UCI Armenian Studies and Armenian Association Hosts Garo Paylan By: Helena San Roque


Oct 27 2023

UCI Armenian Studies and Armenian Association Hosts Garo Paylan
By: Helena San Roque

The UCI Center for Armenian Studies and the Armenian Student Association (ASA), in collaboration with the Center for Truth and Justice, hosted “Armenian Rebirth: The Last Plight,” featuring Garo Paylan, at Humanities Gateway 1030 on Oct. 16. 

Garo Paylan, a former Armenian member of the Turkish Parliament, served from 2015 to 2023 for two terms as a founding member of the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party. Hewas subjected to an assassination plot in 2022 for uplifting  Armenian genocide in the Ottoman Empire—present day Turkey— killing over 1.5 million Armenians  during 1915. 

“For more than 100 years, [ Armenians have] just been trying to heal our grandparents. So I struggled in Turkey,” Paylan said.

His visit comes during the aftermath of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War in the South Caucasus, a region in southwest Asia.  The war resulted in the Azerbaijani invasion and the ethnic cleansing of over 120,000 Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh, due to months of Azerbaijani military aggression and starvation tactics. Tensions around this region have been ongoing since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990 as both countries make claims to this territory.

Paylan also touched on the indifference of larger countries toward both the Armenians and the Israeli bombings on Gaza, expressing frustration with the United States’ involvement in specific international affairs.  

“Unfortunately, nobody cares about Armenians. After three generations, we suffered another genocide because Armenian lives do not matter.” Paylan said. “What Israel is doing is a hate crime, and Mr. Biden cares more about some countries.” 

The Biden Administration committed  over $3.3 billion in funds, including military aid, to Israel in 2022. According to an Aljazeera report, that same year during the time of the Nagorno-Karabakh War, Azerbaijan bought $295 million worth of arms from Israel, making it the second largest buyer of military weapons after India. More than 60% of Azerbaijan’s weapons are from Israel as the two countries maintain close relations.  

He explained that Armenia lacked political leverage, unlike Turkey, who is close with Russia, and Azerbaijan who is also close with Russia and Turkey. Although Armenia is a member of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), which guarantees support in military attacks, Paylan  claimed that Russian favor had swayed to Azerbaijan while he served in office. 

“We were told Russians were our allies, and if Turks were to attack Armenia, they would help us.” Paylan said. “Russians interests have changed and now they need to sell and launder their oil to Azerbaijan after the Russia-Ukraine war.” 

Paylan urged the Armenian diaspora to unify in the midst of the ongoing crisis, looking to other discriminated groups in the Middle East who also face pressure from larger countries. 

“If we don’t unite and if we don’t stand up against Turks and Azeris, they will attack. Because I know Turks. I know Azeris. Look at Kurds. Look at what’s happening to the Palestinians. There are three identities that are vulnerable in the Middle East and Caucasus. One is the Palestinians … and Kurds … of course, and Armenians, unfortunately,” Paylan said.

He then spoke on the ongoing conflict between Armenia and the Azerbaijani occupation of Nagorno-Karabakh. He talked about the possibility of peace through open borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan, explaining that trade could help strengthen the political borders. 

“If we open borders with Turkey, Turkish people will see that Armenians are not their enemies. They will be doing trade, tourism, whatever. Everybody will benefit from each other,” Paylan said. “So we need this. We need this time, this five to ten years in peace. You’ll see. We’ll be stronger. We’ll go to the point where we can defend our country.”

However, there was disagreement among some of the audience regarding the normalization between the Turkish and Armenian border. CSULong Beach geographic information systems master’s student Haig Minasian echoed the disagreement over Armenia opening its borders with Turkey. 

“I think his presence is commendable,” Minasian said. “But what he said about peace and justice being achieved through power and strength did not make sense. He blamed Russia as the sole betrayer, but opening the borders will expose more untrustworthy allies.” 

Minasian also stated that strengthening the Armenian economy through open borders and trade with Turkey and Azerbaijan would not benefit the majority of its citizens. 

“This only benefits the rich, elite Armenians. Only Azerbaijan will have leverage, whether or not the [Armenian] economy grows,” Minasian added.

The Armenian Student Association gave an official statement in an email to the New University following Paylan’s talk.

“As Armenian students, we are united by a duty to use our diaspora privilege to help our homeland. In this, we follow Paylan’s example of leadership and initiative through this difficult time as our people endure and recover from ethnic cleansing,” 

The statement also emphasizes the role of the diaspora within the Armenian community: to uplift each other.

After the event, professor of history and Meghrouni Family Presidential Chair in Armenian studies Houri Beberian resonated with Paylan’s call for unity. 

“It was good to hear a new perspective. A perspective that seems common sense — that Armenians should unite in order to create solutions. I hope the message of unity will be carried through the diaspora and the republic,” Berberian said.  


Helena San Roque is a Campus News Editor for the 2023-24 school year. She can be reached at [email protected].  


