The key to lasting peace in the Caucasus is reconciliation

Al Jazeera, Qatar
Feb 11 2021

After decades of conflict, sustainable peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan can only be achieved through civil society-led reconciliation.

| Conflict News | Al Jazeera

On January 30, the trilateral working group comprised of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia, which was formed in the wake of last year’s devastating 44-day conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh to oversee the re-establishment of transport links between the warring nations, held its first meeting in Moscow.

The meeting, co-chaired by the deputy prime ministers of each country, was undoubtedly an important step towards resolving the decades-old dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia. But such diplomatic efforts and technical arrangements, however important, cannot deliver a durable peace settlement on their own. Sustainable peace is achieved not through meetings held in far-away capitals, but reconciliation between communities.

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As an Armenian and an Azerbaijani, we know that mistrust remains rife between our two nations. No political agreement on its own can convince two peoples divided by 30 years of conflict to trust each other and make peace. Armenian and Azerbaijani civil societies, however, can forge footholds upon which real peace can stand by launching initiatives that would bring the two communities together and allow them to understand each other.

Wars, whether they end in victory or defeat, fuel nationalism and this presents yet another obstacle to reconciliation. In Armenia, there are protestors in the streets of the capital calling for a new war to settle the score. In Azerbaijan, meanwhile, the victory against Armenia is being celebrated with military parades. For now, neither nation seems willing to leave the conflict behind and focus on building neighbourly relations.

While the post-war surge in nationalist sentiment will eventually subside, we cannot expect Armenians and Azerbaijanis to simply forget their prejudices about each other over time.

The two communities have had no real interaction since the end of the first Nagorno-Karabakh war in 1994. As they had no shared experiences in more than 20 years, each nation constructed an unrealistic, almost inhuman image of the “enemy” in their collective minds. Their perception of recent history has also split, with both seeing themselves as the victim and the other as the aggressor.

If what we strive for is lasting peace, this cannot be allowed to continue.

Bringing together two communities that see nothing but an enemy in each other may be difficult, but it is not impossible.

While we do not have shared experiences from the last few decades, we do have a long history of peaceful coexistence that came before that. Ethnic Armenians and Azerbaijanis peacefully lived side by side, in the same streets, villages and towns in Karabakh for millennia.

Sure, our youths do not remember those days, but their parents do. It was not the people who started the conflict – it was the opposing militaries and political leaders. Both Armenians and Azerbaijanis had their lives destroyed by this conflict, and they both have so much to gain from making peace.

Perhaps too much has happened since the 1990s for people to simply forget and return to the way things were before the start of this dispute. But they can try to forgive. And they can certainly strive to move on.

To do so, civil society should take steps to reconnect older Armenians and Azerbaijanis who once lived together in peace. If old friends and neighbours come together to remember their shared past and rebuild broken relationships, they can show their children that peaceful coexistence is possible.

Old friends can have video calls and, once the pandemic is over, face-to-face meetings. They can visit their old neighbourhoods together.

Armenians and Azerbaijanis of all ages can also come together to celebrate Novruz – a Zoroastrian festival that regularly brought Christian and Muslim peoples of the region together in pre-war times. Or civil society can organise joint art festivals, concerts or other social events to present the two communities with opportunities to interact with each other.

What we should not do, however, is to attempt to convince the two communities to agree on a single version of history, for this is impossible. Instead, we should all recognise there is no “right” version of history.

The deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia, the Khojaly massacre, the Sumgait and Baku pogroms – both nations will forever remember some of these tragedies while choosing to ignore or forget others.

We cannot, and should not aspire to, convince either community that their perception of their nation’s recent history is flawed. But we can create opportunities for both Azerbaijanis and Armenians to recognise that there can be different, but equally legitimate, interpretations of historical events.

As British historian EH Carr opined, “interpretation plays a necessary part in establishing the facts of history, and because no existing interpretation is wholly objective, one interpretation is as good as another”.

If each community can accept that its version of history, and understanding of it, is different to the other, they can finally stop focusing on proving themselves right, and instead start working on building a common future.

