leases had stayed in
place, we may not have been able to get full possession of the
property for several years.

Well, it turned out that one of the sub-subleases was to a massage
parlor that was offering a bit more to its customers than a simple
massage. Fortunately, a local television station did an investigative
report on illegal massage parlors operating in Washington, and our
sub-subtenant was caught on film. Based upon the ongoing illegal
activity, we took the master lease holder to court. In a case with
numerous twists and turns, some quite humorous, we eventually
prevailed and took full possession of the property. In one such
incident, a private investigator that we had hired to conduct onsite
surveillance called to declare he could not be called to testify in
court — although he had witnessed the illegal activity, he himself
had succumbed to temptation. He did not bill us for his indiscretion.

* 1340 G Street

With 1340 G Street, things started to get more complicated. The owner
of the property turned out to be what is known in real estate circles
as a spiker, a person who purchases a smaller property in the center
of a block and holds out for a high price from a property developer.
In this case, he was demanding two and one-half times the price we had
paid for the nicer pieces of adjacent property located to the east and
west.

In October of 2000, we made a generous and creatively structured
offer and we were able to place the property under contract. The
tattoo parlor and adult novelty moved out, and we had three vacant
buildings ready for demolition and redevelopment.

* 1334-36 G Street

By the middle of 2002, it was increasingly evident that the NBW
building and the three adjacent properties that Mr. Cafesjian had
already acquired would not be sufficient to fully develop a museum of
the scope, size, and quality that was desired. So we moved to try to
acquire the last available property on the block, located at 1334-36 G
Street.

The property was owned by a not-for-profit organization that
advocates for universal health care. The trustees were Jewish.
Although they were supportive of the effort to build a genocide
museum, they were not all that excited to move. After some thought and
some heavy cajoling on our part, they agreed to sell — at twice the
market value. On September 20, 2003, Mr. Cafesjian, recognizing the
importance of the additional real estate, agreed to purchase the
property.

Ultimately, Mr. Cafesjian acquired the four additional properties at
a cost of over $12 million. The additional property has made it
possible for a 30,000 square foot project to become a 100,000 square
foot project. Valuable space that should be used to do justice to the
remembrance of the Armenian Genocide.

* * *

Contributions of Current and Former AGM&M Trustees of additional
properties for the benefit of the AGM&M

GLC/CFF $12,850,000
Anoush Mathevosian $0
Hirair Hovnanian $ 0
John Waters $ 0
Robert Kaloosdian $ 0
Van Krikorian $ 0
Total $12,850,000

* * *

As of September 2006, the contributions funded by current and former
Board of Trustee members for the benefit of the AGMM were as follows:

Gerard Cafesjian and CFF $14,400,000
Anoush Mathevosian $ 3,500,000
Hirair Hovnanian $ 1,500,000
John Waters $ 25,000
Robert Kaloosdian $ 100
Van Krikorian $ 0
Total Board of Trustee Contributions$19,425,100

* * *

John Waters is the vice president of the Cafesjian Family Foundation
(which is affiliated with this newspaper) and a trustee of the
Armenian Genocide Museum and Memorial, Inc.

******************************************** *******************************

7. Book review: Justin McCarthy’s rationalization for genocide makes
for challenging reading

* Justin McCarthy. The Armenian Rebellion at Van. Salt Lake City:
Univ. of Utah Press, 2006. 336 pages.

reviewed by John M. Evans

Given that Justin McCarthy is widely known as a leading denier of the
Armenian Genocide, I did not exactly jump to respond when amazon.com
electronically offered to sell me his new book, The Armenian Rebellion
at Van. My commitment to learning more about the events of 1915, and
to hearing all sides of the story, though, eventually overcame my
initial reluctance, and I ordered the book online.