PM Pashinyan chairs the regular session of the Anti-corruption Policy Council

 16:40,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 23, ARMENPRESS. Chaired by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the regular session of the Anti-Corruption Policy Council was held, during which the draft Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2023-2026 was presented, the Prime Minister's Office said in a readout.

The session was attended by representatives of the legislative, executive, judicial systems, as well as civil society and other bodies.

The draft Anti-corruption strategy for 2023-2026 was discussed, the purpose of which is to ensure the continuity of anti-corruption reforms and derives from the Government's Action Plan 2021-2026.

The goals of the strategy were presented, which are prevention of corruption and strengthening of the system of good conduct, improvement of legal and institutional systems for combating corruption, improvement of anti-corruption education and public awareness structures, facilitation of business conduct, rights protection, public-private administration, improvement of anti-corruption monitoring and evaluation systems.

An exchange of ideas was held around the draft strategy, recommendations and observations were presented regarding the main anti-corruption directions.

Emphasizing that the anti-corruption strategy reflects the main directions of the fight against corruption included in the Government's Action Plan, Nikol Pashinyan attached importance to the consistent raising and solving of corruption-related problems, the work in the direction of corruption prevention, and also instructed to hold working discussions on the issues raised during the session and propose solutions.

Vocalist, composer Astghik Martirosyan reflects on hope and mutual care in the midst of sorrow on her debut album Distance

Armenian born, New York City-based vocalist, composer, and pianist Astghik Martirosyan brings her powerful album Distance to National Sawdust in New York on November 19. Distance is an artistic statement born of intense reflection on the relationship between present and past, self and nation, one’s inner emotional life and the call of homeland. Martirosyan wrote the music in 2020 while experiencing a stark duality: tremendous artistic growth and fulfillment at New England Conservatory (NEC) in Boston amid gut-wrenching news from an Armenia embroiled in a 44-day war with neighboring Azerbaijan over the status of the long-disputed Artsakh. This was during the pandemic as well, giving the title Distance another fraught layer of meaning. “All these emotions were happening,” Martirosyan recalls. “I was experiencing it at a distance, by myself, far from my family and my country, and all of this came out in the music. This was my way of trying to heal, hope and dream, but also to express real sorrow. I lost friends in that war. I have friends who lost their homes. Music was my outlet.”

Born and raised in Yerevan, Armenia, where she began her career at 15, Martirosyan went on to earn a master’s degree from NEC, studying with Dominique Eade and Frank Carlberg, among others. She now divides her time between New York and Los Angeles. She captures the uniqueness of her journey to brilliant effect on her debut album, Distance, which features some of the finest musicians of the Los Angeles scene. Pianist Vardan Ovsepian (who co-produced the date with Martirosyan), veteran bassist Darek Oleszkiewicz and top-ranked rising drummer Christian Euman make up the core band, with vital assists from tenor saxophonist Daniel Rotem and cellist Maksim Velichkin on two tracks apiece.

 The seven pieces included on Distance weave genres and idioms, blending lyrical influences of Armenian folk songs and Eastern European poetry with the modalities of classical, jazz and improvised music. “Silence,” the leadoff track and the only one on which Martirosyan plays piano, was loosely inspired by a line of Emily Dickinson’s: “I many times thought peace had come when peace was far away.” The title track “Distance” is inspired by Marina Tsvetaeva’s poem “To Boris Pasternak,” while “Song of the Final Meeting” is based on Anna Akhmatova’s poem of that name. The music for the poetry settings is all original.

 “Silence” and the haunting “Spring Is On Its Way” feature Martirosyan’s original music and lyrics. The latter she describes as “an intimate letter to my homeland, written during the eerie silence of a temporary ceasefire, in which Azerbaijan claimed ownership of the mountains in the disputed territory.” Martirosyan evokes these sentiments in a musical language that is flowing, harmonically rich, full of melodic and formal invention and a surefooted vocal delivery (with layers of backing vocals heightening the emotional sweep).

 “Summer Night” and “I’m Calling You” are Armenian folk songs, sung by Martirosyan in her native tongue. The former is heard in an epic, meter-shifting arrangement by the leader, while “I’m Calling You,” with tenor sax and cello enhancing the ensemble texture, is Ovsepian’s. “It was important to keep these melodies as pure as possible,” says Martirosyan, noting that Armenian music in general is monophonic, with the single melodic line predominant.

 “Heartsong” has been recorded several times by its composer, the great Fred Hersch, whose vocal version with singer and lyricist Norma Winstone (a major influence on Martirosyan) can be heard on Songs & Lullabies from 2003 (under the alternate title “Song of Life”). “Lyrically, the song expresses hope and celebrates life, and I felt it was important to include that perspective,” says Martirosyan. “It’s the bright star on the album.”

Astghik Martirosyan

“This is not a protest album,” Martirosyan says in sum, “but rather a statement about the human side of separation and conflict and the need to care for one another and our communities. I want to show how there can be hope and how we can move forward.” 

The album features Vardan Ovsepian (piano, coproducer), Darek Oleszkiewicz (bass), Christian Euman (drums), Daniel Rotem (tenor sax) and Maksim Velichkin (cello).

