ArmeniaNow-September 25/2009 – Armenian Directory & News

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September 25, 2009

1. Raffi Hovannisian speaks out on protocols: Turkey-Armenia and the
Fruits of Genocide**

2.** With God’s Help: Supreme Patriarch hails Sargsyan’s move to
talk
to Diaspora

3. Animator Death: Heart failure claims well-known Armenian artist
Robert Sahakyants

**4.** In Our Opinion: Serzh faces no-win situation he created

5. The truth is somewhere out there: Armenian President’s alleged
statement caused controversy and confusion

6.** **The truth is somewhere out there: Armenian President’s alleged
statement caused controversy and confusion

7. H1N1: Health official says Armenia still `Swine Flu free’**

8. Eco alarm: Armenian endangered wildlife is again under threat of
hunt

9. Sport: Mika take center stage as they catch up with leader in
soccer title race

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1. Raffi Hovannisian speaks out on protocols: Turkey-Armenia and the Fruits
of Genocide

By Raffi K. Hovannisian

Governments and commentators have hailed the two recently-announced
protocols between Turkey and Armenia. If signed and ratified, they will
provide a timetable for the opening of the Turkish-Armenian border and the
establishment of full diplomatic relations.

Unfortunately, the exuberance in Western capitals is based on energy routes,
geopolitics and the desire to smooth the way for Turkey as a regional power
and EU aspirant. It ignores the sinister aspects of the deal.

Certainly, Armenia has long pushed for an end to the Turkish blockade of
Armenia, an open border and diplomatic relations with Turkey without
precondition. This has also been the stated U.S. and European position.

This approach acknowledges that the Armenian-Turkish relationship is
complicated and burdened by the Armenian Genocide. Open borders, diplomatic
relations and people-to-people contacts must come first before Turkey and
Armenia can begin to sort out a very difficult legacy, issues of restitution
and reparations and to what extent Turkey should continue to enjoy the
fruits of genocide.

The proposed protocols, however, will serve to meet two long-standing
Turkish preconditions to normalization of relations with Armenia. The first
is to forestall further progress in formal international recognition of the
Armenian Genocide. The second is to confirm and help remove the juridical
cloud from the Turkey Armenia frontier.

This frontier, which, under the Turkish blockade, is the last closed border
in Europe, lacks legal status. It is an important issue for Turkey. The
day after the protocols were announced, Turkey’s Foreign Minister stated
that recognition of the current boundary was a basic element of the proposed
agreements, without which, `we cannot talk about being neighbors.’

Turkey’s strategy to shirk its obligations to Armenia under international
law is to marginalize Armenia and to deny the Genocide, in which 1.5 million
Armenians were killed and the survivors dispossessed of most of their 3,000
year-old homeland. Turkey uses its growing strategic and economic power to
enlist American and European support for these initiatives. The offending
provisions in the proposed protocols are part of this process.

Armenia is small, land-locked and vulnerable. It previously resisted
Turkish preconditions to normalization. However, after elections marred by
fraud and political violence, the current Armenian administration has been
susceptible to Turkish, European and American pressure on this issue. Given
the legacy of the Armenian Genocide, European and American roles in
promoting, rather than objecting to, these preconditions are outrageous.

In the aftermath of the Armenian Genocide, President Woodrow Wilson fixed
Turkey’s boundary with Armenia in an arbitral award issued under U.S.
presidential seal. This remains the only binding demarcation of the
Turkish-Armenian frontier in accordance with an agreement between sovereign
and independent Turkish and Armenian states.

Although the de jure border and the award of these territories to Armenia
continue to be legally valid, the 1920 invasion of Armenia by Kemalist and
Bolshevik forces sealed these lands in Turkey and gave us the current de
facto border.

The great irony is that a significant stretch of the energy and transport
routes that are the sources of an emerging Turkish power pass through these
territories, which were also the killing fields of the Armenian Genocide.
The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the parallel natural gas South
Caucasus Pipeline do. So will the proposed Nabucco pipeline project. These
territories and projects, so vital to Turkey’s goal to become a major
international energy hub, are the fruits of genocide. And Armenia enjoys
none of their political and economic benefits.

Sadly, open hatred of Armenians is everywhere in Turkey, in official and
semi-official media, in the state school system, in state-sanctioned
discrimination and elsewhere in and out of government.

Of course, the pinnacle of this hatred is genocide denial, which genocide
scholars tells us constitutes the final stage of genocide. But consider the
Turkish Defense Minister who asks rhetorically whether the present Turkish
nation state would have been possible without the elimination of the
Armenian population or the Turkish President who charges an opposition
Turkish parliamentarian with defamation for alleging he has Armenian roots.
Remember the murder of the Turkish-Armenian journalist, Hrant Dink, or the
planned attacks on Turkish-Armenian community leaders by Ergenekon, the
ultranationalist organization associated with what in Turkey is referred to
as the `Deep State.’

