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Turkey in regional activism mode

Gulf News, UAE
Nov 22 2009

Turkey in regional activism mode

Since the Israeli war on Gaza, Ankara has become a frequent critic of
Israeli policy, despite the strong alliance the two sides formed in
the 1990s.

By Rauf Baker, Special to Gulf News
Published: 00:00 November 22, 2009

The Middle East has been noticing with both curiosity and admiration ‘
mostly in the Arab world, the resurgence of Turkey as a regional power
player. Since the Israeli war on Gaza, Ankara has become a frequent
critic of Israeli policy, despite the strong alliance the two sides
formed in the 1990s.

Recently, the Turkish government voiced unprecedented support to
Iran’s position on the current standoff over the nuclear issue between
Tehran and the West. In an exclusive interview with Gulf News, Turkish
Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu outlines what he describes as his
country `recent activism’ in the Middle East.

Gulf News: Are we witnessing the formation of a new alliance in the
region that includes Turkey, Iran and Syria, especially after the
Turkish support to a nuclear Iran; and can we expect talks between
Washington and Tehran in Turkey similar to the ones between Syria and
Israel?

Ahmet Davutoglu What you are referring to seems to be the recent
activism that has been observed in the Turkish foreign policy. This is
actually a policy of dialogue, inclusiveness and constructive
engagement that is based on common denominators of achieving
sustainable peace, stability and prosperity in the entire region. As
such, our initiatives regarding Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and
Bosnia-Herzegovina, among others, should also be taken into
consideration as integral parts of a larger regional and global
vision.

As to the particular countries that you mention, Syria is one of our
most important neighbours with whom we share the longest border. Our
relations are defined by strong historic and cultural ties between our
peoples, as well as dictates of geography, common interests and
concerns relevant to regional developments. On the other hand, Syria
is a key country in the region whose contribution is essential for
regional peace and stability. Moreover, for Turkey, Syria is a gateway
opening into the Gulf region. Therefore, our enhanced relations with
this country would also help promote intra-regional economic and
commercial integration.

We believe that a diplomatic solution to Iran’s nuclear issue is
achievable and necessary. Given the already volatile situation in the
region, diplomacy is the only viable avenue for a solution. Any
solution to this issue should observe the right to make peaceful use
of nuclear energy, as well as the IAEA [International Atomic Energy
Agency] norms and the NPT [Non-Proliferation Treaty] obligations.
Concerns of the international community regarding the proliferation of
WMDs [Weapons of Mass Destruction] should also be addressed. Our
position on this matter has not changed since the outset of the
problem. The Geneva meetings between P5+1 [France, Germany, UK, China
Russia and the US] and Iran on October 1st and ensuing talks
demonstrate that diplomatic process is underway. We welcome the
ongoing efforts. It is important to keep the momentum. Turkey will be
ready to assume an active role if needed in order to facilitate a
diplomatic solution.

Are you concerned with the troubled situation in Iraq, and do you
doubt that the issue of Kirkuk carries potential threat to the next
Iraqi elections and even to Ankara’s relations with Baghdad?

The deterioration of the security situation in Iraq will profoundly
undermine what Iraq and Middle East needs today, which is peace and
stability. Therefore, the countries of the region all have a stake in
a stable, democratic and prosperous Iraq. Turkey believes that, before
the legislative elections in January next year, there is a need for
continued and enhanced international support from all countries and
international organisations to assist the Iraqi Government and the
people in their quest for democracy, national dialogue and political
reconciliation.

As Kirkuk is a microcosm of Iraq, a small spark in this governorate is
likely to inflame the whole country. Therefore, working towards a
settlement that will be acceptable to all groups in Kirkuk, is crucial
for the maintenance of peace, stability and tranquillity in Iraq. We
believe that giving a special status to Kirkuk, which will allow all
the communities in this governorate to live in peace and harmony,
would offer a lasting solution to this issue.

Is Turkey disappointed with the `veto’ raised by Greece, France, and
Germany on its bid to join the EU and is it possible that you might
halt what some inside Ankara describe as a `humiliating process’?

Since there is no `veto’, there is no disappointment! Nevertheless it
is an undeniable fact that we face some artificial political obstacles
while we move on in our accession process. Politically motivated
statements by some EU leaders have negative repercussions, in this
respect. Yet, given that this process continues on its path, these
views should not be perceived as `veto’. On the other hand, the aim of
the reforms undertaken in line with accession negotiations is to
attain the highest possible standards and norms in all walks of the
daily lives of Turkish citizens. If carefully followed, one would see
that the record of the last seven years is unique in this respect.
Consequently, the distance between Ankara and Brussels is now closer
than ever. Furthermore, accession process has never been easy for
aspiring countries. Some of today’s member states had to deal also
with severe opposition both internally and externally. However, they
moved forward with determination. With the same resolve, we are fully
committed to the accession process and determined to continue with
reforms.

Many predict that the recent Turkish-Armenian rapprochement is far
from guaranteed, what are the main obstacles facing the
reconciliation?