We can start our reconciliation efforts with a meeting in Tekali – a Georgian village near the intersection of the country’s borders with Armenia and Azerbaijan. Rebuilding the links that existed between members of our communities before everything was prised apart by war must be prioritised as our political leaders continue their efforts to secure a peace deal acceptable to both sides. This is the only way we can achieve sustainable peace.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Garegin Nzhdeh statue reportedly removed from Artsakh’s Martuni in line with Azerbaijan’s demand

Panorama, Armenia
Feb 12 2021

A statue of prominent Armenian statesman and military strategist Garegin Nzhdeh has reportedly been removed from Artsakh’s Martuni town in compliance with the demand of Azerbaijani troops before its inauguration.

"The statue was definitely dismantled and taken to the History Museum," former pro-government lawmaker Sofya Hovsepyan said in comments on a Facebook post of Armenian reporter and TV host Nairi Hokhikyan.

"This is the statue of Garegin Nzhdeh in the Artsakh town of Martuni. Azerbaijan demands its removal, while the Russian peacekeepers do not want to take responsibility for the fate of the statue instead of the Armenians. Although the issue is still being discussed only in offices, it is clear that Azerbaijan is close to achieving what it wants, as there is no adequate response to it from the Armenian side,” Hokhikyan wrote on Facebook, sharing a photo of the statue.

“Our brothers and sisters in Artsakh are unanimously against the removal of the Nzhdeh statue. If we today fail to resist the aspirations of the enemy, tomorrow the Armenian authorities will reserve the right to say that there was no public demand, therefore they obeyed the Azerbaijani demands.

“I suggest declaring together, in a crowded march, that we are the owners of our land and the statue of the hero placed there. Nzhdeh [statue] must remain in Martuni,” the reporter said.

Meanwhile, Artsakh Minister of Education, Science, Culture and Sport Lusine Gharakhanyan denied the reports of the dismantlement of the statue as “false.”

https://www.panorama.am/en/news/2021/02/12/Garegin-Nzhdeh-statue-Martuni/2450588

————-

Lieutenant Colonel of the Armenian Armed Forces, the Foundering Chairman of the Armenian National Disabled Sport Federation Sargis Stepanyan informs that the statue of the prominent Armenian statesman and military strategist Garegin Nzhdeh will not be demolished in Martuni town of Artsakh. 

"Dear friends, Nszhdeh statue will not be demolished in Martuni. Please, refrain from spreading disinformation. The photo here was taken today to prove that," Stepanyan wrote on social media, along with the photo of the statue.

To remind, earlier reports suggested the statue had been removed from Artsakh’s Martuni town in compliance with the demand of Azerbaijani troops before its inauguration.

Zartsants 2.0: Western Armenian Language Immersion, Online

February 5,  2021



Zartsants 2.0

Can a language immersion program for children and young adults take place exclusively online? This was the question the Armenian Communities Department of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation had to grapple with when Zarmanazan 2020 had to be cancelled due to the Covid-19 pandemic. After some hesitation, it answered, “Yes, we must try!” It thus entered some uncharted territory to make it happen.

The physical gathering of an educational summer “camp” that inspired children and young adults (between the ages of 10 and 24) to learn and create in Western Armenian had to be adapted to the digital domain. Special care had to be taken to transport online the sense of familiarity, creativity, and constant engagement, while keeping the language at the heart of the program. The new initiative was called “Zartsants 2.0,” taking the “zar” from Zarmanazan and “tsants” from the Armenian word ցանց, meaning network or web. The “2.0” symbolised both the difficult year of 2020 and the fact that Zartsants was building on Zarmanazan.

Intensive online brainstorming meetings between the facilitators and the organizers started in March 2020, once it became clear that the physical gathering was not going to take place. There were many challenges that needed to be overcome: finding the right balance between screen time and off-screen time, designing participative activities online, ensuring ongoing engagement over a period of several weeks, mixing workshop groups virtually, time zones differences, and, needless to say, making sure that Western Armenian would “naturally” flourish in the environment being created. It was important from the start to get feedback from the participants to ensure their commitment to the new format and to obtain parental approval.