With the demonization of Armenians in Turkish nationalist ideology, an
official policy of genocide denial and Ankara’s proven hostility to the
reborn Armenian state, that the West does not actively oppose Turkish
preconditions should give everyone pause.

The enduring legacy of the Armenian Genocide is not just a challenge for
Turkey and Armenia. It is also a challenge for Europe and America. The
West, despite growing Turkish power and influence, should encourage Turkey
to take responsibility for the Armenian Genocide, not assist Turkey in
compelling Armenia to agree to preconditions that humiliate the victimized
party and prejudice the integrity and outcome of any future genuine
reconciliation process between Turkey and Armenia.

Ultimately, the Turkish-Armenian conversation must include two thorny
issues: first, to what extent Turkey should continue to enjoy the fruits of
genocide and second, the integrity of the border it shares with Armenia.

Raffi Hovannisian was independent Armenia’s first minister of foreign
affairs.

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2. With God’s Help: Supreme Patriarch hails Sargsyan’s move to talk to
Diaspora

By Suren Musayelyan

His Holiness Karekin II, the Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All
Armenians, has welcomed President Serzh Sargsyan’s planned visits to several
centers of the worldwide Armenian Diaspora to listen to their opinions on
the current Armenian-Turkish normalization.

As reported by the presidential press office, during the meeting of the two
on Thursday, Sargsyan said that the process has reached `an important stage
of public-political discussions.’ He said that the widening debate is
important because `regardless of whether the published protocols [on
establishing diplomatic ties between Yerevan and Ankara] will be signed or
not, ratified or not, the discussions are a good ground for talking about
our relations and problems.’

`Of course, there are emotional phenomena and elements in them, it couldn’t
be otherwise, since a huge part of our people are the generations of those
subjected to genocide. Besides, across the border are our sacred places, our
churches, our capital, and for many also the remnants of their ancestral
homes. I understand this, since in many cases I myself struggle with my own
emotions. But, nevertheless, I am convinced that these discussions are
necessary,’ said Sargsyan.

During the meeting Sargsyan informed Catholicos Karekin II about his planned
weeklong visits beginning October 1 to a number of large Armenian
communities abroad, including Paris, New York, Los Angeles, Beirut and
Rostov-on-Don `in order to listen to the opinions and viewpoints on the
process of the normalization of the Armenian-Turkish relations from local
Armenians and Armenians from other relatively close communities.’

The Sargsyan administration’s yearlong fence-mending talks with Turkish
leadership culminated on August 31 in two initialed protocols on
establishing diplomatic ties and developing bilateral relations with Ankara.

The draft protocols, however, have drawn mixed reactions both from some
political groups inside Armenia as well as across the far-reaching Armenian
Diaspora.

Among the concerns presented by some Diaspora-based groups and leaders are
that several key provisions of the documents are potentially damaging to the
national interests of Armenia and its Diaspora as they purportedly make
Yerevan-Ankara normalization conditional on several concessions, including
the reaffirmation of the existing Turkish-Armenian border, the agreement to
set up an intergovernmental sub-commission to discuss historical
discrepancies, construed as agreement to start discussing and therefore
questioning the 1915-1918 Genocide of Armenians in Ottoman Turkey, as well
as making territorial concessions in a separate Armenian-Azerbaijani dispute
over Nagorno-Karabakh.

The Sargsyan administration has, on the contrary, insisted that the
protocols contain no preconditions and are a step forward in resolving a
century-old feud with the big neighbor and historical foe.

Karekin II said he welcomed the president’s initiative to hold meetings with
Diaspora representatives to address the concerns.

`The Diaspora is an important and inseparable part of our people and it is
only right that our sons from the Diaspora who, too, are in heated
discussions about the initialed Armenia-Turkey protocols during these days,
should have an opportunity to hear answers personally from you regarding
questions of concern to them and also that you should learn what our sons in
the Diaspora think, their viewpoints and concerns,’ said Karekin II.

The Catholicos reportedly informed President Sargsyan that at its upcoming
meeting the Supreme Spiritual Council will discuss the current
Armenian-Turkish process, the initialed documents and will issue a
corresponding statement.

`We wish you every success, Respected President. May God show His blessing
and help you on this important journey,’ concluded the Supreme Patriarch.

