Author: Alex Jidarian

Get to know Rostom Reda
(the Armenian): 

Napoleon's personal bodyguard

El-Mwatin, Egypt

13 Dec 2023

[Translated from Arabic  by Katia M. Peltekian exclusively for
Armenian News Armenian News Network]

Rostom Reda (the Armenian) was Napoleon's
bodyguard; he originally came from Artsakh but left for Egypt and became a
Mamluk. It is said that in 1812, when Napoleon captured Moscow and ordered it
to be burned, his bodyguard Rostom asked the Emperor to leave the Armenian
Quarter of Moscow unharmed and not to burn it.

Who was Rostom Reda?

Rostom Reda, whose real name is Rostom Hovnani
Khachaturian, was born in 1783. Rostom’s father was a merchant and the family lived in
Artsakh, but when Rostom was 11 years old, his father left for Tbilisi
[Georgia] for work and took his two oldest sons Avaji (?) and Seyran with him.
The mother, two girls, and Rostom stayed home. A year later, the family decided
to move to Tbilisi. On the way, the Tatars attacked them, killed one of the
girls and kidnapped Rostom selling him to traders. After being resold seven
times, Rostom eventually ended up in Egypt and became a Mamluk.

The Mamluks were young captives who were trained
from an early age for military action in Egypt. Rostom served Sheikh al-Bakr,
who later presented his Artsakh mamluk to Napoleon in 1799. The French Emperor
appointed Rostom as his first bodyguard. For 16 years, Rostom personally served
Napoleon, accompanied him during all his wars, and enjoyed the emperor's trust.

In 1814, when Napoleon was exiled to the island
of Elba, Rostom left France, moving first to Iran and then to Tbilisi, where he
was received by the Governor of the Caucasus Alexei Yermolov. Rostom then
participated as commander of the cavalry division between 1826 &1828.

After the liberation of Artsakh, he lived in
Shushi. In 1840, he returned to France and participated in Napoleon's funeral.
Rostom married Alexandra Deauville, daughter of Empress Josephine's chief
guard, and they had two children. During the reign of King Louis-Philippe, Rostom
obtained a position in the city of Dourdan, his wife's hometown.

It is to be noted that the character of Rostom is
mentioned in Stendhal's The Life of Napoleon and Tolstoy's War and
Peace. Balzac in his Illusions calls him "the famous
Mamluk."

The life and activities of Mamluk Rostom were
studied by the scholar Napoleon J. Fleishman. The image of Rostom has also been
repeatedly referenced in fine art. It is said that many artists wanted to paint
a portrait of Napoleon's bodyguard, but not all of them got this opportunity.
However, in the thematic and crowded paintings dedicated to Napoleon, Rostom is
recognizable and stands out in his oriental clothes.

In the last years of his life, Rostom wrote his
book The Memoirs of Roustam, Napoleon’ Imperial Bodyguard, which is
often used by Napoleon's biographers in their works. Rostom Reda of Artsakh, the
bodyguard of French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, died in 1845 in Dourdan, France.

Read the original in Arabic

https://www.elmwatin.com/660652/%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%B1%D9%81-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D8%B1%D8%B3%D8%AA%D9%85-%D8%B1%D8%B6%D8%A7-(%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%B1%D9%85%D9%86%D9%8A)-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%B3-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%AE%D8%B5%D9%8A-%D9%84%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A8%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%88%D9%86-

Armenian News note:

The above-mentioned book can be found on Amazon. To read more about Rostom’s memoires, please
click on the link below: https://www.napoleon.org/en/magazine/publications/the-memoirs-of-roustam-napoleons-mamluk-imperial-bodyguard/#:~:text=The%20Memoirs%20of%20Roustam%20Napoleon's%20Mamluk%20Imperial%20Bodyguard,-Author(s)%20%3A&text=Kidnapped%20in%20the%20Caucasus%20and,gates%20of%20Versailles%20and%20beyond.

