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The President and the Those with Him

Kommersant, Russia
Feb. 22, 2008

The President and the Those with Him

// Vladimir Putin hands the CIS heads over to his successor

At the Novo-Ogarevo presidential residence outside Moscow today, an
informal summit of the heads of the CIS member states will take place
today. This meeting, which will be Russian President Vladimir Putin’s
last meeting with the leaders as Russian president, is being attended
by all the CIS leaders. Kommersant has learned that Putin intends to
mobilize his neighbors to fight the West over Kosovar independence
and to acquaint them better with one of the candidates for president.
That candidate is Dmitry Medvedev.
Pre-Election Introduction

None of the 11 presidents of the CIS member states has skipped
today’s summit. The main pro-Western revolutionaries Ukrainian
President Viktor Yushchenko and Georgian President Mikheil
Saakashvili accepted the invitation. Turkmen President Kurbanguly
Berdymukhammedov also came, although his predecessor Saparmurat
Niyazov rarely appeared at those events. Even Armenian President
Robert Kocharyan came, though recent events in his country would have
served as ample excuse to miss the meeting.

The rare 100-percent attendance is due to the fact that it is Putin’s
last summit as Russian president. Therefore, he is making the best of
the time he has remaining. Kommersant has learned that First Deputy
Prime Minister and presidential candidate Dmitry Medvedev will take
part in the summit at Putin’s initiative.

`Dmitry Anatolyevich will take part in the events of the informal CIS
summit,’ Medvedev’s secretary confirmed, `Although it has not yet
been decided which leaders he will meet with and whether he will
deliver a report.’

It is noteworthy that the first deputy prime minister has not taken
part in meetings with CIS leaders before. If any of the leaders were
unable to attend a CIS summit, the prime minister almost always
replaced him. In recent months, Putin has been steadily bringing
Medvedev, who is well informed on social issues, up to speed on
international affairs. The first deputy prime minister accompanied
his boss on a visit to Bulgaria and took part in negotiations with
several heads of state who visited Moscow. Now, nine days before the
presidential election, it was decided to introduce candidate Medvedev
to all the leaders of the CIS.

The Commonwealth has been used by Russia to advance likely
presidential candidates before. In January 2000, on the eve of
presidential elections, acting Russian president Vladimir Putin was
elected head of the council of heads of state of the CIS, even though
the post was scheduled by alphabetical rotation to go to Tajik
President Emomali Rakhmon. Rakhmon declined the honor, saying that
the chairman of the council should be the leader of the country that
`is pivotal in the Commonwealth.’ A short time later, Putin
successfully rid himself of the `acting’ moniker.

Independence on Kosovo

Putin plans not only to introduce Medvedev to his colleagues, but to
show him how to solve important foreign-policy problems at the same
time. In particular, as a source in the Security Council told
Kommersant, the Russian president intends to hold a serious
discussion with his colleagues on the development of a firm, negative
position on the independence of Kosovo. `We will try to convince our
colleagues to come out against the recognition of Kosovo in a unified
front,’ the source on Staraya Square said. `It is a delicate topic.
Although the majority of them understand the harm in such an approach
to the solution of regional conflicts. Iyo is a blow beneath the belt
to international law.’

Most of the Russian president’s guests will not need to be asked
specially to criticize the solution to the Kosovo problem. Azeri and
Belarusian authorities have already said that they will not recognize
the territory’s independence. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan
have made similar statements. Ukraine, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan
remain silent. Authorities there have made it clear that they are
still determining their positions. Armenia is also holding off,
although there is talk there of recognizing Kosovo and then Karabakh.

Georgia and Moldova, which have their own frozen conflicts, are
strongly opposed to Kosovar independence. Moldovan authorities are
especially vocal in their opposition. Chisinau issued an official
statement this week in which it called the Kosovo precedent `a factor
in the destabilization of Europe’ and `a dangerous stimulus for
separatist movements in other conflict zones.’ The Moldovan
parliament plans to make a statement on Kosovo as well. Moldovan
President Vladimir Voronin stated that his country `will never
recognize the independence of Kosovo.’ The prospect of a settlement
to the Transdniestrian conflict in the near future is stimulating the
harshness of the Moldovan position. Moscow and Chisinau are now
working in a conciliated document on a final resolution of the
Transdniestrian conflict based on the principle of Moldovan
territorial integrity. Participants the negotiations with the
Moldovans tell Kommersant that the issue to reuniting the republic
may be settled in the near future. Chisinau, in the meantime, is
playing along with Moscow in everything. The Moldovans’ exemplary
behavior has already earned them a promise not to link Kosovo’s
independence to the settlement in Transdniestria. `The topics and
tonality of the conversations [on Transdniestria] have not changed at
all,’ said Putin’s aide Sergey Prikhodko, commenting on yesterday’s
talks between the Russian and Moldovan presidents.

Too Bad about Georgia

For Tbilisi, which is seeking to return Abkhazia and South Ossetia to
its control, the prospects are not as rosy as for Chisinau. Russia
stated already that Kosovar independence would be a decisive factor
in the conflicts in Georgia. As soon as it happened, Moscow gave
Abkhazian and South Ossetian leaders Sergey Bagapsh and Eduard
Kokoity the opportunity to make loud declarations of their desire to
separate from Georgia for good. This week, the presidents of the two
unrecognized republics voiced their sentiments at a joint press
conference in Moscow. Unsurprisingly, Georgian authorities are
seriously concerned that Russia will initiate the recognition of the
breakaway republics.

Since his reelection, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili has been
seeking a way to normalize relations with Moscow. The first
acknowledged negotiations took place between him and Russian Foreign
Minister Sergey Lavrov during his inauguration in January.
Saakashvili suggested then that Russian-Georgian relations be
restarted with a blank slate and the recent conflicts be forgotten.
After that, the rhetoric of the Georgian leadership underwent a
radical shift. Tbilisi has begun to speak of the irreversibility of
cooperation with Moscow, the need to ease the visa procedure, the
removal of the embargo on wine and unblocking transport lines.
Yesterday, the Georgian president was able to speak directly with
Putin about those topics and they will return to them today.

Moscow does not especially believe in the Georgian president’s
conciliatory intentions. `Now the fate of Abkhazia and South Ossetia
depend on Saakashvili’s behavior,’ observed the source on Staraya
Square.

The Russian Foreign Ministry has a similar outlook. `There is a set
of specific steps with which Georgia must confirm its readiness to
smooth out relations with us,’ head of the department for CIS
countries at the ministry Andrey Kelin told Kommersant yesterday.
Among Moscow’s conditions are the removal of all of Georgia’s
objections in the WTO, the opening of a Russian school in Tbilisi
and, most importantly, a legislative decision on the impermissibility
of foreign military bases on Georgian soil. `We removed our bases
with that promise, which has not been kept yet. In the context of
Georgia’s intentions to join NATO, it is extremely important for us
that Georgia pass a law preventing the dislocation of foreign
forces,’ said Kelin. If Tbilisi does not show the obsequiousness
Moscow is demanding, Russia can always take more decisive action on
Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Vladimir Solovyev

Chakrian Hovsep:
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