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3. Animator Death: Heart failure claims well-known Armenian artist Robert
Sahakyants

By Georg Khachaturyan

Famous Armenian animator Robert Sahakyants died in Yerevan on September 24,
aged 59, shortly after undergoing a heart surgery.

Sahakyants was taken to hospital on September 21 after he felt a sudden
heartache. Doctors revealed aorta exfoliation; the surgery, however, did not
save his life.

Sahakyants became renowned thanks to an animation film shot still in the
1980s, which was called `Knopka’ (thumbtack). The film contains a sharp
satire towards the Soviet reality of that epoch, and the animation film is
shot in the genre of comic surrealism. After `Knopka’ came the films
`Tebye
Armenia’ (To you, Armenia), and `Taverna’ (tavern), where he touched
upon
sad philosophical issues concerning the present and future of Armenia that
declared its independence.

Among the famous works of Sahakyants is the cycle of animation films based
on the tales of Armenian classic writer Hovhannes Tumanyan.

In 2002, as a result of cooperation between Robert Sahakyants and an art
group later named `Yellow Submaryan’, a series of identically titled
cartoons were produced.

Sahakyants was author and artistic-director of about 30 scenarios of
animation films, many of which got awards at international film festivals in
France, Italy, Spain, Germany, Japan, Ukraine, Russia, Estonia.

In 1987 the animator was awarded with the title of Honored Artist.
Sahakyants was the Artistic Director of the Union of Animation Films at the
`Hayfilm’ film studio.

Sahakyants was famous in Armenia not only due to his professional activity,
but also for his tough statements concerning different political issues or
events.

However, in life he was quite different. According to Sahakyants’ colleague
– artistic director Erik Muradyan – working with Sahakyants at `Zatik’
(lady-bird) Studio, the famous animator was easygoing, kind, friendly,
simple and available in communication. `Youth was kept in him, and it is
impossible to create animation films without it. This is an irretrievable
loss,’ Muradyan says.

Sahakyants is survived by wife, four children and seven grandchildren. Two
of his sons also pursue careers in animation film making.

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4. In Our Opinion: Serzh faces no-win situation he created

Whether you are for or against the pending Armenia-Turkey protocols is of
little consequence. Or so, regrettably, it appears.

As Week IV of the six-week debate period passes, what becomes more clear is
that public dissent and discourse may eventually prove to be cathartic, but
will likely have no bearing on an outcome that appears to have been
determined even before it was announced.

Better stated: If average Armenians want a voice in these matters, they’d
better solicit the Turkish Parliament, as it looks as if the signing is a
fait a’compli on this side of the border.

Opening of the Armenia-Turkey border should happen. It should not happen
this way.

Rightly achieved, such a significant step in the history of independent
Armenia should produce opportunity for public and political triumph and
should leave a needy nation feeling good about herself. The capital should
be planning for street dances rather than fearing street clashes.

Now, though, October 13 approaches more as a storm front than a dawn.

In all the shouting and sit-down protesting and faux `hunger strikes’ and
televised analyses and newsprint propaganda of these days, an informative
moment emerged when both President Serzh Sargsyan and his Minister of
Foreign Affairs Edward Nalbandyan conceded that amending the protocols is
out of the question.

In other words: The time for debate passed, before the public even knew
about it.

How did such a moment arrive? How is it possible that a democracy can be
forced to either accept or reject a history-changing document that it had no
chance to review in its conception, to say nothing of the
presumably-democratic privilege of informing its content?

In 2005, Armenians were invited to voting polls to endorse or reject a
package of amendments to the Constitution. Among them were curtailing the
sweeping powers of the President in favor of the parliament, the government
and the judiciary; providing for a democratically elected city council and
mayor in capital Yerevan; removing the ban on dual citizenship; and allowing
citizens of Armenia to apply to the Constitutional Court after they have
exhausted all other judicial opportunities.

It is fair to argue that, to the average Armenian (excluding international
relations), the expected result of these protocols will have greater impact
on lives here than those amendments to fundamental law.

So why was there no referendum on the formative issue of these protocols?

Our answer is not a good one.

It wouldn’t have mattered. Simply: The voting process in Armenia has
remained so fraudulent, so easily manipulated by authorities and so
confoundingly tolerated by international bodies that ought to know better,
as to become meaningless.

The most fundamental freedom of what should be a democratic society has been
allowed to be corrupted beyond believability, and in so doing has choked the
only voice the wide majority here should expect to have.

Serzh Sargsyan faces a lose-lose situation he deserves, because he and his
parliament were put in power by fraud, intimidation and payoffs. When the
protocols are ratified at home, he will face charges of having sold out the
causes (unequivocal Genocide recognition, independence for Karabakh) for
which he was seen to champion. And: If the Turkish parliament should not
ratify the protocols, he will be seen as having put his legitimacy for
leadership on the line only to have it impugned by his historic enemy.

