LEARNINGS FROM THE SARI GELIN CASE
By Ayse Gunaysu
HYE-TERT
;Di lId=2
March 5 2009
Turkey
It was March 8, 2005 when BBC News reported how Turkey renamed
"divisive" animal names on the ground that they were "contrary to
Turkish unity." The report said that Turkey "is changing the names of
three animals found on its territory to remove references to Kurdistan
or Armenia. … The red fox, known as Vulpes Vulpes Kurdistanica,
will now be known as Vulpes Vulpes; wild sheep called Ovis Armeniana
becomes Ovis Orientalis Anatolicus; and roe deer known as Capreolus
Capreolus Armenus becomes Capreolus Cuprelus Capreolus. The ministry
said the old names were contrary to Turkish unity. ‘Unfortunately
there are many other species in Turkey which were named this way
with ill intentions. This ill intent is so obvious that even species
only found in our country were given names against Turkey’s unity,’
a ministry statement quoted by Reuters news agency said. Some Turkish
officials say the names are being used to argue that Armenians or
Kurds had lived in the areas where the animals were found."
This is the reality of Turkey, mentioned in the 2005 Minority Rights
Report of the Human Rights Association (IHD) Istanbul Branch to give
an idea about the background of minority rights in the country. In
the March 1, 2009 issue of the daily Taraf, Ayse Hur refers to this
episode, fantastically mocking such endeavours and reminding us that
the names were given by the International Commission on Zoolgical
Nomenclature (ICZN) and that any change in this respect was subject
to strict rules and procedures.
The change of "subversive" animal names is a striking evidence of
the fact that official formulations of Turkey’s age-old, untouchable
"national interests"–the way with which they are promoted and the
attempts to fulfill these "interests" at all costs–are so vulgar that
despite the aggression displayed and the fearful threats made, they
are very easy to refute. However, the general public’s intellectual
capabilities are deliberately suppressed generation after generation by
a mechanism so powerful that the people who make it possible for the
rulers to rule don’t even notice the vulgarity of the arguments made
and the way they are being implemented. But this is changing, too. With
more and more people feeling the need to be better informed masses
are slowly but steadily ceasing to be a monolithic body of supporters.
The degree of coarseness in communicating the official Turkish thesis
was such that the decision makers of this field had apparently decided
to "refine" it a bit. As such, the "Sari Gelin," when it was first
publicized, had been promoted as an "objective," "unbiased," and
"scientific" documentary featuring arguments from "both sides" and
aiming at a "solution." The language used in promoting the documentary
indeed differed from that of the vulgar discourse the Turkish public
had been used to. During the research phase, the manner in which the
initial contacts were made with the prospective interviewees was also
in line with this new strategy. It was for this reason that some, who
would otherwise not even think of taking part in such a documentary,
accepted to be interviewed by the production team and later saw that
their statements were censored, distorted, or taken out of context.
However, on the documentary’s official website
() which is also in English, it is proudly
declared that unlike the Armenian side, this documentary includes the
views of the "opponents" as well. The truth is that, contrary to the
producers’ claims that they would be telling the audience the "true
story" of what they deemed were Armenian allegations, the documentary
depicts Armenians as those responsible for the "tragedy."
Military telling what to teach students
It is explained on the website that the research phase for the project
had started in 1999 and it lasted four years, followed by eight months
of shooting and four months of editing.
This calendar coincides with the great counter-attack launched
by Turkey against "Armenian allegations." In 2002, a Coordinating
Committee was set up by the council of ministers for the "Fight Against
Unfounded Genocide Allegations" to be chaired by Devlet Bahceli,
the leader of the ultra-nationalist National Movement Party and the
then-vice premier. The committee, which included a department head
from the General Staff as well, decided that the official Turkish
thesis against these "allegations" should be integrated into school
textbooks and the curriculum. The decision was introduced by Bahceli
on May 1, 2002. "To ensure that young people are informed about the
past, present, and future of unfounded allegations of genocide we’ve
taken the decision to include this subject in classroom textbooks
starting from the 2002-03 school year," he declared. On April 14,
2003, a circular was issued to all schools demanding that, in line
with the above-mentioned decision, conferences should be held at
schools to inform the children of the "realities" of the period,
and how the allegations made by Armenians, Greeks, and Assyrians are
unfounded. The circular also instructed schools to organize essay
contests on the same topic.
The IHD Istanbul Branch immediately started to circulate, online and
by fax, a protest letter to the minister to withdraw the circular
and put an end to the policy. Shortly after, the association brought
legal action at the Council of State demanding that the circular be
cancelled as it constituted a gross violation of not only international
conventions signed by Turkey, but also the Turkish Constitution and
other national legislation prohibiting discrimination. The Council
of State rejected the case on the grounds that the IHD was not the
party to suffer as a result of the ministry’s circular.
Growing public reaction against hatred
The background of the question, as can be clearly seen, indicates that
"Sari Gelin" and its use as an indoctrination tool is part of a state
policy–and looking at the big picture, there is nothing new about
it. However, looking more closely, one can see small changes. First,
there is an effort to make the propaganda seem more "objective"
by including the comments of the "opponents." More important is the
fact that the Turkish establishment is growing more responsive to
criticisms raised within the country.
