USING GEORGIA TO TARGET RUSSIA
by Stephen Lendman

OpEdNews
August 13, 2008 at 05:19:35
PA

After the Soviet Union’s 1991 dissolution, Georgia’s South Ossetia
province broke away and declared its independence. So far it
remains undiplomatically recognized by UN member states. It’s been
traditionally allied with Russia and wishes to reunite with Northern
Ossetes in the North Ossetia-Alania Russian republic. Nothing so far
is in prospect, but Russia appears receptive to the idea. And for
Abkhazia as well, Georgia’s other breakaway province. The conflict
also has implications for Transdniestria, the small independent
Russian-majority part of Moldova bordering Ukraine, and for
Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan.

Tensions arose and conflict broke out in late 1991. It resulted in
a 1992 ceasefire to avoid a major confrontation with Russia, but
things remained unsettled. Moscow maintains a military presence in
the province as well as in Abkhazia and exerts considerable political
and economic influence. Throughout the 1990s, intermittent conflict
erupted but nothing on the order of early August 7 when Georgia acted
with aggression against the S. Ossetian capital, Tskninvali.

Russiatoday.com reported the early timeline:

— at 22:50 GMT, Tskhinvali reported heavy shelling;

— 22:00 GMT – TASS news agency reported intensive Georgian firing
on the capital’s residential areas;

— 21:27 GMT – Russia’s Vesti television reported that S. Ossetia’s
military downed a Georgian attack plane;

— 21:25 GMT – Georgia announced plans to withdraw half its Iraq
forces because of the conflict;

— 21:22 GMT – S. Ossetia claimed to be in control of Tskhinvali,
but Georgian forces attempted to retake the city;

— 20:36 GMT – The UN Security Council began closed-door discussions
on the conflict – initiated by Georgia and the second in 24 hours;

— 20:25 GMT – Georgia asked the US to pressure Russia to "stop (its)
armed aggression;"

— 19:08 GMT – Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said "Russia is
taking adequate military and political measures" to end the violence;

— 18:56 GMT – S. Ossetia’s government said it controls Tskhinvali,
but fighting in one city district continued;

— 17:35 GMT – Georgian President Saakashvili claimed that Georgia
controlled Tskhinvali and most S. Ossetian villages and regions;

— 17:20 GMT – S. Ossetian leader Kokoity asked the world community to
stop Georgia’s "genocide" and recognize the territory’s independence;
he claimed 1400 deaths in the fighting;

— 16:46 GMT – thousands of S. Osettians fled the fighting;

— 16:14 GMT – Russia’s Air Force denied bombing a Georgian military
base;

— 14:23 GMT – reports from Tskhinvali indicated mass fires in
the city;

— 13:25 GMT – Russia’s Defence Ministry accused Georgian troops of
shooting peacekeepers and civilians and denying them medical help;

— 13:16 GMT – Saakashvili accused Russia of waging war and asked
for US support;

— 12:55 GMT – Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov accused Georgia of
ethnic cleansing Ossetian villages;

— 12:04 GMT – Russia’s Defence Ministry said it sent peacekeeping
reinforcements to S. Ossetia;

— 11:25 GMT – reports indicated that Tskhinvali was completely
destroyed;

— 10:33 GMT – Georgia announced a three-hour ceasefire to let
civilians evacuate the conflict zone;

— 9:36 GMT – Russia’s Parliament cited Georgia’s aggression as a
"serious reason" to recognize S. Ossetian independence;

— 8:18 GMT – firefights spread to Tskhinvali streets;

— 6:51 GMT – the UN Security Council failed to approve a
Russia-sponsored ceasefire call; fighting intensified;

— 5:01 GMT – S. Ossetia sought Russian protection and help to stop
the fighting; and

— 4:13 GMT – Georgian troops resumed attacking Tskhinvali in a
continued act of aggression; things remained unsettled; fighting
continued and at times with ferocity.

On August 8, The New York Times reported that Georgia officials
"accused Russia (on August 5) of violating the country’s airspace
and firing a guided missile…." Russia denied the charge, called
it baseless, and said no Russian planes were in the area either
August 4 or 5th. Georgia, on the other hand, said they were as a
"provocation aimed only" to disrupt Georgia’s peace and "change the
political course of the country."