It was essential to design a user-friendly personalized online platform specifically for Zartsants 2.0. Participants could update through the platform their profiles, gather multimedia information regarding the various workshops, register for activities and consult their personalised timetables. All participants had to take part in at least three workshops per day, although most of the time they wanted to take part in more. The workshops were held via Zoom with an average duration of 40 minutes. Depending on the content, they were either for a specific age group or were mixed-aged to allow for cross-age interaction and learning. While the workshops were for participants only, a blog was created to inform and involve parents.

All workshops were exclusively created for Zartsants 2.0 and changed every week. Activities included, among others, cooking, music and singing, movement _expression_, yoga, origami, crafts, drawing and painting, photography, science experiments, writing and reading in Western Armenian (including literature and philosophy), theatre with small objects, film making, an in-house newspaper (“Zarmanadoon”) and radio show (“Zarmanatsayn”). There was even a workshop, with five regular participants, on mathematical vocabulary in Armenian.

The day in Zartsants 2.0 would start with a daily surprise, a “Good Morning” video created by selected participants, and it would end with an exciting interactive live stream show on YouTube that included games, in-house concerts and stories of daily experiences at the virtual “camp.”

Since the online platform functioned completely in Armenian, a range of digital Armenian vocabulary was made available. Everyday participants learned “the word of the day” adding to the searchable online dictionary with words such as “download” (ներբեռնել), “link” (յղում) and “to charge” (լիցքաւորել). The dictionary grew to 100 words. In addition, 600 related terms were translated to make the Zartsants interface fully Armenian. In short, Zartsants created a space in which the Armenian language was fully integrated into the digital sphere.

Zartsants 2.0 had 50 participants. Of these, 33 were in the 10 to 17 age group, and 17 were in the 18 to 24 age group. The program was animated by 22 facilitators and supported by a very small team of technical experts. Participants “came” from the following countries: Argentina, Armenia, Belgium, Canada, France, Greece, Lebanon, Portugal, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In a period of four weeks, 1,200 images and 250 videos were produced, 96 workshops were held via 670 zoom gatherings for a total of 64,000 minutes. 300 pages were designed on the online platform and 25 blog posts were written for the parents, 70 of whom used the platform on a daily basis (in addition to all the participants and facilitators).

Zartsants 2.0 motivated youth and parents to speak Western Armenian daily. Many families around the world came together to enjoy the live stream events, read the blog, or watch the “Good Morning” videos. Despite the lack of a physical gathering, a strong feeling of familiarity and empathy was created through vast distances and multiple time zones.

“Zartsants 2.0 relied on creativity, fun and motivation as propellers of the Armenian language,” said Razmik Panossian, the Director of the Armenian Communities Department. “It gave us a whole new perspective and experience regarding engaging online activities for language learning, day in and day out. We will certainly look at its success and explore the possibilities of supporting similar initiatives in the future,” he concluded.

Zartsants 2.0 took place completely online from July 12 to August 7. Its participation was limited to those who had already registered for Zarmanazan 2020. Zartsants 2.0 was organized by L’association Mille et un Mondes (France), with the support of and in close collaboration with the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.

For more information and to view the Zartsants 2.0 video visit the website.

Turkish press: Joining 6-nation forum Armenia’s only option: Experts

Gulsum Incekaya   |30.01.2021

ISTANBUL

If Armenia joins a six-country regional platform, she will benefit from regional opportunities, reach economic stability and its dependence on the West will decrease, which will be favorable for Russia, experts said Friday. 

Countries in the region supported Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev’s request to join the platform that includes Russia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Iran and Georgia, as well as Armenia, if it accepts.

“The six-country platform is an enterprise that will provide a win-win opportunity for everyone. If Armenia joins this process and takes positive steps, Turkey-Armenia relations can have a new turn,” said Erdogan. “Undoubtedly, Armenia’s gains will increase considerably as new opportunities emerge.”

Experts told Anadolu Agency that the six-country platform will contribute greatly to stability and development in the region.

