Jan. 28 Lecture On "Rocky Road Of Armenian-Turkish Normalization"

PRESS RELEASE
National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR)
395 Concord Ave.
Belmont, MA 02478
Tel.: 617-489-1610
Email: [email protected]

LECTURE ON "ROCKY ROAD OF ARMENIAN-TURKISH NORMALIZATION" AT COLUMBIA
UNIVERSITY

Dr. Arman Grigoryan, currently a Post-Doctoral Fellow at University of
Michigan, will give a lecture entitled "The Rocky Road of
Armenian-Turkish Normalization: Before and After the Protocols," on
Thursday, January 28, 2010, at 6:30 p.m., in the Lindsay Rogers Common
Room (Room 707) of the International Affairs Building at Columbia
University (420 West 118th Street, New York, NY). The lecture will be
sponsored by the Columbia University Armenian Studies Program, the
Armenian Center at Columbia University, the Middle East Institute at
Columbia University, and the National Association for Armenian Studies
and Research (NAASR).

The signing of the protocols on the establishment of diplomatic
relations and the development of bilateral relations between Armenia and
Turkey have been hailed as a watershed event. After all, the
relationship between Armenians and Turks has been one of the most
hostile relationships in the world since at least World War I.
Therefore, the signing of the protocols was bound to generate some
significant reactions. This presentation will aim to understand the
history of criticisms against normalization, current political shifts
within the government of Armenia, and the prospects of the protocols’
success.

Dr. Arman Grigoryan is a post-doctoral fellow at the University of
Michigan, where he has a joint affiliation with the Political Science
Department and the Armenian Studies Program. Dr. Grigoryan received a
Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University in 2008 after
defending his dissertation on the role of third parties in the
escalation of state-minority conflicts. He also holds an MA from the
University of Chicago in international relations, and an undergraduate
degree from the Yerevan State University, where he majored in Turkish
studies.

Dr. Grigoryan’s publications have appeared in Ethnopolitics,
International Security, Armenian Journal of Public Policy, and the
French Chaillot Papers. His article on the escalatory potential of
third-party interventions will appear in International Studies Quarterly
next year. Prior to his academic career, Grigoryan worked in the first
independent government of Armenia as an expert on Turkish affairs.

More information about the lecture is available by contacting Nanor
Kebranian at [email protected] or 212-851-4002 or by contacting NAASR at
[email protected] or 617-489-1610, or by writing to NAASR, 395 Concord Ave.,
Belmont, MA 02478.

www.naasr.org

ANKARA: Turkish Official Says Armenia Court Ruling Harms Protocols

TURKISH OFFICIAL SAYS ARMENIA COURT RULING HARMS PROTOCOLS

Jan 21 2010
Turkey

The Constitutional Court’s decision has hurt the process, Mercan said.

Chairman of the Turkish Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee,
Murat Mercan, said Thursday Armenian Constitutional Court’s decision
on the protocols signed by Turkey and Armenia was against the spirit
of the protocols.

Speaking to reporters, Mercan reminded that Turkish Foreign Minister
Ahmet Davutoglu told his Armenian counterpart Eduard Nalbandian
that the Armenian government should clarify the decision of the
Constitutional Court and display the necessary political will.

The decision of the Armenian Constitutional Court was against the
spirit of the protocols. The Constitutional Court’s decision has hurt
the process, Mercan stressed.

We will make a decision on the matter once legal experts of the
Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs complete their works, Mercan said.

As the representative of Turkey and the Turkish people, I want to
mention that our committee will take into consideration the sensitivity
of the Azerbaijani people while approving the protocols.

We are carefully watching the developments, Mercan noted.

Asked if the protocols would be withdrawn from the Turkish parliament,
Mercan said that there was no practical difference between holding
the protocols at the Turkish Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee
and the Turkish government’s withdrawal of the protocols.

It is up to the Turkish government. The government will make a
decision, Mercan also said.

www.worldbulletin.net

RA Foreign Ministry To Demand Explanations Regarding Turkish Foreign

RA FOREIGN MINISTRY TO DEMAND EXPLANATIONS REGARDING TURKISH FOREIGN MINISTRY’S STATEMENT

PanARMENIAN.Net
19.01.2010 20:20 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ RA Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian intends to
get in touch with his Turkish counterpart Ahmet Davutoglu to clarify
which was the paragraph in RA Constitutional Court’s resolution on
Protocols that, in Turkey’s opinion, contains preconditions and in what
way the resolution contradicts the letter and spirit of the Protocols.