There are some – perhaps many – who will glory in this conundrum. But none
should find it satisfying.

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5. The truth is somewhere out there: Armenian President’s alleged statement
caused controversy and confusion

Analysis by Aris Ghazinyan

ArmeniaNow reporter

On September 21, Armenia’s Independence Day, many Armenian news sites posted
President Serzh Sargsyan’s statement with reference to a Russian newspaper
as a source.

`I committed 21 years of my life to Artsakh land and will not allow them
to
be lost. Karabakh has been and will stay free. The ;occupied territories’
that Azerbaijan is demanding to concede to them are border settlements
between us and them, it is our security zone. We will not give them up. Let
them call us occupiers. I will not feel offended,’ popular Russian daily
newspaper Moscovski Komsomolets sited Sargsyan.

These words gave hope to many and raised concerns of as many, since the
President’s statement did not fit into the context of his very cautious
foreign policy, totally denying any kind of radicalism even in things he
says.

However, news outlets kept publishing passages from his speech and nobody
disclaimed them.

`We will not go to any one-sided concessions to Azerbaijan,’ said Sargsyan.
`They are absolutely out of question. We are ready to find a compromise with
Azerbaijan with three amendments: Karabakh will never be a part of
Azerbaijan again, Karabakh’s independence will be recognized on a political
level and, finally, independent Karabakh has to preserve safe land
communication with Yerevan. If these three conditions are met, we are ready
to start a dialogue.’

So, on September 21, the Armenian authorities, on the one hand, were
officially celebrating the main state holiday, and Armenian experts, on the
other hand, were thrilled about the famous interview.

And only by late evening that day, when festivities were over, it became
known that the Armenian president did not make any such statement, at least,
not on a official level.

Nonetheless, Armenian newspapers published on September 22 placed that
sensational statement on their cover pages with references to electronic
media outlets. This was immediately followed by complete confusion.

It’s difficult to say unequivocally whether it was a deliberate provocation
on the part of Moscovski Komsomolets or violation of `journalism ethics’
took place on the part of that newspaper’s correspondent, who had, indeed,
met the Armenian president, however, the mere fact of the current confusion
completely reflects the state of things in the sphere of Armenian-Turkish
relations and the perspectives of settling the Karabakh issue.

Official Ankara even more often and more unambiguously connects the
perspective of possible reconciliation with the settlement of the Karabakh
issue.

Just days ago Turkish Prime-Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made a statement
that `Turkey will not open the Turkish-Armenian border until the
Armenian-Azeri conflict is settled’.

On September 20, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davotuglu, in his turn, tied
the perspectives of establishing Armenian-Turkish diplomatic relations with
the Nagorno Karabakh issue.

In his interview to CNN Turk, Davotuglu stressed that `the occupation of
Azeri territories by Armenia is against all international norms. Something
has to be undertaken.’

The Turkish Prime-Minister and Foreign Minister are currently in New York to
take part in the 64th session of the UN General Assembly.

According to Turkish mass media, they are planning to discuss the issue of
normalizing relations with Armenia and officially state that bilateral
relations will be normalized only in case if the co-chairs of OSCE Minsk
group register a serious progress in the Karabakh settlement issue and
unconditionally recognize Nagorno Karabakh as an inalienable part of
Azerbaijan, and if Foreign Ministries of Armenia and Turkey sign the
Protocols before October 14.

It is noteworthy, that the parliamentary hearings in Armenia scheduled for
September 22 on the issue of normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations
during which standpoints on the Protocols inked on August 31 would be
presented, have been postponed till October 1.

What is Yerevan’s official standpoint?

In his September 22 interview to a Russian TV program `Vesti v Subotu’
(News
on Saturday), President Sargsyan said:

`Everybody got to know the logics laid in the basis of the current stage
of
settlement, that is the Madrid principles. It is about holding a referendum
on defining Nagorno Karabakh’s final status, return of those territories
into Azerbaijan’s control, which you called and which we and Karabakh call
`security zone’, and normalizations of all our relations.’

This implies that the president confirmed once again, that Madrid principles
suggest concession of 5 regions surrounding the former Autonomous Region of
Nagorno Karabakh to Azerbaijan, and that by

`Nagorno Karabakh’ mediators and diplomats mean not the current Republic of
Nagorno Karabakh, but the former autonomous region.

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6. **The truth is somewhere out there: Armenian President’s alleged
statement caused controversy and confusion**