When the book arrived, the first thing to strike me was that, in
addition to Justin McCarthy, also listed on the cover were three
coauthors of whom I had little or no knowledge: Esat Arslan,
Cemalettin Taskiran, and Omer Turan. To be fair to Amazon, the fact
that this book was a collaborative effort is available to the
determined prospective purchaser who delves into the online reviews
(one of the most laudatory of which is by David Saltzman, the Embassy
of Turkey’s lawyer and a law partner of the President-elect of the
Assembly of Turkish American Associations, Gunay Evinch); however,
neither the institutional affiliations nor the academic credentials of
the three Turkish coauthors are offered up on Amazon’s website or
within the book itself. Nor is there any explanation of how the four
coauthors divided up their research and writing responsibilities.
Google searches yielded references to Mr. McCarthy’s three Turkish
collaborators, giving their affiliations, some listings of their other
publications, and the fact that Mr. Turan was Mr. McCarthy’s
supporting partner in the controversial postfilm debate portion of the
PBS broadcast on the Armenian Genocide (which reviewer/lawyer David
Saltzman tried to promote when serving as counsel to the ATAA). There
are a lot of interconnections here.

A second salient feature of the book is that its production was
funded by four Istanbul trade organizations: the Istanbul Chamber of
Commerce, the Istanbul Chamber of Industry, the Istanbul and Marmara
Aegean, Mediterranean and Black Sea Chamber of Shipping, and the
Istanbul Commodity Exchange. Who pays for a book to be written is not
always indicative of the likely direction the work will take, but
caveat lector.

Already on page one of The Armenian Rebellion at Van the reader gets
a strong signal of where the book is tending. Two American visitors to
Van in 1919, Niles and Sutherland, are characterized as having "been
fed on a diet of anti-Turkish propaganda that made the Armenians into
saints and the Turks into devils," before they saw the light and
"changed their minds." It is not made clear whether the Niles and
Sutherland report, which the authors claim without further explanation
was "deliberately suppressed by those who did not wish their account
to be seen," is now readily available; but that report is mentioned
only once in the remaining body of the text and is not listed in the
bibliography apart from a reference to Mr. McCarthy’s 1994 article
"American Commissions to Anatolia and the Report of Niles and
Sutherland." One wonders whether, in its totality, the report supports
the authors’ conclusions. I have since seen the report by Emory Niles
and Arthur Sutherland cited approvingly by Bruce Fein of the Turkish
Coalition of America (Washington Times, October 16, 2007, p. A16) but
that hardly erases my doubts, as an amateur historian, as to whether
the Niles-Sutherland testimony has been corroborated anywhere else, or
indeed, is really relevant.

My main concern about this work, aside from some unfortunate
disdainful comments about Armenians sprinkled into the text along the
way, is that it repeatedly makes unsupported tendentious assertions of
a global or general nature, such as "the Europeans did not care about
the Muslims," (p. 37) or "were always watchful for signs of disruption
in Eastern Anatolia," (p. 39) and "would not allow the Ottomans the
tools that they themselves used to put down revolt." By contrast,
relatively minor factual points are voluminously documented, and we
are helpfully given the Turkish translation for one of the staple
vegetables in the province of Van (broad beans = bakla).

In fact, it seems to me that the main failing of this book is to
over-research and over-emphasize the importance of the doings in Van
and to dispute the charge of "genocide" by viewing it through the
resulting microcosm, rather than by considering more broadly what had
been happening in the Ottoman Empire as a whole. There undoubtedly was
great tension in Van between Armenians and the authorities, as well as
with Kurds, and no doubt there were deaths on both sides, but isn’t
this microscopic treatment missing the forest for the trees? Pushing
the narrow focus even further, McCarthy’s book provides a list of
sixty-three Muslim inhabitants of Mergehu village who are said to have
been "murdered or annihilated with the utmost savagery by local
Armenians who joined Armenian gangs strengthening the Russian Forces."