"I hope that by this statement Turkey is not trying to justify
its continuous attempts to veil unreasonable delays in protocols’
ratification," Edward Nalbandian said, RA Foreign Ministry press
service reported.

The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued a statement on
the decision of the Armenian Constitutional Court on the Protocols
on normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia.

The statement reads: "The Constitutional Court of the Republic of
Armenia has declared its decision of constitutional conformity on
the Protocols between Turkey and Armenia signed on 10 October 2009
with a short statement on 12 January 2010. The Constitutional Court
has recently published its grounds of decision. It has been observed
that this decision contains preconditions and restrictive provisions
which impair the letter and spirit of the Protocols.

The said decision undermines the very reason for negotiating these
Protocols as well as their fundamental objective. This approach cannot
be accepted on our part.

Turkey, in line with its accustomed allegiance to its international
commitments, maintains its adherence to the primary provisions of
these Protocols.

We expect the same allegiance from the Armenian Government."

The Protocols aimed at normalization of bilateral ties and opening of
the border between Armenia and Turkey were signed in Zurich by Armenian
Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian and his Turkish counterpart Ahmet
Davutoglu on October 10, 2009, after a series of diplomatic talks
held through Swiss mediation.

Krikor Mazlumian Receives Congratulations From FSRWAD

KRIKOR MAZLUMIAN RECEIVES CONGRATULATIONS FROM FSRWAD

Aysor
Jan 20 2010
Armenia

Foundation for Supporting Russian-writing writers of Armenia and
Diaspora has sent its sincere congratulations to Armenian-born Russian
poet, well-known resident of Sochi, Director of Cultural Center of
Sochi’s Lazarevsky district, Krikor S. Mazlumian on the occasion of
receiving the Imperial Culture Award’s diploma.

"We’ve met with Krikor Mazlumian at the presentation of his collection
of poems, Songs about Hamshen," told Aysor’s correspondent on the
phone interview Suren Petrosian.

"We’ve established warm friendly relations, Krikor became our friend.

We sincere congratulate him for his achievements and success. I
would like to stress Krikor Mazlumian’s activities in bringing to
the world the Armenian culture. I believe, Krikor will please us with
his success and in the future."

Has There Been A Phone Conversation Between The Armenian, Turkish FM

HAS THERE BEEN A PHONE CONVERSATION BETWEEN THE ARMENIAN, TURKISH FMS?
Nvard Davtyan

"Radiolur"
20.01.2010 14:58

Turkish media report that RA Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian had
a phone conversation with his Turkish counterpart Ahmet Davutoglu.

Turkish Foreign Ministry Spokesman Burak Ozugergin said that RA
Foreign Minister expressed his concern over the statement issued by
Turkish Foreign Ministry.

Asked whether the phone conversation has really taken place, the Head
of Media Relations Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
of Armenia, Tigran Balayan said: "We’ll properly inform about the
Minister’s contacts."

The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement Monday,
saying the decision of the Armenian Constitutional Court "contains
preconditions and restrictive provisions which impair the letter and
spirit of the Protocols."

In response to that, Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian
said he would contact his Turkish counterpart to express his doubts,
and clarify where in the decision of the Constitutional Court of
Armenia the Turkish side sees preconditions and how they contradict
the fundamental objective of the Protocols.

British Council Launches Rock, Paper And Scissors Exhibition In Yere

BRITISH COUNCIL LAUNCHES ROCK, PAPER AND SCISSORS EXHIBITION IN YEREVAN

PanARMENIAN.Net
20.01.2010 20:18 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The British Council-launched Rock, Paper, Scissors
exhibition opened Wednesday in Albert and Tove â~@~NBoyajyan hall at
Yerevan Academy of Fine Arts. The exhibition items comprised about
50 works from 8000 collections of British Council. Their authors are
renowned British sculptors who selected a unique genre of art.