Earlier in March, Georgia accused Russia of launching missile
attacks on Georgian villages in the volatile Kodori Gorge. Relations
deteriorated markedly last year after Georgia arrested and deported
four Russian Army officers, accusing them of spying. Moscow recalled
its ambassador, cut air, sea and postal links, and deported several
thousand Georgians in response. These events and others led up to
the present conflict with considerable suspicions about what’s behind
them. The New York Times reported (August 10) that conflict had been
brewing for years but suggested Russia is at fault:

— emboldened by its Checknya successes;

— the Kremlin’s loathing of President Saakashvili – personally
and politically;

— tensions over Washington’s ties with him – providing political,
economic and especially military support, including a total overhaul
of its forces complete with large stockpiles state-of-the-art weapons
and munitions as well as training to use them;

— Saakashvili’s alliance with the Bush administration in Iraq; and

— President Putin granting citizenship and passports to most
S. Ossetian and Abkhazian adults.

Unmentioned by The Times are:

— reasons behind the growing tensions between Washington and Moscow;

— the Bush administration’s unilateral abandonment of the 1972
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM);

— its continued provocations around the world, including in areas
sensitive to Russia;

— its massive military buildup;

— its advocacy for preventive, preemptive and "proactive" wars with
first-strike nuclear weapons;

— NATO’s role in serving America’s imperial interests;

— enlarging it with new member states, including former Soviet
republics;

— encircling Russia with US military bases;

— situating them in former Soviet republics and regional states;

— the strategic importance of Georgia for the Anglo-American Caspian
oil pipeline; its extension from Baku, Azerbaijan (on the Caspian)
through Georgia (well south of S. Ossetia), bypassing Russia and
Iran, and across Turkey to its port city of Ceyhan – the so-called
BTC pipeline for around one million barrels of oil daily, adjacent to
the South Causasus (gas) Pipeline with a capacity of about 16 billion
cubic meters annually;

— the regional stakes involved: Washington and Russia vying to
control Eurasia’s vast oil and gas reserves;

— Israel’s role in the region; its interest in the BTC pipline;
its negotiations with Georgia, Turkey, Turkmenistan and Azarbaijan
to have it reach its Ashkelon oil terminal and Red Sea Eilat port;
its selling Georgia state-of-the-art weapons, electronic warfare
systems and intelligence; its use of military advisors to train
Georgian forces in commando, air, sea, armored and artillery tactics
as well as instruction on military intelligence and security;

— its refusal to freeze its Georgian military alliance; the dubious
reliability of Haaretz citing an AP August 7 report that "Israel has
decided to halt all sales of military equipment to Georgia because of
(Russia’s) objections….to give Israel leverage with Moscow….not
to ship arms and equipment to Iran" such as sophisticated S-300 air
defense missiles; the Israeli Foreign Ministry refusing comment on an
arms freeze and Georgian Cabinet minister Temur Yakobashvili saying
"There has been no decision by Israel to stop selling (us) weapons;"

— believe it, and here’s what Haaretz says Israel supplies: high-tech
infantry weapons, artillery systems electronics, and upgrades for
Soviet-designed Su-25 ground attack jets as well as Israeli generals
advising Georgia’s military; Israel also sells Hermes 450 UAV spy
drones according to Russiatoday.com; according to some sources, it’s
a virtual gold mine for Israeli defense contractors, but Haaretz
reports it’s much less at around $200 million a year – well below
American and French sales;

— on August 10, the Israeli ynetnews.com highlighted "The Israeli
Connection" and reported "Israeli companies have been helping (the)
Georgian army (prepare) for war against Russia through arms deals,
training of infantry and security advice;" it was helped by Georgian
citizens "who immigrated to Israel and became businesspeople,"
and the fact that Georgia’s Defense Minister, Davit Kezerashvili,
"is a former Israeli fluent in Hebrew (whose) door was always open
to the Israelis who came and offered his country arms;" deals went
through "fast" and included "remote-piloted (Elbit System) vehicles
(RPVs), automatic turrets for armed vehicles, antiaircraft systems,
communications systems, shells and rockets;"