Ambassador Morgenthau reported to Washington that "it appears that a
campaign of race extermination is in progress under a pretext of
reprisal against rebellion." The argument of McCarthy’s book is that
the Armenian revolutionaries (especially the Dashnaks) brought a
tragedy down upon the heads of Anatolia’s Armenian population, while
"remaining loyal to the Ottoman Empire would have been the better
choice" (the last words of the book). But it is the Russians who
actually are blamed repeatedly in this book: "It was the Russians, not
the Armenian revolutionaries, who gave the first impetus to Armenian
separatism." (p. 46) And the Russians — not the Armenians — are also
credited with having carried out the "first major massacres of Muslim
civilians." (p. 233)

Whoever was at fault, in this telling, it certainly was not the Turks.

And yet, some possibly unintentional elements of self-criticism
sneak through. On page 92, the authors note that although "it did not
become government policy until World War I, villages that supported
rebels were sometimes (not often) burned." And Enver Pasa comes in for
criticism of the adventure that led to the Ottoman defeat at
Sarikamis. Furthermore, the misrule of Van Governor Cevdet who had set
about killing local Armenian leaders is termed "brutal and illegal,"
although the overall assessment of his tenure is positive. The authors
admit that such technically legal actions as drafting young Armenian
men in the spring of 1915 "might indeed have cause the Armenians to
fear," but then ask rhetorically, "what choice did the government
have?" Such rhetorical questions smack more of sharp debating
technique than of serious history.

There is some odd reasoning at work here as well. The basic argument
with regard to the action at Van’s Aygestan is that (1) Ottoman troops
were the best but (2) the Armenians resisted rather successfully;
therefore (3) there must have been more Armenians present than the
Armenians claim. The authors seem nearly as concerned to defend
Ottoman martial prowess as to prove that the Armenians were rebelling
rather than acting in self-defense.

This ultimately unsatisfying account of the rebellion at Van ends by
noting that "the Armenian rebellion could never have triumphed on its
own, because Armenians were such a small minority in the territory
they claimed" and that they were "dependent on intervention from a
European power." The question this raises is: if the Armenians were
such a small minority, why was the Committee of Union and Progress
that then controlled the declining Ottoman State so obsessed with them
that it arranged for the deportations and mass killings of Armenians
of all ages and from all parts of Anatolia? Perhaps the oddest note is
the authors’ assertion that Mao Tse-Tung would doubtless have approved
of killing the Armenian revolutionary leaders earlier, as they clearly
believe the Ottoman authorities ought to have done. I’m not sure that
constitutes a successful bid for most readers’ sympathy. The book
makes for challenging reading.

* * *

John M. Evans was the U.S. ambassador to Armenia from 2004 to 2006.

******************************************* ********************************

8. Commentary: Mutafyan must tell the Turks "No" — or be ignored by world

by Avedis Kevorkian

The first time I heard the name Mesrob Mutafyan was when I was living
in London, and he was still a bishop.

I learned of Mutafyan from a Greek priest who had been in
Constantinople (as the Greek church still calls it — are you
listening, Patriarch?) and was assigned to the Greek Patriarchate for
seven years. The priest and I had become friends — for reasons not
worth going into here — and he was surprised that I had not heard of
the bishop. He praised Mutafyan highly for his intelligence and piety
and predicted great things for him.

During one conversation (which he brought up, I suspect, to tell me
the following story) he indicated that the Turks were afraid of
Mutafyan because he came across as being independent and not
controllable. He then told me about the time that Bishop Mutafyan had
been kidnapped by the Turks — as the priest said — to try to get him
to refrain from complaining to the authorities on behalf of Armenian
Church interests and, probably, to prevent Mutafyan from ever
considering a higher role in Constantinople.

According to the priest, one morning about 2:00, there was a heavy
pounding on the door of Mutafyan’s home. He answered the door, in his
pyjamas and wearing slippers. When he opened the door, he was grabbed
by two thugs and quickly forced into an automobile with two other
thugs. They rode around Constantinople for a while, with the thugs
making threats on Mutafyan’s life. Then they drove out of the city
and, two hours later, in the Turkish countryside, Mutafyan was thrown
out of the car and left to fend for himself. They had not physically
abused him.