In his opening speech, President of Fine Arts Academy Aram Isabekyan
said, "I think works in such original genre will be a revelation for
our students and teachers. I’d like such exhibitions to be organized
more frequently, and I believe that cooperation between Fine Arts
Academy and British Council will be a productive one. "

The exhibition will last from 21 till 28 January. Organizers also plan
to hold a similar event in Georgia, Azerbaijan and Ukraine. Besides,
Fine Arts Academy will host lectures by outstanding British art critics
who will introduce to Armenian university students and teachers the
contemporary British art and prospects of its development in Armenia.

Rock, Paper, Scissors is an exhibition of prints by sculptors in
theBritish Council Collection, from the 1950s to the present day.

Looking at the artists featured, it is apparent that the process
of printmaking, be it etching, screen print, lino-cut or lithograph
remains a very popular way for sculptors to develop ideas and expand
their portfolios.

The British Council It is a non-departmental public body in Great
Britain, which specializes in international educational and cultural
opportunities.

Founded in 1934, it was granted a royal charter by King George VI in
1940. Its ‘sponsoring department’ within the United Kingdom Government
is the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, although it has day-to-day
operational independence. Martin Davidson is its chief executive,
appointed in April 2007

The event aims to assist in modern art and young authors.

Galust Sahakyan: We’re Ready For Turkey’s Refusal To Ratify Protocol

GALUST SAHAKYAN: WE’RE READY FOR TURKEY’S REFUSAL TO RATIFY PROTOCOLS

PanARMENIAN.Net
20.01.2010 21:48 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenian authorities’ harsh statements on current
rapprochement process were caused by Turkey’s policy of Protocols’
ratification, RPA parliamentary group leader Galust Sahakyansaid.

According to Sahakyan, Turkish Parliament will ratify Protocols,
otherwise it will have to face international -community related
problems. "Still, we’re ready for Turkey’s refusal to ratify
Protocols," RPA parliamentary group leader stated.

The Protocols aimed at normalization of bilateral ties and opening of
the border between Armenia and Turkey were signed in Zurich by Armenian
Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian and his Turkish counterpart Ahmet
Davutoglu on October 10, 2009, after a series of diplomatic talks
held through Swiss mediation.

On January 12, 2010, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of
Armenia found the protocols conformable to the country’s Organic Law.

The Republican Party of Armenia is a national conservative political
party in Armenia. It was the first political party in independent
Armenia to be founded (2 April 1990) and registered (14 May 1991). It
is the largest party of the centre-right in Armenia, and claims to have
140,000 members. The party controls most government bodies in Armenia.

At the 2003 parliamentary elections on May 25, the party received
23.5% of the popular vote, winning 31 out of 131 seats. At the last
parliamentary elections on May 12, 2007, the party received 33.91%
of the popular vote, winning 64 out of 131 seats. The former prime
minister, Andranik Markaryan, was the leader of the party. Current
President of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan, is the chairman of RPA board.

Armen Martirosyan: Leaving NKR As Part Of Azerbaijan Will Be Equal T

ARMEN MARTIROSYAN: LEAVING NKR AS PART OF AZERBAIJAN WILL BE EQUAL TO NEW GENOCIDE

PanARMENIAN.Net
21.01.2010 11:46 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Heritage party board chairman Armen Martirosyan
sent a letter to the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs to remind them of the
genocidal policy Azerbaijan has been implementing against Armenians
for many years.

"Heritage stands for recognition of NKR borders as they are fixed in
Artsakh’s Constitution. Everyone who develops principles for resolution
of the Karabakh conflict should know that leaving NKR as a part of
Azerbaijan will be equal to a new genocide," Mr. Martirosyan said.

Founded in 2002, Heritage , a National Liberal Party, is national by
its roots, liberal in its economic principle, and an advocate of the
democratic system of governance and due process for its citizens. The
party’s objective is the development of Armenia as a democratic,
lawful, and rights-based country that anchors its domestic and foreign
policies in the nation’s sovereign interest. During the party’s Third
Congress on May 30, 2005, Raffi K. Hovannisian was elected chairman.

The other eight members of the party board were elected by secret vote.

The conflict between Nagorno Karabakh and Azerbaijan broke out in 1988
as result of the ethnic cleansing the latter launched in the final
years of the Soviet Union. The Karabakh War was fought from 1991 to
1994. Since the ceasefire in 1994, most of Nagorno Karabakh and several
regions of Azerbaijan around it (the security zone) remain under the
control of Nagorno Karabakh defense army. Armenia and Azerbaijan have
since been holding peace talks mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group.