The concert at National Sawdust will feature Astghik Martirosyan (piano and voice), Vardan Ovsepian (piano), Joe Martin (bass), Ari Hoenig (drums) and Steve Wilson (alto sax).




Syunik Province: The New Epicenter in Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict

Oct 17 2023
By Momen Zellmi

In the shadow of towering mountains, the residents of Armenia’s southern province, Syunik, are living in the echo of a conflict that refuses to conclude. The specter of Azerbaijan, circling with a rapacious gaze, instills a palpable fear as the region becomes the new epicenter of a long-standing territorial dispute between the two nations.

(Also Read: Raising the Flag: Azerbaijani Sovereignty Asserted in Karabakh)

With the ink barely dried on the ceasefire agreement ending the violent six-week war over Nagorno-Karabakh last year, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev is stoking the embers of discord. He contends that the southern province of Syunik, a part of Armenia, is historically a region of Azerbaijan – a claim that has become a chilling foreboding of potential military aggression.

The United States, an active observer of the region’s complex dynamics, has denied circulating reports suggesting that Secretary of State Antony Blinken warned lawmakers of an imminent Azerbaijani invasion. Yet, the denial offers little comfort to the anxious Armenians, who feel the specter of the recent war in Nagorno-Karabakh looming large.

As political tensions simmer, the human cost of the conflict is mounting. Over 100,000 refugees, homeless and traumatized, have sought shelter in Armenia following Azerbaijan’s offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh. The Armenian government, initially prepared for 40,000 displaced individuals, is grappling with the overwhelming influx of refugees.

While the Armenian government is providing relocation payments and monthly support, the UN High Commission for Refugees has called for international aid. The United States, in response, has pledged over $11.5 million in humanitarian assistance.

Amidst the chaos, hope persists in the form of various organizations and churches, both at home and abroad, extending their helping hand. Frontline Therapists, the Armenian General Benevolent Union, and the Armenian Missionary Association of America are among those organizations providing aid and support to the displaced individuals, offering services ranging from food and shelter to mental health support.

(Also Read: Azerbaijani President Raises National Flag in Disputed Karabakh Region)

The situation in Armenia’s southern province remains fraught with tension. A lasting resolution to the conflict requires careful diplomacy and a commitment to peace from both parties, a challenge made more complex by the deep-seated historical and political animosities between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The international community, including the United States and the European Union, has insisted on a peaceful resolution and urged Azerbaijan to respect Armenia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Yet, these calls echo in an environment where fear and uncertainty are the only constants, as the people of Syunik wait, caught in a geopolitical crossfire with no end in sight.

Momen Zellmi, a prominent political analyst, researcher, and diplomatic advisor, calls Iraqi Kurdistan home. He has earned a PhD in Language Policy and served as the editor-in-chief for a number of local news organizations, including KomalNews, Shrova Agency, and Zanko Kurd. Zellmi's extensive writing portfolio has garnered international attention and acclaim. He has also penned two significant books: "Islamic Jihadists in the Middle East" and "ISIS: Origins and Trajectory." These works provide crucial analysis on the rise and influence of extremist factions in the region, delving into their underlying motives and strategies. Zellmi's deep knowledge of the subject matter makes him an indispensable asset for any newsroom seeking to comprehend the intricate political dynamics of the Middle East.

 

Nagorno-Karabakh: What’s next for the South Caucasus region following Azerbaijan’s aggression against Armenians?

Oct 9 2023
Nagorno-Karabakh: What’s next for the South Caucasus region following Azerbaijan’s aggression against Armenians?
Spyros A. Sofos

Assistant Professor in Global Humanities, Simon Fraser University

Azerbaijani forces attacked the breakaway and long-disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023. Less than a month later, and the region is now all but deserted.

The declared aim of the attack was to eliminate the last forces of the Armenian-majority self-styled republic. The lightning “anti-terror operation,” as Azerbaijan called it, precipitated the collapse of the breakaway republic. Most importantly — given that it came after a debilitating blockade that lasted for almost nine months — it instilled fear among the Karabakh Armenian population.

Many fled their ancestral homeland.

As an endless convoy of cars transporting desperate refugees filled the winding road to an uncertain future away from their homes, regional entities were lining up to influence the future shape of the South Caucasus region on the border of eastern Europe and west Asia. The conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia has been unfolding there for decades.

In Azerbaijan, President Ilham Aliyev has been investing heavily in cultivating nationalism and militarism over the past few years to shore up his authority and his regime.

Starting from the second Karabakh war in 2020 until the present, Azerbaijan’s Border Service and Armed Forces used inspirational pop music videos to glorify the government’s military posturing and patriotic films to incite nationalism.

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev arrives for a summit in Moldova in June 2023. (AP Photo/Andreea Alexandru)

After Azerbaijan’s 2020 victory effectively cut off Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenia — leaving only one precarious point of access to the outside world, the Russian-policed Lachin corridor — the international community urged a negotiated peace settlement that would ensure Nagorno-Karabakh’s reintegration to Azerbaijan in exchange for local self-government.