— Russia’s anger over Georgia and Ukraine seeking NATO membership
and Washington’s pressuring other members to admit them;

– the planned installation of "missile defense" radar in the region
– in Poland, Czechoslovakia and potentially other sensitive areas,
all targeting Russia, China, and Iran;

— its provoking Russia to retarget nuclear missiles at planned
"radar" locations; and

— targeting Russia for dissolution (as the US’s main world rival),
diffuse its power, control Eurasia, including the country’s immense
resources on the world’s by far largest land mass.

The New Great Game

What’s at stake is what former National Security advisor Zbigniew
Brzezinski described in his 1997 book "The Grand Chessboard." He
called Eurasia the "center of world power extending from Germany
and Poland in the East through Russia and China to the Pacific and
including the Middle East and the Indian subcontinent." He continued:
"The most immediate (US) task is to make certain that no state or
combination of states gains the capacity to expel the United States
from Eurasia or even to diminish significantly its decisive arbitration
role." Dominating that part of the world and its vast energy and other
resources is Washington’s goal with NATO and Israel its principal
tools to do it:

— in the Middle East with its two-thirds of the world’s proved oil
reserves (about 675 billion barrels); and

— the Caspian basin with an estimated 270 billion barrels of oil
plus one-eighth of the world’s natural gas reserves.

"New World Order" strategy aims to secure them. Russia, China, and
Iran have other plans. India allies with both sides. Former Warsaw
Pact and Soviet republics split this way:

— NATO members include the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland,
Romania, Albania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania;

— Georgia and Ukraine seek membership; while

— Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazahkstan, Moldova, Tajikistan,
Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Kyrgystan ally with Russia.

Georgia now occupies center stage, so first some background about a
nation Michel Chossudovsky calls "an outpost of US and NATO forces"
located strategically on Russia’s border "within proximity of the
Middle East Central Asian war theater." Breakaway S. Ossetia and
Abkhazia, though small in size, are very much players in what’s
unfolding with potential to have it develop into something much bigger
than a short-lived regional conflict.

In 2003 with considerable CIA help, Georgia’s President Saskashvili
came to power in the so-called bloodless "Rose Revolution." Georgia
held parliamentary elections on November 2. International observers
called them unfair. Sackashvili claimed he won. He and the united
opposition called for protests and civil disobedience. They began
in mid-November in the capital Tbilisi, then spread throughout the
country. They peaked on November 22, the scheduled opening day for
parliament. Instead, Saakashvili-led supporters placed "roses" in
the barrels of soldiers’ rifles, seized the parliament building,
interrupted President Eduard Shevardnadze’s speech, and forced him
to escape for his safety.

Saakashvili declared a state of emergency, mobilized troops
and police, met with Shevardnadze and Zurab Zhvania (the former
parliament speaker and choice for new prime minister), and apparently
convinced the Georgian president to resign. Celebrations erupted. A
temporary president was installed. Georgia’s Supreme Court annulled
the elections, and on January 4, 2004, Saakashvili was elected and
inaugurated president on January 25. New parliamentary elections were
held on March 28. Saakashvili’s supporters used heavy-handed tactics
to gain full control, but behind the scenes Washington is fully in
charge. It pulls the strings on its new man in Georgia and stepped
up tensions with Russia for control of the strategically important
southern Causasus region.

On January 5, 2008, Saakashvili won reelection for a second term in a
process his opponents called rigged. Given how he first gained power
and the CIA’s role in it, those accusations have considerable merit.

After the outbreak of the current crisis, Russia’s NATO envoy, Dmitry
Rogozin, accused the Alliance of "encourag(ing) Georgia to attack
S. Ossetia and called it "an undisguised aggression accompanied by
a mass propaganda war." Russia’s Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov,
called attention to Georgia’s "massive arms purchasing….during
several years" and its use of "foreign specialists" to train "Georgian
special troops."