The OSCE Minsk Group was created in 1992 by the Conference on Security
and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now Organization for Security and
Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)) to encourage a peaceful, negotiated
resolution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict.

On 6 December 1994, the Budapest Summit decided to establish a
co-chairmanship for the process.

Implementing the Budapest decision, the Chairman-in-Office issued on
23 March 1995, the mandate for the Co-Chairmen of the Minsk Process.

The main objectives of the Minsk Process are as follows: Providing
an appropriate framework for conflict resolution in the way of
assuring the negotiation process supported by the Minsk Group;
Obtaining conclusion by the Parties of an agreement on the cessation
of the armed conflict in order to permit the convening of the Minsk
Conference; Promoting the peace process by deploying OSCE multinational
peacekeeping forces.

The Minsk Process can be considered to be successfully concluded if
the objectives referred to above are fully met.

The Minsk Group is headed by a Co-Chairmanship consisting of France,
Russia and the United States. Furthermore, the Minsk Group also
includes the following participating States: Belarus, Germany, Italy,
Portugal, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Turkey as well as Armenia
and Azerbaijan. Current Co-chairmen of the Minsk Group are: Ambassador
Bernard Fassier of France, Ambassador Yuri Merzlyakov of the Russian
Federation and Ambassador Robert Bradtke of the United States.

Wide Armenian Current-Account Gap Narrows Y/Y In Q3 2009

WIDE ARMENIAN CURRENT-ACCOUNT GAP NARROWS Y/Y IN Q3 2009
by Venla Sipila

World Markets Research Centre
Global Insight
January 18, 2010

According to the latest balance-of-payments figures from the country’s
National Statistics Service, the Armenian current-account deficit in
the first nine months of the year amounted to US$795.2 million, ARKA
News reports. This level marks narrowing of 8.5%, or US$74 million,
from the same period in 2008. As expected, current-account developments
were largely determined by merchandise trade trends.

Indeed, the trade deficit on a balance of payments basis for the first
three quarters of the year came in at US$1.392 billion, which marks
a narrowing of US$403 million in annual comparison, as a result of
exports falling by some 41% year-on-year (y/y) and imports easing by
around 28%. The deficit on the service balance narrowed to US$166.8
million, while the surplus on the income account also decreased and
stood at US$219.8 million.

Meanwhile, the balance on the current transfers account registered
a surplus of US$555.3 million, also narrowing in y/y terms. The
reported external balance for the January-September period implies a
current-account deficit of US$287.4 million for the third quarter of
2009. This result marks a narrowing of 17% y/y, after annual comparison
had shown deterioration in the second quarter. In quarter-on-quarter
(q/q) terms, the deficit increased by 7.1%, after deepening by 12.2%
q/q in the second quarter and decreasing by over 53% q/q in the
first quarter.

Significance:While the current-account deficit is easing in nominal
terms, ratio of the shortfall to the GDP widened, reaching some
13.3% of estimated GDP for the January-September period, against
10.2% of GDP in the same period in 2008. Thus, Armenian external
imbalance continues to present a major source of risk financial
risk, and financing it has necessitated rapid growth in government’s
external borrowing (seeArmenia: 1 December 2009: ). Reflecting the
severity of the economic downturn and the financial pressures, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) has even allowed for a modification
in payment schedules of its stand-by programme with the country,
bringing instalments forward, while also accepting revisions to
performance criteria (seeArmenia: 3 November 2009:). Good relations
with multilateral lenders should just keep Armenia’s external finances
manageable, as long as Armenia adheres to IMF conditionality and shows
continued motivation to fulfil its reform targets and development
goals.

Ambassador: ‘Turkey Punished Over Cyprus’

AMBASSADOR: ‘TURKEY PUNISHED OVER CYPRUS’

EurActiv
gement/ambassador-turkey-punished-cyprus/article-1 89013
Jan 19 2010

Preemptive vetoes against Turkey’s EU accession stemming from regional
tensions are unjust and its readiness to join the bloc should
be based the country’s capacity to fulfil the requirements of the
‘acquis communautaire’, Turkish Ambassador to Germany Ahmet Acet told
EurActiv Germany in an interview.