But Aliyev’s preference for military action was no surprise, since a self-governed Nagorno-Karabakh would have required conflict resolution that was at odds with his preferred authoritarian and centralized governance approach over the rest of Azerbaijan.

Aliyev’s boldness was enabled by Russia’s and Turkey’s interests. Both are intent on regional peacemaking. This allows them to maintain their dominance in the South Caucasus region and keeps both the European Union and the United States at arm’s length.

Russia and Turkey have developed a model I call “managed competition” in the South Caucasus to ensure their often competing objectives don’t undermine their common goal to exclude states with opposing interests.

They worked together during the 2020 conflict to ensure they were the only powers to have a presence by stationing peacekeeping and monitoring forces in Nagorno-Karabakh and the Lachin corridor, albeit Turkey assumed a lesser and mostly symbolic role. The Turks are intent on doing so now as well.

The “two states, one nation” slogan used by Turkey and Azerbaijan to emphasize the ethnic kinship of their people underlies their strategic partnership, including co-ordination on foreign policy, energy and defence.

Turkey supported Azerbaijan with arms and by training the Azerbaijani Armed Forces in both the 2020 and 2023 conflicts.

Ilham Aliyev and Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan pose for photos in the Nagorno-Karabakh region in June 2021. (Turkish Presidency via AP)

Azerbaijan, in turn, has helped Turkey reduce its energy dependence on Russia and Iran by boosting its own gas exports.

Both Russia and Turkey regard military action in Nagorno-Karabakh as an opportunity to open the Zangezur corridor — a land bridge between the Nakhcivan (the only part of Azerbaijan sharing a border with Turkey and largely dependent on it) and the rest of Azerbaijan that will effectively provide a link between the two countries.

An increasingly isolated Russia sees in a friendly Azerbaijan a crucial link to Iran and its Persian Gulf ports and a valuable ally that gives it strategic depth in the South Caucasus.

By sacrificing its traditional alliance with Armenia and acquiescing to Azerbaijani aggression, Russia wants to convince Aliyev not to undermine Russia’s strategy of disrupting western natural gas supplies.

Furthermore, the destabilizing effect of a tense relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan strengthens Russia’s role as an arbiter in the region.

Aliyev knows how to stir nationalist fervour, and he’s likely to continue creating tensions if Russia allows him to.

He’s already been designating territories in Armenia as “western Azerbaijani lands” and vowed to work for “the return” of western Azerbaijanis to Armenia.

Another reason Russia is turning a blind eye to Azerbaijan’s military posturing — including its occupation of 50 square kilometres of Armenian territory — is the effect it has in destabilizing the current Armenian government.

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan shake hands during their meeting in Russia in June 2023. (Ramil Sitdikov, Sputnik, Kremlin Pool Photo via AP, File)

Russia considers Armenia a reluctant ally that’s increasingly looking westwards. Already, Armenia’s pro-Russian opposition anticipates the demise of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and its return to power, despite its history of corruption and cronyism.

If the current developments provide any indication of what a post-conflict scenario underwritten by Russia and Turkey will look like in the region, the picture is bleak.

Russia and Turkey opt for containment, not peace and reconciliation, and so tensions will likely intensify in the South Caucasus until the next opportunity to forge a genuine peace presents itself.

https://theconversation.com/nagorno-karabakh-whats-next-for-the-south-caucasus-region-following-azerbaijans-aggression-against-armenians-214661

Azerbaijan’s president says France, EU will be to blame if new conflict starts with Armenia

EURACTIV
Oct 9 2023

Azerbaijan’s president scolded the European Union and warned that France’s decision to send military aid to Armenia could trigger a new conflict in the South Caucasus after a lightening Azerbaijani military operation last month.

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev last week pulled out of an EU-brokered meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan at which Brussels said it was standing by Armenia.

But Aliyev criticised the EU’s approach – and particularly France’s position – when European Council, Charles Michel, telephoned him, according to an Azerbaijani statement issued late on Saturday.

President Ilham Aliyev said “that due to the well-known position of France, Azerbaijan did not participate in the meeting in Granada,” the Azerbaijani presidential office said.

“The head of state emphasised that the provision of weapons by France to Armenia was an approach that was not serving peace, but one intended to inflate a new conflict, and if any new conflict occurs in the region, France would be responsible for causing it.”

GRANADA, SPAIN – EU countries have asked the bloc’s diplomatic service EEAS to come up with punitive ‘options’ should the situation between Armenia and Azerbaijan deteriorate, but so far disagree about their intensity, Euractiv has learnt.

France has agreed on future contracts with Armenia to supply it with military equipment to help ensure its defences, Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna said on 3 October during a visit to Yerevan.

She declined to elaborate on what sort of military aid was envisaged for Armenia under future supply contracts. French President Emmanuel Macron scolded Azerbaijan, saying that Baku appeared to have a problem with international law.

Aliyev restored control over the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh last month with a 24-hour military operation which triggered the exodus of most of the territory’s 120,000 ethnic Armenians to Armenia.