Muhittin Ataman, a faculty member at the Social Sciences University of Ankara said Turkey and Azerbaijan’s roles in the Caucasus increased after the victory in the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

“There is no problem of cooperation in terms of politics, economics or security. In case Armenia, which does not have a coast, is not involved in the six-country platform, it will be her loss,” Ataman said.

Underlining that the Armenian diaspora has been harming Armenia for 30 years, Ataman said, “The diaspora instrumentalizes the Armenian state for its own goals and to influence the politics of countries where they live. The diaspora in Western countries is living through Armenia's victimization.”

He noted that the platform offers Armenia an opportunity for normalization.

“Armenia is very similar to Israel. In a sense, the occupation of Karabakh was like the occupation of Palestine. More importantly, Armenia is a state with no clear borders, like Israel,” he said. “Armenia presents an image as if she demands territories both from Azerbaijan and Turkey. Thus, she puts herself in a state of war and this will definitely prevent her normalization in this region.”

He noted that the two main terms that Armenia needs to accept if she becomes a part of the platform are retreating from lands that she occupied and officially acknowledging her borders.

Ataman indicated that if Armenia joins, she will be able to benefit from already relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey.

“Definitely Armenia will have economic stability and economic prosperity will be possible. Consequently, she will be in a position to benefit from all regional opportunities. Normalization in Armenia’s relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey will decrease Armenia’s dependence on the West, and that will be a favorable situation for Russia,” he added.

Ege University International Relations faculty member Aydin Ibrahimov said Armenia does not have an option but to join the platform.

“Armenia must take a significant step to join the platform. If she takes this step, she can have the chance to open new pages in her relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey.”

Reminding that the Russian Foreign Ministry announced a trilateral negotiation joined by Armenia and Azerbaijan to be soon held, Ibrahimov said, “The negotiation between Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia will be about opening railroads from Nakchivan to Baku and from Armenia to Russia. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan leans toward it. But the opposition and the Armenian diaspora object to all sorts of agreements with Turkey. Western countries will want to use Armenia against Russia, Azerbaijan and Turkey.”

Ibrahimov noted that in case Armenia does not step back in terms of borders, continues its aggressive policies and does not recognize Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, it might be difficult for Armenia to join the platform.

Hazar University academic Telman Nusretoglu said cooperation between Turkey and Azerbaijan created a new geopolitical power in the South Caucasus.

He said Armenia is the biggest obstacle before the cooperative atmosphere that can be established in the region due to her aggressive approaches as well as her hostile attitude toward Turkey and Azerbaijan.

Relations between the former Soviet republics, Armenia and Azerbaijan, have been tense since 1991 when the Armenian military occupied Upper Karabakh, also known as Nagorno-Karabakh, internationally recognized as Azerbaijani territory, and seven adjacent regions.

New clashes erupted Sept. 27, 2020, and during the six-week-long conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages. At least 2,855 of its soldiers were martyred.

There are differing claims about the number of casualties on the Armenian side, which sources and officials say could be as high as 5,000.

The two countries signed a Russian-brokered agreement Nov. 10 to end the fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.  

* Writing by Dilan Pamuk in Ankara

The ARPA Institute presents: Simon Payaslian on Saturday, January 30 at 11:00 AM PST, on ZOOM

Dear Friends and Compatriots,

 
Please join the ARPA Institute‘s upcoming presentation by Professor Simon Payaslian on “Daniel Varoujan at the University of Ghent, 1905-1909”The event will be on ZOOM and FaceBookPlease let us know if you will join us by sending back an e-mail.
Saturday, January 30, 2021 at 11:00AM, PST (EST 2:00pm, Yerevan 23:00):

ZOOM Link and login credentials:
 
https://us02web.zoom.us/j/ 5388322794?pwd= MWJVSU5oTHFnWHJHclcrbDcxMXJiQT 09 
Meeting ID:         538 832 2794
Password:           381750 
 
Or you can join via Facebook Live by clicking on the link below!
 