Ahmet Acet has been Turkey’s ambassador to Germany since 2008. A
long-serving diplomat, he has covered positions ranging from ambassador
to Belgrade to deputy secretary of state for European affairs.

He was speaking to EurActiv Germany’s Ewald König, Michael Kaczmarek
and Alexander Wragge.

Ambassador Acet: Germany’s new government does not really support
Turkey’s membership of the EU. Are you disappointed?

Germany has very strong ties with Turkey. If we consider the coalition
treaty of conservatives and liberals, we cannot complain about the EU
membership of Turkey. We feel that Germany is acting in full commitment
to its normal policy, which is to maintain the negotiations with
Turkey. We know that Germany has a very strong tradition of abiding
by its agreements. This is also a European value.

Can you really be satisfied with the German position though?

Chancellor Merkel supports a ‘privileged partnership’ for Turkey,
not membership.

We would like to see Germany taking a stronger role in preventing
Turkey’s accession problems on the political side. Elements which
have nothing to do with the negotiations have been attached to the
negotiations – the Cyprus problem is an example. The result is that
Turkey is not in a position to open eight new chapters or to close
any chapter. That is not fair. No other candidate country ever faced a
similar situation. This is a form of punishment. We want our friends
to help more to solve the Cyprus problem, using their influence. The
big members need to show leadership and to prove that they are in a
position to solve issues rather than observe them.

Do you think the question of Turkey’s accession is abused for election
campaigns?

If you observe Germany, France and some other countries in pre-election
times, you always see some kind of sentiment being expressed against
Turkey’s accession and enlargement in general. Of course, this is
not helpful. If Nicolas Sarkozy or Angela Merkel say something that
is damaging the Turkish EU interest, people start believing that the
whole EU does not want them – that is blatantly not true. This affects
our motivation, but we need to fortify it since it is in everyone’s
interest that Turkey becomes a full member. These statements of
politicians in pre-electoral periods do not really help.

What should Germany do to promote pro-EU feelings in Turkey?

All they have to do is to carry on with ‘business as usual’. That is
all what we ask. The Council decided in 2005 to start negotiations
with Turkey. They set up the negotiation framework, which defines the
process and the chapters of the accession path. This is the ‘bible’
we follow. All we demand is to let us do our homework and carry on
doing what we need to do to become a member of the EU. Proceed on
the path of reform and endeavour to fulfil the political criteria.

What do you make of criticism aired in Germany of Turkey’s potential
EU accession?

The biggest mistake most of these politicians make is to look at
today’s Turkey which is still imperfect: I can admit it even as an
ambassador. They should look at tomorrow’s Turkey when negotiations
will be completed. We have only opened eleven of thirty-five chapters.

We have to foresee the future Turkey, one which has reached the
average standards of the European Union.

Economically we already exceed the average standards. Europe is our
strongest business partner. Turkey is the 17th biggest economy in the
world. Judge us not by what we are today. Judge us from what we will
be tomorrow. And when this tomorrow comes, we won’t disagree if you
don’t want us in. Make your decision then.

This is how it should be. But if you say today that Turkey is not
European or it should not be a member or it should be a ‘privileged
partner’ – this is like changing the rules in the middle of a football
game, allowing one team to play with two balls instead of one. This
is unfair. This attitude translates into the general sentiment for
which Turkish people believe that Turkey can join the EU, but the EU
does not want Turkey.

Would it really no problem if the EU said ‘no’ to Turkey after all
these years of negotiations?

Sure. If Turkey had completed the full negotiation, we would have
reached a very good standard of living, thanks to modern European laws
regarding the environment, good governance and democratisation. Having
these standards we should be in the position of being self-confident
about our future. We would have fixed our domestic problems. These
are of course predictions. Today one thing is sure: all Turkish
governments and leaders are strongly in favour of Turkey’s accession.

This is part of our identity. Since Turkey became a republic in 1923
we have turned our heads to the West.

Do you think the EU is ‘fit’ to integrate Turkey?

The Turkish public is not very aware of European matters – it is
rather more concentrated on the negotiations and the Cyprus problem.

They don’t know what the Lisbon Treaty means or the ‘principle of
subsidiarity’. It is going to be a shock when the Turkish public learns
about the realities in the EU. I do not complain, but the time will
come. The Turkish will then have to decide themselves whether they
want to join or not.

