No incidents recorded at Armenian-Azerbaijani LoC, says Defense Ministry

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 16:56,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 27, ARMENPRESS. The operational situation at the Armenia-Azerbaijan Line of Contact of the Armenian state border remained unchanged on January 26 and January 27, with no incidents taking place, the Armenian Ministry of Defense said.

“According to information received from the National Security Service of Armenia, no incidents took place also at the Vorotan-Davit Bek section of the Goris-Kapan interstate road, which is under the responsibility of the NSS border troops. The units of the Armed Forces and NSS of Armenia are controlling the border situation at the entire length of the borderline and are fulfilling their objectives,” the Defense Ministry said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenia on Tech World Stage with Spotlight on AUA Women

January 26,  2020



AUA Women in STEM

Violet Jamgochian Karagozian Endowed Scholarship Fund Established to Support Women in STEM

Armenia is emerging as a hub of creativity and innovation and gaining a reputable ranking in the technology sector. Growth in the IT sector is creating new jobs and bringing new demands for professionals skilled in the areas of computer science, engineering, and data science.

The American University of Armenia is committed to the development of Armenia and providing the highest quality education in these fields thanks to AUA’s affiliation with the University of California and accreditation through the Western Association of Schools and Colleges. They are preparing a talented and diverse workforce which will bring the sector’s growth in Armenia to the next level. Standing out and shining in the field are Armenian women. AUA female graduates are assuming leadership roles and bringing fresh perspectives and new ideas to a market driven by innovation but historically dominated by men.

In this effort, the AUA is happy to announce the establishment of the Violet Jamgochian Karagozian Endowed Scholarship Fund in support of AUA’s Yes, Armenian Women Can! campaign and the advancement of women in STEM fields. The scholarship fund was established through a generous gift from AUA Trustee Dr. Ann Karagozian and Dr. Theodore Sarafian in memory of Dr. Karagozian’s mother, Violet Jamgochian Karagozian.

Theodore Sarafian, Ann Karagozian

“AUA is committed to unlocking the potential in each and every student and is showing what is possible when women are given the proper access and opportunity to top-notch STEM education,” remarks AUA Vice President of Development Gaiane Khachatrian. “In 2018 we launched the Yes, Armenia Women Can! campaign to provide scholarship support for women studying Computer Science, Engineering, and Data Science at AUA. Today, half of all AUA students studying at the College of Science and Engineering are female. These young learners are shining in the classroom and in internship positions, while our graduates are standing out as top performers in the field. These striking results are evidence of the transformative power of the campaign and attest to the impressive impact we are making together.”

The Violet Jamgochian Karagozian Endowed Scholarship Fund will empower AUA’s female students in computer science, engineering, and data science. “My mother, Violet Karagozian, was a woman who was ahead of her time,” Dr. Karagozian says. “She studied mathematics in college while working full time to help support her family during the Depression and Second World War. She earned a master’s degree and became a high school math teacher for many years, eventually becoming the department chair.”

Violet Karagozian was an avid supporter of many Armenian organizations, including the Daughters of Vartan. Dr. Karagozian notes, “She was brilliant and wise and had a strong and abiding Christian faith. She would be so pleased to know that a scholarship in her name will support the next generation of brilliant women in STEM fields!”

Violet Jamgochian

Violet Jamgochian Karagozian’s memory will live on at AUA thanks to Dr. Karagozian’s support and continue to inspire strong Armenian women studying Computer Science, Engineering, and Data Science at the University. To learn more about the Yes, Armenian Women Can! campaign and its impact, please visit the website and join us in our efforts in empowering female students in STEM.

Founded in 1991, the American University of Armenia is a private, independent university located in Yerevan, Armenia, and affiliated with the University of California. AUA provides a global education in Armenia and the region, offering high-quality graduate and undergraduate studies, encouraging civic engagement, and promoting public service and democratic values. For more information about AUA and its donor opportunities, please visit their website.