When news broke out that the "Sari Gelin" documentary was being
shown to students at primary schools, the Turkish Armenian
community was the quickest to protest and take action,
issuing an open letter to the Prime Minister which appeared
on Feb. 11, 2009 on the Turkish Armenian website Hye-Tert
( ;Id=392&DilId=1). "Given
the way in which the said documentary brings up the issue, it
would definitely fuel hatred and animosity and thereby raise the
already existing anti-Armenian sentiments in society, by instigating
violent and discriminatory rhetoric instead of providing insight
into historical facts," the letter said. This was covered by several
mainstream dailies.
Then came the protests from the other sectors of society. The
History Foundation released a press statement urging the ministry "to
immediately abandon this incorrect and dangerous practice." Describing
such practices as "at the first place, pedagogically incorrect,"
the statement goes on to indicate that "dragging education into
discussions of popular politics which are defiant event for adults,
and considering primary education as a tool of indoctrination are
indicators of a totalitarian regime which have long been outdated by
contemporary education mindset."
The Hrant Dink Foundation brought legal action at the Istanbul
Administrative Court, demanding that the screening of the film be
immediately stopped. ""Ruptured bodies, shattered bones, piles of
skulls, mass graves shown in the movie would gravely harm the mental
and psychological well-being of children. Frightening discourses
included in the documentary like quoting old people saying Armenians
burned and decapitated Turks, would result in further moral violence
on non-Muslim children," said the foundation’s lawyer, Fethiye Cetin.
The IHD Istanbul Branch organized a protest in front of the post office
in Galatasary Square, sending letters to the ministry urging an end to
policies that instill hatred in the minds of the younger generations.
Dr. Serdar Kaya, the father of a fifth-grade student, filed a criminal
complaint with the Uskudar public prosecutor’s office. "On February
13, my daughter was shown the documentary ‘Sarı Gelin’ at her school
without my knowledge or permission. My daughter was extremely disturbed
and frightened by the film and she asked me questions like ‘Did the
Armenians slaughter us?’ … The fact that my daughter was shown
such a documentary which disturbs her psychologically and instills
feelings of hatred by the school to which I entrusted my daughter is
a direct attack on her rights and my rights as her parent."
A joint press conference was held by the Peace Initiative (of Turkey),
representatives from Armenian foundation schools, the Helsinki Citizens
Assembly, the History Foundation, the Social Democracy Foundation,
and the International Hrant Dink Foundation. The joint press statement
they released declared that "Sari Gelin" was not a documentary but
vulgar propaganda, which was not only biased and aggressive but also
openly racist and provocative. The statement also called for the
punishment of those who were responsible for this crime.
Halis Erdogan, a Kurdish deputy from the Democratic Turkey Party,
asked in the parliament whether or not those who ordered the screening
of the documentary would be tried for violating Article 216 of the
Turkish Penal Code, which bans any act that would provoke people
against others with different religious or ethnic origins.
Hundreds of articles appeared in the press, and TV channels covered
the protests. CNN Turk, one of the most reputable news channels
in Turkey, interviewed Dilara Kahyaoglu, a history teacher and a
History Foundation volunteer who for years worked on the question
of discrimination in school textbooks with the director of the
film, Ismail Umac, who in turn argued that the documentary was an
objective production aimed at promoting scientific knowledge about
this controversial subject matter. Kahyaoglu refuted this assertion
by saying that despite its scientific rhetoric, the film was clearly
propaganda which could by no means be used as an educational tool
in schools. Kahyaoglu was very impressive and sounded indisputably
credible, unlike Umac who failed to provide any sound "scientific"
or "unbiased" arguments.
In the midst of these protests and wide media coverage, the Ministry
of National Education declared that it would stop the "distribution
of the documentary to the schools," noting that the documentary was
intended for teachers as a "supplementary educational material" and
not for students, and that "they also heard" that the documentary was
"in some cases" used "outside its intended purpose." The ministry
also declared that contrary to "allegations," the General Staff had
nothing to do with the documentary.
The learning points
Turkey’s leaders are becoming more and more susceptible to public
protests and bold attempts to change things. They are more responsive
to the reactions they are receiving. They feel the need to make a
move in some way or another. At least, they can no longer ignore the
voices raised. It is seemingly paradoxical that this is a result of
increasing contacts with the outside world, which raises the standards
in every field. It will be the combined effect of international and
local dynamics that will change things in Turkey. As regards the
Turkish public’s perception of the Armenian "question," the contacts
between the Armenian Diaspora and the Turkish audience will, I believe,
play an important part in raising awareness in Turkey. More and more,
Armenian scholars and historians from all over the world are visiting
Turkey, meeting Turkish intellectuals and human rights activists, and
appearing in the Turkish media. Apart from those they meet in person,
Turkish newspaper readers see their photographs, look at their faces,
and read what they say–in a way, get to know them. What’s more, we
have now reached a time when an Armenian scholar and writer will be
teaching in a university in Istanbul as a visiting professor, which
means Turkish students will listen to and learn from a diasporan
Armenian!
Such contact is crucial in getting to know and understand one
another. This is an important catalyst for change. We need
contact. More contact.