It may appear that the primary obstacle to the signature of a peace treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan is the different views of the sides on where to resume and finalize the process. Armenia wants to do that in Western platforms, while Azerbaijan wants to return to the Russian platform, use the 3+2 format, or have direct negotiations without any mediators. In this op-ed for  Benyamin Poghosyan says that "in reality, the roots of the current situation are more profound than simple geopolitical choices of venue."

The military takeover of the self–proclaimed Nagorno Karabakh Republic by Azerbaijan has raised hopes that it may facilitate the signature of the peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The logic behind this thinking was clear – the future of Nagorno Karabakh, and the fate of the Armenians living were the primary obstacles on the road toward peace. As all Armenians were forced to leave the region, and NKR de facto president Samvel Shahrmanyan signed a decree about the dissolution of the republic by the end of 2023, it seemed that the stage was set for quick signature of the Armenia – Azerbaijan peace treaty, and then a push forward in the Armenia – Turkey normalization process.

However, the reality appears to be different. Instead of fostering peace negotiations, the military takeover of Nagorno Karabakh resulted in an impasse in the process. Azerbaijan rejected to participate in the meeting in Granada, on the margins of the third European Political Community summit, arguing that the EU, France, and Germany had pro-Armenian views and, thus, could not be neutral facilitators. Baku indicated it was ready to resume negotiations in the "original Brussels format" by the end of October but also canceled that meeting. In mid-November, Azerbaijan rejected a US invitation to organize negotiations between Armenian and Azerbaijani ministers of foreign affairs in Washington, this time accusing the United States of having pro-Armenian sentiments. Simultaneously, Azerbaijan started to speak about the dangers of non–regional actors (the US, the EU, France, and others) involvement in the South Caucasus geopolitics, calling for settling the issues by the regional powers, using either Russian platform or 3+2 format. Baku also started to circulate the idea of having direct Armenia – Azerbaijan negotiations without any mediators, either in Georgia or near the Armenia – Azerbaijan border.

Meanwhile, Armenia continued to state that Yerevan was ready to immediately resume negotiations either in Brussels or in Washington and sign a peace treaty with Azerbaijan based on so-called "Granada principles," referring to the statement adopted in Granada by Armenia, France, Germany, and the EU. Simultaneously, Armenian officials argued that they did not hear about any Russian offer to resume negotiations in Moscow, despite several Russian officials recently reiterating Russia's readiness to host Armenia – Azerbaijan negotiations and a peace treaty signing ceremony.

It may appear that the primary obstacle to the signature of the peace treaty is the different views of the sides on where to resume and finalize the process. Armenia wants to do that in Western platforms, while Azerbaijan wants to return to the Russian platform, use the 3+2 format, or have direct negotiations without any mediators. This situation looks weird, given that Armenia is still an ally of Russia, while Azerbaijan has a strategic economic partnership with the West. However, in reality, the roots of the current situation are more profound than simple geopolitical choices of venue.

Azerbaijan was interested in signing the peace agreement with Armenia "to close the Karabakh chapter" and to have a legal document where Armenia has recognized Nagorno Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan, thus preventing any future possibilities for Nagorno Karabakh Armenians to strive for autonomy or independence. However, after closing the Karabakh chapter by force, Azerbaijan lost its interest in the quick signature of a peace agreement. Now, the peace agreement should close the Armenia – Azerbaijan chapter, and Azerbaijan has no reason to hurry. Meanwhile, Armenia and Azerbaijan still have significant disagreements on some issues, and from the Azerbaijani perspective, a peace agreement can be signed only after solving them.