Aliyev said he had acted in accordance with international law, adding that eight villages in Azerbaijan were “still under Armenian occupation, and stressed the importance of liberating these villages from occupation.”

The Azerbaijani president visited Georgia on Sunday and thanked Tbilisi for offering to mediate for a peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

But an Armenian envoy said he feared Azerbaijan could invade within weeks.

“We are now under imminent threat of invasion,” the Armenian ambassador-designate to the EU, Tigran Balayan, told Brussels Signal.

Armenian Artists Contemplate Notions of Home and Belonging

Oct 5 2023
Much of Remain in Light jumps back and forth between Los Angeles and Armenia, underscoring the blurriness of living in diaspora.

LOS ANGELES — Some mountains are places and some are symbols. Mt. Ararat is both, a national and cultural symbol of Armenia and popularly considered the Biblical resting place of Noah’s Ark. Which is why it’s striking to see mounds of earth from the mountain — little piles of soil, obsidian tools, and even animal remains — in a gallery alongside “The Light Under Dark Clouds,” a myth-making image of Ararat by photographer Sossi Madzounian that shows the mountain cast under dark and light clouds. These mounds of earth come from an 8,000-year-old farming community at Ararat, reminding us that it’s a place and a symbol, an ancient home since the dawn of agriculture.

The mounds, and Madzounian’s photo, meet visitors at the entry to Remain in Light: Visions of Homeland and Diaspora, an exhibition of Armenian photographers currently on view at UCLA’s Fowler Museum. Alongside Madzounian are photographers Ara Mgrdichian and Ara Oshagan, all diaspora-born Armenian artists who live in Los Angeles, a city and county that is home to the second-largest Armenian population in the world outside Armenia itself. 

“Quo Vadis?” by Mgrdichian, a photo of signs pointing to LA’s “sister cities,” highlights the importance of Los Angeles as a diasporic home. A small sign points to the right to indicate the direction of Yerevan, Armenia’s capital, 7200 miles (~11,500 km) away. Next to this work is “Hand in Hand,” a photograph of children from the Orran Center for socially vulnerable children and families in Yerevan. They hold pieces of paper with their handprints on them.

Much of the show jumps back and forth between Los Angeles and Armenia, underscoring the blurriness of living in diaspora. Part of what makes the exhibition successful is curator Gassia Armenian’s arrangements, which draw connections between themes and regions. In “Mother and Child,” Madzounian depicts the christening of a first-born son in Armenia’s Vayots Dzor Province. The photo is composed to look like a Virgin Mother and child, an important religious symbol in many Armenian churches.

A few walls down, Mgrdichian’s “Mgrdoutioune” depicts a baptism in Glendale, the heart of the Armenian diaspora in Los Angeles County, where a man, presumably a father, holds a crying child. In the nearby “Christening,” Ara Oshagan shows Der Hovaness, a priest at Gantzasar monastery in Vank Village, Armenia, administering a blessing. Like pictures traded on a family WhatsApp chat, the photos speak to each other across time and space, suggesting the glue that religion and ritual play for cultures in diaspora.

Other important connections include photos addressing the 1915 Armenian genocide — in Oshagan’s “April 24” (the date commemorating the genocide victims), a man wearing a t-shirt saying “Genocide Never Again” appears to be crying on the street, while in Mgrdichian’s “Fight the Power,” people march in solidarity as they wave the US and Armenian flags. “Lachin,” a photo Oshagan took in Artsakh, shows a young boy on wooden stairs in the Lachin corridor of Artsakh, which connects the region to Armenia. Azerbaijan launched an attack on the region in 2020 and, as of press time, over 100,000 ethnic Armenians have fled the area following a military offensive from Azerbaijan that started on September 19. 

Gassia Armenian’s decision to include the artists’ own words brings to life their stories, making them as much a part of the show as the people and landmarks they photograph. Oshagan offers his identity as “a neural network made up of American/Armenian/Arabic/French parts that are in constant flux, in harmony and contention.” It’s a useful way to describe the exhibition — like Ararat, the photos speak to home as both a place and a symbol. In the face of diaspora and resistance, dispossession and defiance, home is always in flux.

Remain in Light: Visions of Homeland and Diaspora continues at the Fowler Museum at UCLA (308 Charles E. Young Drive North, Westwood, Los Angeles) through October 15. The show was curated by Gassia Armenian, Fowler curatorial and research associate.

View photos at https://hyperallergic.com/847677/armenian-artists-contemplate-notions-of-home-and-belonging-remain-in-light-fowler-museum-los-angeles/

Bipartisan Letter to Secretary Blinken & USAID’S Power Urges Sanctions on Azerbaijan & Humanitarian Assistance to Armenia

Washington, D.C. – A bipartisan initiative led by Representatives Frank Pallone, Jr (D-NJ), Jim Costa (D-CA), and Brad Sherman (D-CA), addressed a letter to Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development Samantha Power, urging them to take a strong stance to support Armenia and prevent Azerbaijan from further attacking the Armenian people, reported the Armenian Assembly of America (Assembly).