From there, about 4:00 in the morning, with only his pyjamas and
slippers to protect him from the night air, and no money, Mutafyan
made his way home. He reported the incident to the Turkish police. "To
this day," the priest added (if such addition were necessary), "the
thugs have not been found."

Most people are aware of the beating given the now-Archbishop
Mutafyan sometime later, by a couple of Turks, on the sidewalk near
his home. These thugs were never found, either.

This story I bring up to possibly explain why the now-Patriarch is
playing the dummy to the Turkish ventriloquist. He knows from these
events what the Turks can do. Also, he knows that his nomination to
become Patriarch was opposed by the Turkish authorities (in violation
of the Treaty of Lausanne) and, when he was elevated to Patriarch of
the See of Constantinople, his "confirmation" was held up by the Turks
(again, in violation of the Treaty of Lausanne).

And finally, when the Turks had to accept the decision of the
Armenians, the title of the centuries-old Patriarchate became "… of
Istanbul and all Turkey." The Greeks, to their credit (and they
deserve very little other credit), still maintain the title "… of
Constantinople," and are still resisting Turkey’s denial of Patriarch
Bartholomew’s right to be called and treated as the "Ecumenical
Patriarch," and not merely as the archbishop of the Greeks in
Istanbul.

It is easy for people to say, "Let’s you do …."

And it is possible that Mutafyan knows that the West won’t care
about his negative views on the Armenian Genocide, and will realize
that he is under pressure. But, as recent events have shown, and as
Turkey’s apologists have quoted him, no one knows (or, at least,
accepts) that Mutafyan is acting under duress.

I, alas, was one of those — which explains why I have sat on this
story for years.

But, no longer. I have no wish to make him a martyr by hoping that
he will refuse to become an apologist for the Turks and become a
mouthpiece for Turkish denials and, then, like Hrant Dink, be
murdered. But Mutafyan must say "No." He must call on the West (at
least the Western clergy) and inform them that Turkey is in violation
of the Treaty of Lausanne (as regards the Greeks, too, of course) by
interfering in church matters, by demanding that the Armenian
patriarchs (and the Greek ones, too) be Turkish citizens, and through
scores of other violations by Turkey, to which the world turns its
blind eye.

It is not enough for the world to suspect that whenever he (and the
Chief Rabbi — but, note, not the Greek Patriarch) utters the Turkish
line, it is under pressure. It is possible, too, that Mutafyan
realizes that the future of the Armenian Church in Turkey is at stake,
and a little compromise here and there won’t hurt the church.

But, he errs — and badly — because at the current rate of the
Turkish violations of the Treaty of Lausanne regarding religious
matters of its recognized minorities (Armenian, Greek, Jewish), there
will be no Armenian Church tomorrow, or next week, anyhow. That is
Turkey’s long-term aim.

Someone must have said: "People who make short-term compromises
suffer in the long term." If not, I am saying it.

It may be too late for Mutafyan to now say to the Turks, "No more."
But he should try.

Somehow, I had lived in the (now forlorn) hope that Catholicos
Karekin II would announce to the world — through personal letters to
heads of state, to the United Nations, to the Council of Europe, to
the European Union, to the World Council of Churches, and through the
various news agencies — that whenever Mutafyan utters anything other
than church-related issues (on dogma and faith) his words are to be
ignored. But, that, apparently, is not to be.

In trying to be fair to the man (in keeping with the American Indian
maxim, "Before you judge someone, walk in his moccasins for one day")
I find that with each utterance from him, being "fair" becomes more
difficult.

There are enough hypocrites out there (most of them in Washington)
who know that they should ignore Mutafyan; but they find it convenient
to cite him as proof that it is only the nasty American-Armenian
diaspora that wants to say nasty things about the dear, sweet Turks.

But, what bothers Turkey (and its apologists) is that Turkey, having
created the active and vocal American-Armenian diaspora, is now
suffering the wrath of that diaspora. But I digress.