Do you think the German public understands the significance of Turkey?

If there is a country in Europe that understands the significance of
Turkey, that country is Germany. In terms of geographical distance
Germany and Turkey are far apart, but in terms of relationships there
is a closeness that not many people fully grasp. It is not so much
for the four million German tourists who come to Turkey every year;
it is more the presence of the huge Turkish community in Germany,
which positively or negatively has left some part of its culture in
the country.

Any German would understand a Turk more than an American or a Brit.

That is why I believe that Germans would probably understand the
importance of Turkey’s membership of the EU much better than others.

The German government understands it perfectly; we have many converging
interests: the Middle East, the Caucasus, oil – to name only a few.

But many people cannot really imagine Turkey as part of the EU…

There is a lack of vision when it comes to how and why Turkey can be
part of the European Union. I will not drop any names, but if you
look at some of the new members, then you will see that there is a
missing link.

If the EU wants to become a soft power, without Turkey you would
not go anywhere, I can assure you. We will always be in this key
position in conflict areas, that we can always steal the show from
the Europeans. But why steal the show when you can share it? This is
something that people with vision should be able to see.

Turkey plays a central role in EU energy policy. Turkey is needed to
support the Nabucco and South Stream gas pipelines. But the projects
compete with each other…

Turkey supports any project which builds up energy security and
diversification of sources. Of course South Stream is not that strongly
supported, because Nabucco will cross Turkey on land as well and bring
benefits to us as well. But you cannot be against anything like South
Stream, which will reinforce energy supply and energy security. The
two pipelines are competitors to a certain extent, but at the same
time they are representing the same interests: energy diversification.

In general we can say that there are so many interests in this area
with regard to geopolitics, migration and energy, that Turkey is
always likely to play a key role in them.

The official claim of Turkish foreign policy is ‘we have zero problems
with our neighbours’. Can you really have both good relations with
the EU and Iran?

Imagine Germany had a neighbour like Iran. Can you have bad relations
with a neighbour which has lived next to you for an eternity? Turkey
does not have the luxury of maintaining bad relations with its
neighbours.

If we can be successful with our so called ‘zero-problem policy’ –
which is extremely difficult by the way – we are in a very strong
position to solve the regional problems. One example: in the past we
had conflicts with Syria because of the Kurdish organisation PKK and
the water supply; today we have excellent relations with Syria.

Since they improved, the Southern Turkish provinces have boomed
economically because of cross-border trade. We have this type of trade
with Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Azerbaijan. This is why we want to mend our
fences with Armenia. This policy stems from the idea that any serious
conflict with our neighbours will have an immediate economic effect on
the people who live in the vicinity. The West should keep this in mind.

Is your policy misunderstood in the West?

What I want to say is: nobody in Turkey really wants to act as a big
power that is going to rule the game in the Middle East. We just want
peace. We want the Middle East to be safe and secure. We want the
Gaza and Palestine issues to be solved. We know that the economic
benefits of peace are so big that nobody would lose. Turkey is one
country which will benefit extremely from peace in the Middle East –
when the borders are open and people can travel freely.

But Turkish policy towards Iran could be understood as appeasement…

No, but before it comes to UN sanctions against Iran, we want to make
sure that all possibilities of finding a solution are exhausted.

That’s why our prime minister and our foreign minister have travelled
to Iran and have talked to the political leaders there. And they
talked to the other side, the West, signalling that there is still
more ‘space of manoeuvre’. Nonetheless we are a responsible member
of the International Community and the Security Council: Turkey will
follow every decision taken by the UN. But Iran is our neighbour
and we are among the few countries which still have strong contacts
with them – we want to make sure that everything is done to avoid a
tough confrontation.

Let us turn to another topic. Turkey’s economic growth is projected
to reach 5% in 2010. Is the crisis over?

Financially we did a good job in handling the crisis. We had our own
crisis in 2001 which resulted from a mismanaged banking system. Thanks
to the reforms we undertook after 2001 to restructure the economy
and bring the ‘wild’ banks under very stringent control, we had a
good position in the actual crisis. No bank has gone bankrupt; the
government did not have to bail out any bank. The problems of some
European banks had some effects in Turkey.