The letter details the use of sanctions on Azerbaijan, ending all U.S. military assistance to Azerbaijan, providing humanitarian assistance to Armenia, releasing prisoners of war and Artsakh government officials, providing security assistance to Armenia, and protecting Armenia's territorial sovereignty.

Highlighting the importance of promoting peace in the South Caucasus, the Members of Congress provide "concrete steps" to preserve Armenia's territorial integrity and express that the "United States must take bold actions to help democratic Armenia to protect itself against destabilizing, autocratic regimes like Azerbaijan."

Referring to the Administration's announcement of $11.5 million in humanitarian aid to help communities impacted by the Azerbaijani military attack on Artsakh, the letter states that the U.S. "must continue providing additional humanitarian assistance to Armenia to aid refugees who fled to Armenia from Artsakh" and "further encourage continued U.S. diplomatic engagement" to prevent "an all-out war in the South Caucasus."

"Signals from Azerbaijani President Aliyev indicate that his campaign of ethnic cleansing will not cease with his military attacks on Artsakh," the letter continues, citing reports that Putin, Erdogan, and Aliyev have "recently agreed to a deal in principle to dismantle the current Armenian state by allowing Azerbaijan to invade southern Armenia with full impunity."

"If these reports are accurate, this plan would trigger the full-scale invasion of a sovereign, democratic country whose foreign policy has made a sharp turn to the U.S. and the West."

Among the strong actions the U.S. can take to deter Azerbaijan's aggression, the letter underscores the use of the Global Magnitsky Act to "sanction President Aliyev and other Azerbaijani officials for their role in the military attack on and dissolution of Artsakh and associated atrocities and human rights violations," as well as ending all U.S. military assistance to Azerbaijan by enforcing Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act.

The importance of providing strong security assistance to Armenia will help maintain peace and stability in the region, in addition to creating an international monitoring and peacekeeping force in Armenia to prevent a potential invasion.

The letter concludes by stating that the U.S. should "continue demonstrating [its] global leadership by taking strong actions to deter threats to the free, sovereign, and democratic Republic of Armenia."

"The Assembly applauds the Members of Congress for their relentless efforts to bring much-needed awareness and action to not only the Armenian people of Artsakh who have been forcibly displaced from their homes, but to prevent a potential attack onto sovereign Armenia," stated Assembly Congressional Relations Director Mariam Khaloyan.

The letter was cosigned by Representatives Anna Eshoo (D-CA), Barbara Lee (D-CA), Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-DC), John Sarbanes (D-MD), Haley Stevens (D-MI), Dina Titus (D-NV), Nicole Malliotakis (R-NY), Tony Cárdenas (D-CA), Lloyd Doggett (D-TX), Zoe Lofgren (D-CA), and James McGovern (D-MA).


Established in 1972, the Armenian Assembly of America is the largest Washington-based nationwide organization promoting public understanding and awareness of Armenian issues. The Assembly is a non-partisan, 501(c)(3) tax-exempt membership organization.


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NR# 2023-38

Turkey’s hypocrisy: Like Azerbaijan, the Cyprus impasse must also be resolved with a one-state solution

eKathimerini
Greece – Oct 1 2023
OPINION

State sovereignty is the core principle of international relations. Despite originating at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the pillar of the rules-based international system was only etched in stone with the birth of the United Nations after World War II.

Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognized as the sovereign territory of Azerbaijan. It was occupied by Armenia during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War in the 1990s, so that the Karabakh Armenians could build their own state within Azerbaijan. Baku recently accomplished a historic feat by dismantling the so-called Republic of Artsakh and restoring its territorial integrity after three long decades of Armenian military occupation.
 
Although the Armenian National Congress of America (ANCA) spearheaded the campaign to save the separatist project, the state of Armenia itself resorted to mixed messaging throughout the crisis. For months, Yerevan modified its message to suit its intended audience. Armenia often took one position with the West, a different posture with its treaty ally Russia, and a contradictory stance with the Armenian public. While clearly a sign of desperation, it is also evidence that Yerevan’s foreign policy is subject to significant constraints.

Evidently, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government is in an undesirable position. From a geopolitical perspective, Armenia must deal with fallout from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine while balancing Yerevan’s dependence on Moscow for its national security. In terms of domestic political pressure, nationalist segments of the Armenian public believe that Pashinyan’s government betrayed the Karabakh Armenians. To make matters worse, some of his constituents are parroting Putin’s propagandists in Russia and calling for a military coup to overthrow Armenia’s democratically elected government.

This much is certain: The political, diplomatic, economic, military and human costs of maintaining the separatist project in Nagorno-Karabakh became too expensive for Armenia. Thirty years came and went. Tens of thousands of Armenian and Azerbaijani lives were sacrificed on the altar of Artsakh. Hundreds of thousands more were uprooted by and on both sides. Armenia suffered a decisive defeat in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, and the outcome of a third full-scale conflict would’ve been even more devastating for Yerevan and Stepanakert. All so that 120,000 Karabakh Armenians can maintain an isolated pseudo-state on another country’s sovereign territory. 