In his August 10 article titled – "War in the Causasus: Towards a
Broader Russia-US Military Confrontation?" – Chossudovsky notes how
"attacks were timed to coincide with the Olympics largely with a view
to avoiding frontpage media coverage" and to let saturation Beijing
reports serve as distraction.

Now after days of fighting, headlines cite 2000 or more deaths
(largely civilians), huge amounts of destruction, Tskhinvali in
ruins, and many thousands of refugees seeking safe havens. Accounts of
Georgian atrocities have also surfaced, and according to Chossudovsky
they’re part of a planned "humanitarian disaster (against civilian
targets) rather than (an impossible to achieve) military victory"
against a nation as powerful as Russia. Had Georgia sought control,
a far different operation would have unfolded "with Special Forces
occupying key public buildings, communications networks and provincial
institutions."

So why did this happen, and what can Washington hope to gain when
it’s bogged down in two wars, threatening another against Iran,
and thoroughly in disrepute as a result? It’s part of a broader
"Great Game" strategy pitting the world’s two great powers against
each other for control of this vital part of the world.

Bush administration plans may come down to this – portray Russia
as another Serbia, isolate the country, and equate Putin and/or
Medvedev with Milosevic and hope for all the political advantage it
can gain. "The war on Southern Ossetia," according to Chossudovsky,
"was not meant to be won, leading to the restoration of Georgian
sovereignty over (the province). It was intended to destabilize the
region while triggering a US-NATO confrontation with Russia."

Georgia is its proxy. Its attack on S. Ossetia is a made-in-Washington
operation. But not according to George Bush (on August 10) who
"strongly condemned (Russia’s) disproportionate response," and Dick
Cheney (on the same day) saying its military "aggression must not go
unanswered, and that its continuation would have serious consequences
for its relations with the United States, as well as the broader
international community." An EU statement agreed. It expressed its
"commitment to the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of
Georgia" and pretty much accused Russia of aggression.

Russia’s response and capabilities are unsurprising. It counterattacked
in force, battered Georgian troops, inflicted damage at will,
reportedly overran the Gori military base in Senaki, moved south into
Georgia proper, and largely attacked military targets with great
effect. It also wants an emergency meeting with NATO and issued
an ultimatum for Georgian troops to disarm in the Zugdidi District
along the Abkhazia – Georgia border. For its part, Georgian officials
said Russia’s "wide-scale assault (is) aimed at overthrowing the
government."

On August 10, the London Guardian reported that the Caucasus conflict
"spread to Georgia’s second breakaway province of Abkhazia, where
separatist rebels and the Russian air force launched an all-out
attack on Georgian forces." Abkhazia’s leader, Sergei Bagapsh, said
"around 1000 Abkhaz troops" engaged in a major "military operation"
to force Georgian forces out of the strategic Kodori gorge. Russian
army spokesman, Anatoly Nogovitsyn, told Interfax: "We do not intend
to take the initiative in escalating the conflict in this region. We
are primarily interested in" stabilizing Abkhazia.

On August 12, AP reported that "Russian President Dmitri Medvedev
ordered a halt to military action in Georgia (today), saying it had
punished (the country) and brought security for civilians and Russian
peacekeepers." Nonetheless, reports are that fighting continues,
and Medvedev ordered his military to quell "any emerging hotbeds of
resistance or any aggressive actions…." Foreign Minister Lavrov
added that Moscow won’t talk to Saakashvili and said he’d "better go."

The latest AP August 13 report is that Georgian officials claim Russian
tanks "seized a (Georgian) military base (and) also held onto ground
in western Georgia, maintaining control of the town of Zugdidi." For
its part, "Russia accused Georgia of killing more than 2000 people,
mostly civilians, in South Ossetia." Witnesses confirmed that hundreds
had died there, and expectations are that the death toll will rise
"because large areas of Georgia (are) too dangerous for journalists
to enter (to assess) the true scope of the damage."

On the Attack – The Corporate Media React

Despite the Olympic distraction, the dominant media jumped on this
story and are unsurprisingly one-sided in their reports. On August
11, a New York Times editorial headlined "Russia’s War of Ambition"
in which it lamented that Saakashvili "foolishly and tragically baited
the Russians – or even more foolishly fell into Moscow’s trap…." It
accused the Kremlin of "bull(ying) and blackmail(ing) its neighbors
and its own people." It stated "There is no imaginable excuse for
(invading) Georgia" and defended "Saakashvili’s ‘democratically
elected’ government."