https://www.facebook.com/ ARPAInstitute 
 
Thank you for your continued support of the ARPA Institute and we hope that you will join the webcast!
Prior ARPA Lectures (Just click on the title):

1. What Are the Technological Needs for a Strong Post War Armenia , By Yervant Zoryan & Raffi Kassarjian
2. Consequences of the War in Artsakh and its Implications , Eric Hacopian

3 Արցախիպատերազմը եւ հետեւանքները, Արման Գրիգորեան

4. Armenia in 2600 Years of World Cartographic Heritage, by Rouben Galchian
5. Assessment of the Military Offensive by Azerbaijan and Turkey , Anna Ohanyan, Nerses Kopalyan and Arman Grigoryan, Moderator Hon. Armen Baibourtian, Consul General of Armenia.

Warm regards,
The ARPA Institute Board

Russia Takes Charge of Nagorno-Karabakh

News Click, India
Jan 17 2021
What should worry Washington most is that there is sufficient convergence between Russia and China to keep the Caucasus out of the US geopolitical orbit.

M.K. Bhadrakumar
17 Jan 2021

The trilateral meeting of the leaderships of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan in the Kremlin on January 11, exactly two months after the ceasefire in the 44-day Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, can be seen as a robust push by Moscow to consolidate its diplomatic achievement so far. The ceasefire has gained traction and this is the opportune moment for Russia to flesh out other aspects that were agreed upon between the three countries on November 10 in Moscow. 

A statement issued after Monday’s meeting underscored an agreement to establish a tripartite Working Group of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan at deputy prime minister level, assisted by sub-groups of experts, on the following lines: 

“The Working Group, by March 1, 2021, will submit for approval at the highest level by the Parties a list and a schedule for the implementation of measures involving the restoration and construction of new transport infrastructure facilities necessary for the organisation, implementation and security of international traffic carried out through the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia, as well as transportations carried out by the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia, which require crossing the territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia.” 

From subsequent remarks by the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, his country would have a rail link with Nakhchivan, the Azeri exclave that borders Turkey and Iran, for the first time in over three decades, and landlocked Armenia would get rail links with Russia and Iran. 

From available details, the focus is on a road corridor from mainland Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan through the 42-km strip that the Armenian district of Zengezur forms between them. (For years, Azeri mainlanders have been forced to travel to Nakhchivan via Iran and to Turkey via Georgia.) Armenia, on the other hand, would stand to gain by gaining an all-weather land route to Russia via Azerbaijan. The revival of the old rail networks dating back to the late 19th century — 1878 Treaty of San Stefano — and the 1921 Treaty of Kars between Russia and Turkey is also being mentioned. 

In principle, a reopening of the 877-km Kars-Baku rail link running through Nakhchivan and Armenia and connecting Russia’s North Caucasus  is possible, which can also be extended southward to Iran’s Tabriz. Turkey fancies all this as a “a strategic corridor” that would give it direct access to the gas- and oil-rich Caspian basin and Central Asia — and further beyond to China.  

Railway from Yerevan passing through territory of Azerbaijan – Nakhichevan to Russia with  a link line to Iran along Caspian coast. Both routes were actively used during Soviet era as railways and highways.

| NewsClick

Evidently, Russia calculates that “any economic and infrastructure agreements take on a political nature. If it is about transport corridors, it means security and some sort of cooperation between the Armenian and Azerbaijani ethnic groups,” Andrei Kortunov, director general of the Russian Council on International Affairs, put it. 

Kortunov estimated that although Monday’s agreements did not address the core issue, namely, Nagorno-Karabakh’s status as such, which is “hanging in the air,” the sides are moving in the right direction. To quote the influential Moscow-based think tanker,  

“Even the limited agreements that have been reached make it possible to say that the meeting (on Monday) was successful. Transport was taken as a neutral, technical aspect of relations. With the first step made, the second and thirds steps are to follow. So, the opening of transport communications should be followed by issues of the exchange of prisoners, return of refugees, and co-living of two ethnic groups.” 