Through it all, Armenia remained blockaded between a hostile Turkey to the west and a revanchist Azerbaijan to the east. Therefore, Yerevan developed a dependence on a repressive Iran to the south and an even more aggressive Russia to the north. Unfortunately, Armenia’s existential partnerships with Washington’s sworn enemies limited Yerevan’s options for cooperation with the West – its long-term objective – to performative acts of solidarity. This consisted mainly of thoughts and prayers to satisfy domestic voters in the Armenian diaspora but accomplished little of substance or consequence.

Meanwhile, despite enjoying three decades of de facto independence, Artsakh itself only gained recognition from the Russian separatist states of Transnistria (Moldova), South Ossetia (Georgia), and Abkhazia (Georgia). As far as international legitimacy is concerned, that isn’t exactly stellar company. Yerevan had decades to formally recognize Artsakh, or even annex it illegally. It did none of the above. Instead, Armenia trapped Artsakh in a legal and diplomatic gray zone by providing it with de facto support while accepting Azerbaijan’s sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh. 

Unfortunately, the right to self-determination is not enough to guarantee state survival in the international context of anarchy. States, and especially breakaway republics, are war-prone machines that must either form alliances with stronger countries or develop the hard power required to deter, defend, and balance against would-be aggressors. Consider the Republic of Kosovo as a successful example. The separatist experiment in Nagorno-Karabakh failed, at least in part, because Azerbaijan held the legal and diplomatic high ground while Artsakh chose the wrong friends and lacked international recognition. 

Artsakh’s insurance policy, the Russian-allied state of Armenia itself, was bereft of the economic weight, diplomatic capital, and hard power required to maintain the status quo against an increasingly wealthy, well-connected and powerful Azerbaijan. Caught between a rock and a hard place, the heavy cost associated with maintaining Artsakh’s de facto independence outweighed the perceived benefits incurred by Yerevan over time. In other words, dependence on Russia and Iran, isolated from Turkey and Azerbaijan, and thoughts and prayers from the West. 

By acknowledging that this was totally unsustainable and contrary to the long-term national interest of Armenia, Pashinyan has set the stage for historic peace-building initiatives that will impact both the South Caucasus and Armenia positively for decades to come. With Nagorno-Karabakh liberated, Azerbaijan must now withdraw from the territory it occupies in the state of Armenia itself. In turn, Yerevan and Baku can finally recognize the inviolability of their respective borders. A peace treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan is contingent on this. 

After decades of hostility, the establishment of formal diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey is also likely to follow. Together, Baku, Ankara and Yerevan can finally expand the Middle Corridor connecting China and Central Asia to Europe through the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Armenia, the Azerbaijani enclave of Nakhchivan and Turkey. Hundreds of millions of people across Eurasia will benefit from this ambitious economic and infrastructure project. Among other things, it will stabilize the South Caucasus, integrate the region’s economies, and shorten supply chains. A positive development for the neighborhood, no matter how they sell it.

Evidently, the restoration of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity was underwritten by indispensable allies like Turkey. The Turkish Armed Forces trained the Azerbaijani military according to NATO doctrine. While Turkish-built Bayraktar drones ensured Baku’s aerial superiority over Yerevan, information provided by Turkey’s National Intelligence Organization (MIT) solidified Azerbaijan’s operational advantage in the theater of war. Naturally, Ankara took both credit for and pride in Azerbaijan’s victories in 2020 and 2023.

This begs several questions: How hypocritical is it that Turkey supported and celebrated the restoration of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity while maintaining its 49-year-long occupation of the Republic of Cyprus in contravention of countless United Nations Security Council Resolutions? How sanctimonious is it that Ankara advocates for a two-state solution to resolve the Cyprus impasse while actively campaigning for a one-state solution in Azerbaijan? How inconsistent is it that Ankara publicly criticized Yerevan, and even withheld establishing diplomatic relations with it due to its support for the separatist project in Nagorno-Karabakh, when Turkey created the blueprint for Armenia’s behavior? 

Like the Karabakh Armenians, Ankara also established a de facto state, the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), in the occupied third of the island. Despite Turkey’s many attempts to normalize the TRNC by including it in international forums like the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), the only UN member-state to officially recognize the separatist entity is Turkey. I have visited the TRNC myself: The enclave remains isolated and impoverished due to Ankara’s own doing.

Like Armenia, Turkey also cited concerns regarding the safety of Turkish Cypriots as the reason for its initial military operation and subsequent occupation. Unlike the Armenians of Karabakh, however, Turkish Cypriots are not at risk of genocide at the hands of Greek Cypriots in the year 2023. Far from it. In fact, thousands of Turkish Cypriots from the so-called TRNC cross into the Republic of Cyprus to work for and with Greek Cypriots, where they experience better working conditions and earn significantly higher wages. While some Turkish Cypriots also hold Republic of Cyprus citizenship, all Cypriots – from both the Turkish and Greek communities – seek to end the nearly five-decades-long impasse.