Turkey would like to develop good-neighbourly relations based on
mutual respect with all its neighbours. In the recent past, we have
achieved progress in solving our differences with many of our
neighbouring countries. We also took a courageous step by initiating a
process of dialogue with Armenia, which culminated in the two
protocols that were signed on October 10 in Zurich. It provides a
significant opportunity to establish lasting peace and security
between Turkish and Armenian States, as well as between Turkish and
Armenian nations and beyond, contributing to the solving of other
outstanding issues in the region.

There is an opposition stemming from the Armenian Diaspora towards
these protocols based on their different interpretation of the events
of 1915. However, the protocols present an opportunity to conduct an
impartial scientific examination of the historical records and
archives on this painful episode of the Turkish-Armenian common
history and shed light on the truth. A sub-commission will be created
with this task. This is what we long asked for. We believe, this
sub-commission will be instrumental in overcoming the conflict of
collective memories with respect to the events of 1915 and reach to a
just memory together.

Turkey has started the process of normalisation with Armenia in
good-faith and with a sincere political will and therefore my
government remains committed to taking this process forward. However,
realism dictates evaluating the fate of our relations with Armenia not
in a total vacuum, but rather in light of the big picture in the South
Caucasus.

Our efforts with Armenia, if not supplemented with some progress in
the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, would not suffice to
bring a comprehensive and sustainable normalisation to this region.
Concrete steps for the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem
would also be necessary in this regard. A positive development; a
tangible progress would not only contribute to the ratification
process, but also to the peace and stability in the whole region. We
trust that both of the parties to this conflict, as well as the
co-chairs of the Minsk Group who are tasked with facilitating the
negotiations between Azerbaijan and Armenia, are well aware of this
reality on the ground.

The protocols are now submitted to the Turkish Grand National Assembly
for approval. If all the actors act with responsibility and do their
utmost to contribute to the realisation of long awaited peace in the
South Caucasus, our parliamentarians would not have much difficulty in
giving their consent to these protocols which will facilitate these
two neighbouring people to embrace each other again. And this is the
only prospect that we would currently like to place our bets on for
the sake of all the peoples of South Caucasus.

Will Turkey make parallel steps with Greek Cypriot government?

We should, before everything, be aware of the nature of the Cyprus
question which is totally different from the Turkish-Armenian context.

Cyprus is a complex political issue. It ultimately revolves around one
fundamental fact: the existence of two distinct peoples on the Island,
namely the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots; and their
relationship. It is both useful and important to keep in mind that
there has never been a `Cypriot nation’ in Cyprus due to the distinct
national, religious and cultural characteristics of each ethnic people
who, in addition, speak different languages.

The Republic of Cyprus established on August 16, 1960 in accordance
with the international treaties as a partnership based on the
political equality of the two peoples. The sovereignty of the Republic
of Cyprus was limited by the guarantor rights given to three
countries, namely Turkey, Greece and the UK.

The Partnership Republic of 1960 was destroyed by the Greek Cypriot
side who tried to change unilaterally the very nature of the state of
affairs in the island in detriment of the Turkish Cypriot people. The
Turkish Cypriots, at the end of 1963, were systematically excluded
from the state mechanism at gunpoint and were to live in enclaves
corresponding to the 3 per cent of Cyprus under Greek Cypriot siege.
As of that date, the Republic of Cyprus has become defunct and the
Greek Cypriots have no authority to represent the whole of Cyprus or
the Turkish Cypriots.

In 1964, the UN Peacekeeping Force was established in the island to
protect the Turkish Cypriots from further massacres, but had been
unsuccessful in this task. This tragic situation lasted until 1974,
when the military regime in Greece instigated a coup d’etat in the
island in order to achieve `enosis’, which led to the intervention of
Turkey in line with its rights and obligations stemming from the 1960
Treaty of Guarantee. Turkey’s intervention saved the Turkish Cypriot
people from ethnic cleansing.

The negotiations between the two peoples in the island have been going
on since 1968. The Turkish Cypriot side has always supported a just,
lasting and comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus issue throughout
the negotiations under the auspices of the UN secretary-general’s Good
Offices mission. The Greek Cypriot side, however, rejected all the
settlement plans devised by the UN and lastly, the UN Comprehensive
Settlement Plan in 2004. As a matter of fact, the then UN
secretary-general Kofi Annan, in his report dated May 28, 2004
(S/2004/437), clearly stated that "if the Greek Cypriots are ready to
share power and prosperity with the Turkish Cypriots in a federal
structure based on political equality, this needs to be demonstrated,
not just by word, but by action".

As for the ongoing negotiating process for a comprehensive settlement
in Cyprus, Turkey as a guarantor power has given its full support to
the constructive efforts of the Turkish Cypriot side for the
establishment of a new Partnership in Cyprus with two Constituent
States of equal status based on political equality and bi-zonality.
Turkey has already expressed its readiness to establish relations with
the new Partnership State that will emerge following the comprehensive
settlement which will bring peace and stability to the Eastern
Mediterranean. Let me also emphasise that we are grateful to our
Muslim brothers as the Organisation of the Islamic Conference adopted
various resolutions that supported the call of the UN
Secretary-General to end the unjust isolations imposed on the Turkish
Cypriots.

– Rauf Baker is a Dubai-based journalist who specialises in Eastern
European Affairs

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