We are very export-oriented. The huge global crisis affected us like
Germany: less export, less production and more unemployment. The
government helped with tax incentives and supported the purchase of
new cars by decreasing the rate of VAT. To sum up: we managed to stay
afloat. The best indication that things are going well is that the
rating agencies have improved Turkey’s outlook. If you are an investor
and have a lot of money to spend in Turkey, I would definitely tell
you to go ahead. Our own structural reforms and the EU reforms as well
improve foreign direct investment (FDI) in Turkey. It is an easy place
to invest during these troubled times – safer than other countries.

In recent weeks we had another debate about Islamic culture in Europe.

How would you sum up the Swiss minaret controversy?

It was kind of a shocking result for anybody who believes in human
rights and in the right to build places of worship. Turkey was
criticised for a long time in the past, because we had laws that
made it difficult for non-muslims to build places of worship. But we
changed our laws in the course of our negotiations with the EU, and now
we are picture-perfect. Now I am in a position to criticise the Swiss
decision because we have no restrictions on worship. I think the result
of the vote on the minaret comes from misperceptions. They don’t know
very much about Islam: they do not know that it is a peaceful religion.

Second, in a time when we encourage everybody to build up an alliance
of civilisations after 9/11, it was a shock that this decision was made
in one of the countries which has the highest standards in democratic
values. I hope it will not have negative percussions in the Islamic
world or in the EU like the Danish ‘caricature case’. Things like that
are not helpful when we want to bring cultures together. I think it
has done more harm than good.

What can we learn from it?

Every country needs the highest standards of tolerance when it comes
to freedom of worship and religion. I think Germany sets a good
example when it comes to the tolerance of religions. We have to be
very sensitive to the ‘other’, to those who are different in terms
of culture or race or religion. The East and the West should have a
better understanding of their sensitivities.

What was the reaction in Turkey?

Some politicians made very strong statements. I understand that
the Swiss government made conciliatory statements in the sense that
Switzerland wants to remedy the situation and to correct the mistake.

That was more or less well-received in Turkey.

Turkey and Spain are co-chairmen of the UN ‘Alliance of Civilisations’
initiative. This alliance started immediately after the caricature
crisis. The aim is to bring cultures together. This is why Turkey
has a special responsibility on this kind of issue.

Are there any signs of a boycott?

One of our politicians wanted a boycott of Swiss banks, but this was
probably an emotional statement. It is not our official policy. Turkey
is a secular country. There is no national representation of Islam.

The question of migration is being discussed in many EU countries.

What can a government do to ensure successful integration of
immigrants?

The fact that the government has its own integration policy is already
a very positive step. Germany has recognised that it has a lot of
migrants who are here to stay need to be integrated. Recognition of
this fact is a very good beginning. Denying it would mean living in
an ostrich-like fashion with your head stuck in the sand. On the other
side, in order to live happily in a country, you have to feel secure,
but you also have to feel accepted. If somebody does not feel secure
and accepted, he will not be happy and successful in this country.

Second and third-generation immigrants often report problems with
their identity. What would you say: are they Turkish or German?

Those who carry a German passport are German. Those who carry a Turkish
one are Turkish. We encourage the Turkish community to take up German
citizenship if they have decided to stay here. To take it means to
be a responsible citizen, to participate in the elections and to
contribute to the German way of life. Otherwise you remain as a guest.

This is not enough. If you are not a German citizen, why should you
live here forever?

We encourage people to take German citizenship in good times and in
bad times. You can see this right now: people from Turkey taking a
share in national disasters like the rampage of Winnenden. They are
sad if the German national soccer team loses a game. If you have this
kind of sharing, you might be deemed to be integrated.

But how can you take a share if you still watch Turkish TV and don’t
speak German, like some Turks?

You are putting your finger on exactly the problem. The whole point is
to raise awareness in the Turkish community: if their children do not
learn proper German, they remain as a lost case and will eventually
fade away in life. We want them to be responsible for their children.

Television has a lot to do with identity.

In the same way as an Italian will remain an Italian, a German will
remain a German within their heart, because they are are born there
and their parents are there. But in minds and hearts, a member of
the Turkish community should also be part of Germany. I see a young
generation that is closer to Germany than to Turkey.

http://www.euractiv.com/en/enlar