The reunification of the Republic of Cyprus is long overdue. In contrast to Nagorno-Karabakh, there is no military option to resolve the Cyprus problem. Only a diplomatic solution. Despite failing to lead the world on this issue for nearly half a century, Brussels must remind Turkey of a fundamental truth: Even after Ankara fulfills all the Copenhagen Criteria, Turkey’s decades-long occupation of Cyprus, and its support for the separatist entity in the northern third of the island, will remain a roadblock to joining the European Union. 

This, more than anything else, will continue preventing Turkey from achieving its long-term potential, and depriving Turkish youth of a brighter and more prosperous future. Even worse, no one suffers more from Turkey’s irrational behavior in the Republic of Cyprus than the Turkish-Cypriot community – the people Ankara claims to be protecting – themselves.

President Erdogan is a commanding figure at the head of a powerful state. Instead of following in Armenia’s footsteps, isolating the Turkish-Cypriot community and limiting Turkey’s long-term potential, Ankara’s thinking should be consistent on both Azerbaijan and Cyprus: Respect the core of international law, adhere to the principle of sovereignty, join the international community in recognizing the Republic of Cyprus and restore its territorial integrity. 

There is no better way for Erdogan to cement his legacy as the most consequential Turkish leader since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, as an architect of peace in the East Mediterranean, and as the president who secured Turkey’s long-sought membership in the European Union. Wishful thinking or not, stranger things have happened.


George Monastiriakos is an adjunct professor of law at the University of Ottawa and a fellow at the Geneva Center for Security Policy. You can read his published works on his website.

90% of ethnic Armenians flee Karabakh enclave overrun by Azerbaijan army

The Times of Israel
Oct 1 2023

VAYK, Armenia (AFP) — Since Azerbaijan’s army overran the Nagorno Karabakh enclave in a lightning offensive last week, nearly 90 percent of the region’s ethnic Armenian population have fled out of fear of the victorious force.

Ofelya Hayrapetyan didn’t hesitate for a second when her son managed to reach Khachmach village and confirmed Karabakh’s border with Armenia had opened.

“I just took my jewelry. Women, children and the elderly, everyone left in the first vehicle they could find,” she said as she rested in Vayk.

In the Armenian town on the road to Yerevan, the authorities have set up a reception center to relieve congestion in the border town of Goris.

Removed from Nagorno Karabakh, the atmosphere seemed calmer — but refugees were unified in their revulsion at the Azerbaijani takeover.

“They are cruel! I don’t want to live with those dogs,” said Ofelya Hayrapetyan.

“It’s genocide pure and simple,” her husband added.

Sitting nearby, Spartak Harutyunyan played with his ten-month-old baby.

“The ‘Turks’ say we can stay, but they always lie. How can we live with them?” he said, using a derogatory shorthand for Azerbaijani forces.

By Saturday evening, separatist Karabakh was almost entirely deserted by its inhabitants.

According to a count by the Armenian authorities, 100,417 people have entered Armenia since September 24.

According to official figures, 120,000 Armenians lived in Nagorno-Karabakh before the Azerbaijani lightning offensive of September 19 and 20.

They arrived after fleeing, often without even having taken the time to pack a suitcase.

“A woman from the village stayed behind and they slit her throat,” says Hayrepetian, recounting an anecdote from two separatist soldiers.

Steps away, Alina Alaverdyan, 69, grimaces as she mentions the rumor “of the rape of the daughter-in-law” of an acquaintance.

“The kind of things that get into your mind,” she says.

“They’re not human. They’re dogs.”

Every family in Nagorno-Karabakh has heard such rumors, impossible to confirm and almost always obtained second-hand.

There are numerous accounts of babies being decapitated or young women being raped.

Yet most of the refugees admit that they did not encounter any Azerbaijani soldiers before fleeing.

According to the testimonies gathered by AFP, Baku’s army generally did not enter towns and villages, confining itself to the strategic heights and roads.

An exodus followed, sometimes spontaneously and sometimes at the instigation of local authorities.

“We were told to leave and in 15 minutes it was done,” says Marine Poghosyan, 58, insisting they would not return to Karabakh under any circumstance.

“I’d rather live here in a tent than go back there.”

A territory of less than 3,200 square kilometers — a little larger than Luxembourg — Karabakh has suffered four conflicts in recent history.

The first, between Armenia and Azerbaijan, lasted from 1988 to 1994 and resulted in 30,000 deaths and the exodus of hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis and Armenians.

That was followed by numerous outbreaks of violence and wars in 2016, and then in 2020 when 6,500 died in six weeks and Armenia suffered a crushing defeat — and now the brief war in 2023.

Each refugee spoke of having lost at least one brother, son or husband in combat.

Images of alleged war crimes and atrocities, for which each side blamed the other, have begun to spread online.

“We talk about all this amongst ourselves. We’re going out of our minds,” said Alina Alaverdyan, a former military caterer who recalled that in Soviet times, “the Azerbaijanis were nice.”

“In this region, the Caucasus, there will never be peace,” said Hayrapetyan’s husband, who declined to give his name.

“There will always be wars, sometimes overt, sometimes covert.”