So, with this essay, I have stopped giving the benefit of the doubt
to the Patriarch of Istanbul and All Turkey.

* * *

Journalist Avedis Kevorkian, a frequent contributor to the Reporter,
lives in Philadelphia, Pa.

********************************************* ******************************

9. Editorial: A broken moral compass

In an April 21 article, the Los Angeles Times quoted the national
director of the Anti-Defamation League, Abe Foxman, speaking out
against the Armenian Genocide resolutions in Congress. Mr. Foxman’s
open acknowledgement of his opposition to the resolutions started a
firestorm of controversy in the Jewish-American community and beyond.

Many prominent figures and newspapers criticized Mr. Foxman’s
position. The leadership of the ADL’s New England Region took a firm
position that the ADL should support the resolutions. Mr. Foxman
promptly fired the ADL’s New England regional director.

Responding to the pressure, Mr. Foxman and the ADL’s national chair,
Glen S. Lewy, in an August 21 letter acknowledged that the destruction
of the Armenian people in 1915 was "tantamount to genocide." But they
persisted in opposing the congressional resolutions.

The New England Region placed the matter on the agenda of the ADL’s
national policy-making body, which convened on November 1. The results
of the body’s deliberations were not available at press time.

What was available, however, was news of a disgraceful interview Mr.
Foxman had given to the Jewish Telegraph Agency. In it, he attacked
leaders of Boston’s Jewish-American community — and the community
itself — for allegedly siding with local Armenians over Israel in
this matter.

In doing so, Mr. Foxman once again showed that his moral compass is broken.

The relations of Jewish-Americans and Armenian-Americans in New
England and beyond are important and should not be discounted. But a
person in Mr. Foxman’s position should understand very well that much
more is at stake.

Jewish public intellectuals deserve the lion’s share of the credit
for making the world understand that the denial of evil — and
particularly of genocide — is morally unforgivable and in practice
leads to more evil.

So how can Jewish-Americans become complicit in genocide denial?

They cannot. Combined Jewish Philanthropies President Barry Shrage
and Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Boston Executive
Director Nancy K. Kaufman, who were singled out for attack by Mr.
Foxman, understand this moral imperative. Mr. Foxman does not.

The tactics and motives of those that deny the Holocaust are much
the same for those that deny the Armenian Genocide. If Turkey can
successfully impose its will on the U.S. and Israel via threats and
intimidation, then that tactic can and will be used against both
countries again and again. We cannot allow ourselves to be
intimidated.

Over the last few weeks, Americans have been told, "You can stand
either with the Genocide resolution or with American soldiers; take
your choice." Now, Mr. Foxman says stand with the resolution or with
Israel.

It is a discouraging feature of our time that this kind of argument
requires a firm and ready response. But as Armenians, we must be
willing to make such responses. We must be prepared to speak out and
write that if Turkey is unwilling to stand by the United States or
Israel, the blame lies not with supporters of Genocide recognition,
but with Turkey itself.

Likewise, if American Jews feel a moral obligation, and have the
moral backbone, to denounce the ADL’s denial of the Genocide, the
problem certainly has nothing to do with their "loyalty" to Israel.
The problem lies with the ADL, and its unwillingness to grapple with
the truth in this matter.

One thing Armenians and Jews have shared historically is the attempt
by others to impute "disloyalty" of one form or another to their
efforts to achieve recognition and justice. That the imputation this
time comes from the ADL’s leadership is surprising, to be sure, but it
is also instructive, both to Armenians and to our countless friends
and supporters in the Jewish community.

Mr. Foxman acknowledges that he is "shocked, upset, frightened" that
his flawed policy on the Armenian Genocide has been subject to strong
criticism. He feels he "got made fun of for it." So, inexplicably
citing intermarriage rates, he claims that Jewish-Americans in Boston
simply don’t care about Israel.

A responsible leader does not respond to challenges by flailing out
at his critics. What Mr. Foxman’s critics understand and he does not
is that caring about Israel cannot mean abandoning one’s core beliefs
and values.

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