But things are not going to be velvet smooth. For a start, Turkey’s centrality needs to be defined to delimited — depending on how one looks at it. According to Kortunov, Turkey’s absence (non-participation) in the Moscow dialogue is quite demonstrative. He explains tactfully, “It means that Turkey is an important neighbour that cannot be absolutely excluded from what is currently going on in the South Caucasus but the Russian leadership has once again demonstrated that the key role in this settlement and post-settlement steps will be played by Moscow.” 

For the present, there is a plausible explanation to keep Turkey out and looking in, while Moscow assembles the peace blocks. Turkey is not liking it but is being pragmatic about it. But if Ankara succeeds in establishing diplomatic relations with Yerevan, the calculus changes overnight. Equally, there are two other critical variables — the political future of Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan and, second, the Aliyev’s dalliance with Turkish President Recep Erdogan.  

Again, Iran cannot be liking its exclusion either. The fact of the matter is that on the present disjointed regional tapestry, Armenia and Azerbaijan have no choice but to use Iranian territory for transit, and Tehran is unwilling to give up that geopolitical trump card. 

Above all, while as of now, the western powers remain passive, the attitude of the Joe Biden administration remains the ‘X’ factor. Last month, the US Congress legislated that “not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Director of National Intelligence shall submit to the congressional intelligence committees a written assessment regarding tensions between the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan, including with respect to the status of the Nagorno Karabakh region.” 

The US Congress has specifically directed the DNI to provide assessment on the following lines: 

  • An identification of the strategic interests of the United States and its partners in the Armenia-Azerbaijan region; 
  • A description of all significant uses of force in and around the Nagorno-Karabakh region and the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan during calendar year 2020, including a description of each significant use of force and an assessment of who initiated the use of such force; 
  • An assessment of the effect of United States military assistance to Azerbaijan and Armenia on the regional balance of power and the likelihood of further use of military force; and, 
  • An assessment of the likelihood of any further uses of force or potentially destabilising activities in the region in the near- to medium-term.  

Clearly, Washington is gearing up for a geopolitical struggle in the Caucasus. Moscow probably senses this. And that would explain the haste with which it is pushing infrastructure development in South Caucasus to crate equities, whilst the Biden Administration is still in its infancy. Russia is pursuing a trajectory to strengthen its position while also keeping the eventuality of having to engage with the western powers at some point within the framework of the Minsk Group.

President Putin touches base with his French counterpart Emmanuel Macron every now and then, the two countries being co-chairs (along with the US) of the Minsk Group. Conceivably, Russia may be open to working with the West on Nagorno-Karabakh but safeguarding its legitimate interests. The big question is whether in the present security environment, that is a realistic expectation.     

Meanwhile, the US analysts have been lately highlighting China’s growing involvement in the South Caucasus. In the World Bank’s estimation, since 2005, Chinese trade turnover with Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia increased around 2,070 percent, 380 percent and 1,885 percent, respectively. 

Chinese investments are also increasing, given the BRI’s seamless potential to generate business. With the recent completion of the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railroad, China’s footprint will rise further and such economic presence would eventually translate as political influence. 

The geographical location of the South Caucasus countries makes them viable transit routes for Chinese and European goods. One Chinese scholar even described Azerbaijan recently as a “pivotal country” in the BRI’s China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor. China is developing a trade route via Kazakhstan that crosses the Caspian from the Kazakh port of Aktau to Baku, which it visualises as a BRI hub. 

For the US, on the other hand, Caucasus is vital turf for lighting fires on Russia periphery, for navigating NATO’s expansion eastward, for establishing itself in the oil-rich Caspian, for controlling one of China’s main trade arteries to the European market, and for curbing Iran’s influence in the region. 

What should worry Washington most is that there is sufficient convergence between Russia and China to keep the Caucasus out of the US geopolitical orbit, especially as NATO is consolidating in the Black Sea region. 

PRESS RELEASE – Statement From The Office of AUA President

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Statement from the Office of AUA President 

As the political climate in Armenia continues to remain tense, leading to frequent clashes of political opinions both inside and outside of AUA, the University reaffirms its apolitical stance as an institution. We remain deeply committed to the right to free speech and encourage our staff and faculty to freely share their opinions as individuals. In the email below, addressed to the AUA community on December 23, 2020, AUA President Dr. Karin Markides affirmed this position. 