The list is quite long and includes issues related to enclaves, the special guarantees for Azerbaijanis who will pass via Armenia to reach Nakhijevan and Turkey, the problem of so-called "Western Azerbaijan," and the "guarantors mechanism." Azerbaijan not only wants to receive back so-called enclaves – several small villages inside Armenia, which are located on strategic highways connecting Armenia with Iran and Georgia, but apparently would like to have land access to them to end their enclave status. While recognizing Armenian sovereignty over Syunik, Azerbaijan argues that Armenia is not able to ensure the safety of Azerbaijani citizens and cargo that will pass Syunik to reach Nakhijevan and Turkey. There is a lack of clarity on what Azerbaijan wants, but Baku would probably like to see Russian or other third-country involvement. Baku demands that hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis should have the right to return to Armenia, while the Armenian government should guarantee their safety and rights. Furthermore, Azerbaijan is unhappy with the Armenian suggestion to include the dispute-solving mechanism and the "institute of guarantors" in the agreement, arguing that guarantors have their regional geopolitical interests and may exploit their status to achieve their narrow goals.

SIGN UP FOR OUR KARABAKH CONCISE NEWSLETTER!

All these issues are very sensitive for Armenia and the Armenian government. It is challenging to believe that Armenia would agree to give to Azerbaijan not only enclaves but also additional lands to ensure Azerbaijani access to them. The Armenian government often reiterated that any involvement of third countries in overseeing the communications passing via Armenia is unacceptable. It believes that Azerbaijan created the concept of 'Western Azerbaijan" to prepare the ground for new attacks against Armenia. And finally, Armenia believes that the dispute-solving mechanism and "the institute of guarantors" are necessary to ensure that Azerbaijan will not violate the peace agreement as it violated the November 10, 2020, trilateral statement.

Thus, we currently have a situation where Armenia and Azerbaijan have differing views on the venue to resume the negotiations and the venue to sign the peace agreement, and they do not agree on some significant topics in the peace agreement. The peace process may stagnate in current circumstances, increasing the risk of limited or even large-scale military escalations as soon as Spring 2024. Perhaps the only way to avoid this scenario could be to intensify efforts by all mediators – Russia and the West – to bring back sides to the negotiation table.   

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on Friday (3 November) congratulated Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, in his first public comments since Baku recaptured Nagorno-Karabakh from ethnic Armenian separatists.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have been locked in a decades-long conflict for control of Baku’s Armenian-populated region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Baku took control of the mountainous region in September in a lightning 24-hour offensive that ended decades of pro-Armenian separatist rule.

“I would like to take this opportunity to wish President Aliyev every success in his work to stabilise the region, and every success in the reconstruction work in Karabakh,” said Orbán during a summit of Turkic States in the Kazakh capital Astana.

“Congratulations dear Mr. President!” he added.

The Organization of Turkic States is an intergovernmental organisation initiated by Turkey comprising countries of the same family of languages, its members being Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey and Uzbekistan. Hungary and the internationally unrecognized North Cyprus have observer status.

The Hungarian language is part of the Finno-Ugric branch of languages, but Orbán says the country has Hun-Turkic origins.

Other leaders attending the summit have also congratulated Aliyev on this topic.

The European Union is looking to host talks between the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan to reduce tensions.

Unlike other EU members, Hungary has long cultivated a close relationship with Baku, taking Azerbaijan’s side in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

In contrast, Hungary only restored diplomatic relations with Armenia last year, after a 10-year-long break.

Yerevan severed diplomatic relations in 2012 after Budapest sent Ramil Safarov, an Azerbaijani army officer convicted of killing an Armenian soldier, back home.

Upon his return, Safarov was given a hero’s welcome, a presidential pardon and a promotion.

(Edited by Georgi Gotev)

Russian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers discussed preparation for an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty in a telephone call Saturday.

Sergey Lavrov and Jeyhun Bayramov confirmed the need to step up efforts to normalize relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

They also spoke about unblocking transport communications and delimitation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border.

The Azerbaijani army initiated an anti-terrorism operation last month in Karabakh to establish constitutional order in the region, after which illegal separatist forces in the region surrendered.

Azerbaijan, having now established full sovereignty in the region, has reiterated its request to the Armenian population in Karabakh to become part of Azerbaijani society.