It accused Vladimir Putin of "shoulder(ing) aside (Medvedev) to
run the war (and) appears determined to reimpose by force and
intimidation as much of the old Soviet sphere of influence as
he can get away with." The US and its European allies "must tell
Mr. Putin in the clearest possible terms that such aggression will
not be tolerated." They’ll also "need to take a hard look at their
relationship with Russia going forward….Russia needs to behave
responsibly. And the United States and Europe must make clear that
anything less is unacceptable."

The Los Angeles Times’ op-ed writer Max Boot (noted for his hard-right
views) was just as one-sided in referring to the "Red Army" and saying
the West must "Stand up to Russia." It must protect Saakhashvili
and prevent Moscow from "replac(ing) him with a pro-Kremlin
stooge." Its leaders must "stand together and make clear that this
aggression will not stand." He called Russia’s "excuses" for its
"aggression….particularly creepy" and said they mirrored Hitler’s
when he "swallow(ed) Czechoslovakia and Poland." He added that "the
lesson" of the 1930s must be heeded because the "cost of inaction"
is too high.

David Clark in the London Guardian was also hostile in his op-ed
headlined "The west can no longer stand idle while the Russian bully
wreaks havoc." He described "Russian policy (as) uniquely destructive
in generating instability and political division in the Caucasus"
and excused Saakhashvili for his actions. He referred to "Georgia’s
role in maintaining the only east-west pipeline route free of Russia’s
monopolistic grip…." He called Georgia’s security concerns "real,
and Russia is the cause." David Clark is a former government adviser
and now chairman of the pro-West Russia Foundation.

The Wall Street covers this story daily in news reports and
commentaries. On August 11, it gave Saakashvili a half page for his
op-ed headlined "The War in Georgia Is a War for the West," and he
didn’t mince words. He accused Russia of "waging (all-out) war on my
country (that’s) not of Georgia’s making (nor its) choice. The Kremlin
designed this war….(it’s) a war about (Georgia’s) independence and
future (and) about the future of freedom in Europe."

On August 12, writers Gary Schmitt and Mauro De Lorenzo headlined "How
the West Can Stand up to Russia," and they were just as hostile. They
accused Moscow of "cutthroat politics….at home and abroad" and
asked "What can the West do?" First they urge "rush(ing) military and
medical supplies to Tbilisi (and) Washington should lead." It should
then tell Moscow that the West has a "greater capacity to sustain a
new Cold War (and aim) to put Mr. Putin and Dmitry Medvedev on their
back foot diplomatically."

Then on to the larger issue of "break(ing) Russia’s "stranglehold on
Europe’s energy supplies" and one other thing – building a "strong,
prosperous and fully independent Georgia (heading for) NATO and EU
membership" allied against Russia.

The Journal’s same day editorial headlined "Vladimir Bonaparte"
after one day earlier accusing Moscow of "Kremlin (business) Capers"
and admonishing investors against "putting money into Russia." On the
12th, it warned that "Georgia is only the first stop for Eurasia’s new
imperialist." It referred to Putin "consolidat(ing) his authoritarian
transition as Prime Minister with a figurehead president….Ukraine is
in his sights, and even the Balkan states could be threatened if he’s
allowed to get away with it. The West needs to draw a line at Georgia."

It called on NATO to "respond forcefully….start today (and said)
this is perhaps the last chance for President Bush to salvage any
kind of positive legacy toward Russia (by) rally(ing) the West’s
response." Putin seeks to "dominat(e)….the world stage. Unless
Russians see that there are costs for their Napoleon’s expansionism,
Georgia isn’t likely to be his last stop."

Welcome to the new Cold War and new Great Game, what a new
administration will inherit next year, and the very worrisome thought
that it will handle things no better than the current one no matter
who’s elected or which party controls Congress.

Stephen Lendman is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research
on Globalization. He lives in Chicago and can be reached at
lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net.