Date: December 23, 2020

Subject: Respecting Our Diversity of Opinions

In this time of extraordinary stress in our society, I want to express again my praise for the high standard of dedication that students, faculty, and staff continue to use to ensure quality education despite the unprecedented conditions. 

As an educational institution, AUA has a broad and diverse constituency, including faculty, staff, students, alumni, and the administration and trustees. Each member of this institution will have his/her own political opinion, and we encourage them to discuss, elaborate, and communicate their views in a respectful manner. However, while respecting the diversity of opinions among our constituency, as an institution we do not align with any particular political view. It should be widely understood that AUA does not take or condone any particular political positions, and it will continue its mission of supporting the welfare of Armenia and the education of its students. 

 

At AUA, faculty are encouraged to take their individual knowledge, interpretations, views, and opinions outside of the university. With this letter, I reinforce that this individual societal contribution is desired, expected and commendable and it will strengthen AUA as a trustworthy institution, as long as it is without doubt that the word is from individual faculty, staff, or students and who are not speaking for the institution.

As an institution, AUA is governed by trust and an understanding of and commitment to university policies. This collective trust needs continuous processing, and the level of trust can be measured by the undivided support of the AUA community on an institutional level. When the social contract is protected and developed, it will allow for faculty, students, and staff to express individual views on any issue.

It is sad to find that the social contract at AUA is challenged by its own leaders and other honorable members of our community. This contract is defined by our jointly developed policies, and it needs to stay on higher ground and withstand any threats of mistrust. The senior AUA community owes this to the next generation and to the lifelong learners that choose AUA for their education. We all need to live up to this standard, by supporting each other and the AUA brand.

We all understand and respect the pain and emotions that surge through our society, and as a university, we follow the guidelines set by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), in situations when our ideas are considered threatening to religious, political, or social agendas. “When teachers speak or write in public, whether via social media or in academic journals, they are able to articulate their own opinions without the fear from institutional restriction or punishment, but they are encouraged to show restraint and clearly specify that they are not speaking for their institution. In practice, academic freedom is protected by institutional rules and regulations, letters of appointment, faculty handbooks, collective bargaining agreements, and academic custom.” At AUA, these institutional rules are clearly stated in our portfolio of policies. 

Kind regards,

Margarit Hovhannisyan | Communications Manager

Մարգարիտ Հովհաննիսյան | Հաղորդակցության մենեջեր

+374 60 612 514,  

mhovhannisyan  

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40 Baghramyan Avenue, Yerevan 0019, Republic of Armenia

Putin, Macron discuss upcoming trilateral meeting of leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan, Armenia

XINHUA, China
Jan 10 2021
Source: Xinhua| 2021-01-10 22:42:49|Editor: huaxia
MOSCOW, Jan. 10 (Xinhua) — Russian President Vladimir Putin and his French counterpart Emmanuel Macron discussed via telephone on Sunday the upcoming trilateral meeting of leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia, the Kremlin said.
 
Macron expressed support for Russia's efforts to end the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, it added.
 
According to another statement published by the Kremlin on Sunday, during the trilateral meeting special attention will be paid to providing assistance to residents affected by the hostilities as well as to resuming and developing trade and economic relations.
 
Putin will also hold separate talks with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime minister Nikol Pashinyan, it added. Enditem
  

Tsarukyan presents details of his meeting with PM Pashinyan

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YEREVAN, DECEMBER 29, ARMENPRESS. President of ‘’Prosperous Armenia’’ Party Gagik Tsarukyan told the reporters that during his meeting with PM Pashinyan he told him what he had said in his public speeches, ARMENPRESS reports Tsarukyan said at the National Assembly.

‘’My position has not changed. He wanted to meet, I did not reject and we met. I told him what I have said publicly. I told that his resignation is the only way to overcome this situation’’, Tsarukyan said, adding that the remaining questions should be addressed to PM Pashinyan.