Turkish Press: Hrant Dink remembered on 14th anniversary of murder: ‘They are trying not to solve the killing’

BIAnet.org, Turkey (Human Rights)
Jan 19 2021

Hrant Dink remembered on 14th anniversary of murder: 'They are trying not to solve the killing'

Dink's spouse and friends gathered at the place where he was murdered and an online commemoration event was held due to the pandemic.
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Armenian PM introduces new Minister of Healthcare to staff

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YEREVAN, JANUARY 19, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan visited today the Ministry of Healthcare to introduce newly-appointed minister Anahit Avanesyan to the staff, the PM’s Office told Armenpress.

Pashinyan thanked former Minister of Healthcare Arsen Torosyan for his activities. “We should state that the ministry of health has been one of our most effective agencies during Mr. Torosyan’s tenure, and of course, in such condition, has received most of the criticism which is normal in some sense. Starting 2018 large-scale reforms have been carried out in the field. These reforms have been human-centered, in other words, the goal has been to expand the quality and framework of the healthcare services provided to the people, and we have already registered serious changes there”, the PM said.

Pashinyan said 2020 was a year of major experiments for the healthcare sector conditioned by the coronavirus pandemic and the war. He said that the government has tackled the COVID-19 with an honor and today the situation is manageable according to the international standards. Pashinyan expressed hope that the Cabinet will manage to keep this trend.

“Of course, the next biggest trial was the war and it continues to be so. Unfortunately, now we have a problem with the identification of bodies, we had some complications, but now we can praise the fact that this work has also received very acceptable course”, he added.

As for Anahit Avanesyan’s appointment as Minister of Health, Pashinyan reminded that prior to her appointment she has served as first deputy minister of health. “Not only she, but also the remaining deputy minister, who have been appointed in different times, have in fact acted as a team. The ongoing change has the following meaning that we continue to trust that team and in this case it will be headed by Mrs. Avanesyan. I wish you good luck in continuing these works. We hope the Ministry of Healthcare will continue its active operation and will not be afraid of criticism because work, normally, leads to criticism. Of course, it is necessary to be very attentive to criticism and try to take useful and rational information and recommendation”, the PM stated.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Azerbaijani press: Today, I brought busts of our geniuses Khurshidbanu Natavan, Uzeyir Hajibayli and Bulbul to Shusha – President Aliyev

BAKU, Azerbaijan, Jan. 15

Trend:

When I came to Shusha today, I brought the busts of our geniuses Khurshidbanu Natavan, Uzeyir Hajibayli and Bulbul, which were kept in the yard of the Art Museum in Baku for almost 30 years, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev said at an event held on the occasion of return of busts to Bulbul, Natavan and Uzeyir Hajibeyli to Shusha, Trend reports.

“The House of Culture was located here, and the busts of Uzeyir Bey and Bulbul used to stand here. The hated enemy destroyed the Shusha House of Culture and shot at the busts of our geniuses,” Azerbaijani president said.

“The bust of Khurshidbanu Natavan was unveiled personally by Heydar Aliyev in the summer of 1982. I was here with my father at that time. There was a bust of Khurshidbanu Natavan not far from here. After desecrating the busts of our genius personalities, the Armenians took them to Armenia to be melted down and sold. Just imagine how mean a person should be to shoot at and insult the memorial busts of historical personalities, take them away and try to melt them down. At that time, Polad Bulbuloglu found out about that and appealed to great leader Heydar Aliyev. As a result of the measures taken, these busts were taken away from the Armenians. I must say that they were paid for. They sold them – just as they have done throughout their existence. We bought the busts back. We brought them back then and placed them in the yard of the Art Museum,” the head of state said.

Asbarez: Biden Names Ike Hajinazarian as White House Regional Communications Director

January 18,  2020



Ike Hajinazarian with President-Elect Joe Biden

President-Elect Joe Biden has named Ike Hajinazarian as the White House Regional Communications Director.

Ike Hajinazarian most recently served as the Western Pennsylvania Regional Press Secretary for the Biden campaign after working on the campaign in communications roles during the primary and general elections in New Hampshire, Nevada, Texas, Ohio, and other states, Biden’s office said in a news release.

Prior to joining the campaign, he worked on Capitol Hill, first as Press Assistant to Senator Joe Donnelly of Indiana, and later as the Deputy Press Secretary on the House Homeland Security Committee’s Majority Staff. Born in Columbus, Ohio to Lebanese-Armenian immigrant parents, Hajinazarian is a graduate of Indiana University and the George Washington University Graduate School of Political Management.

Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan adopt new statement on Nagorno-Karabakh

Meduzo
Jan 11 2021
 
4:35 pm, January 11, 2021·Source: The Kremlin
  
 
During trilateral talks in Moscow on Monday, January 11, the leaders of Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan adopted a joint statement on the development of Nagorno-Karabakh, the Kremlin announced on its website.
 
The statement, which focuses on plans for unblocking economic and transport links, was signed by Russian President Vladimir Putin, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.
 
According to the document, the three sides will create a working group under the leadership of their respective deputy prime ministers by the end of January 2021.
 
The group’s main priority will be the restoration of road and rail links, and expert subgroups are expected to submit specific projects by the end of February, the statement said.
 
 
•Renewed fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia in the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic broke out on September 27. On the night of November 10, the two sides signed a ceasefire agreement brokered by Russia. As a result of the agreement, control of nearly half of Nagorno-Karabakh’s territory was handed over to Azerbaijan.
 

Tripartite group for Nagorno-Karabakh affairs created

Prensa Latina
Jan 12 2021
 
 
 
 
 
Moscow, Jan 11 (Prensa Latina) Russian President Vladimir Putin, his Azeri counterpart Iljam Aliyev, and Armenian Prime Minister Nicole Pashynian created on Monday a tripartite group to solve unsettled issues of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
 
 
After an over three-hour meeting, statesmen agreed to apply paragraph-9 of the 10 November Joint Declaration in order to put an end to Armenia-Azerbaijan clashes.
 
The paragraph referred to the unblocking of all economic and transport links in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, as proposed by the Russian president, the official document read.
 
According to the document, a tripartite Working Group is created under the joint chairmanship of the Deputy Prime Ministers of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia, and the Deputy Head of Government of the Russian Federation.
 
The group will hold the first meeting before January 30. It will be based on the results of which a list of key working areas derived from implementation of paragraph-9.
 
In addition, the tripartite agreement for this conference set down rail and road communications as top-priorities, and also determined other areas as agreed.
 
rly/pll/ga/to

Asbarez: Baku Undermines Armenian Cultural Preservation, Says Yerevan

January 15,  2020



Azerbaijan’s destruction of Armenian monuments after taking over Artsakh territory

Creating obstacles for the repatriation of the Armenian prisoners of war, issuing a stamp glorifying the ethnic cleansing of Armenians, as well as the consistent threats being voiced by President Aliyev attest to the fact that Azerbaijan is challenging confidence-building efforts of international mediators, said Armenia’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Anna Naghdalyan on Friday in response to reporters’ questions.

“The Armenian side has always supported the humanitarian contacts between the societies of the region, which should be based on mutual respect and tolerance and be aimed at creating mutual trust. Certainly, relevant prerequisites should be established for such programs,” said Naghdalyan.

“The statements of the leadership of Azerbaijan… is creating obstacles for the repatriation of the Armenian prisoners of war, issuing a stamp glorifying the ethnic cleansing of Armenians, as well as the consistent threats being voiced by President Aliyev attest to the fact that Azerbaijan is challenging the trust-building efforts of international mediators,” added Naghdalyan.

The provocative statements made by the President of Azerbaijan about Shushi, as well as the attempts to present the Holy Savior Ghazanchetsots Church, which had been targeted during the war, as a ‘war prize and symbol of victory’ are particularly deplorable,” explained Naghdalyan.

The foreign ministry spokesperson said these realities prove that the conflict is still far from being resolved, and the peace process is necessary to establish lasting peace in the region. She also said that Aliyev’s comments signal that Armenian cultural and religious monument in Artsakh are seriously endangered, and the state of Azerbaijan cannot be the guarantor of the proper protection of cultural and religious heritage.

“The distortion of the identity of the Armenian heritage is an attempt of cultural looting, which is also a gross violation of the relevant international legal instruments,” said Naghdalyan. “Thousands of Armenian religious and secular monuments were created centuries before Azerbaijan was established and have no relation to the Azerbaijani identity. The attempts to alienate these monuments from the Armenian people have no historical, religious or moral grounds.”

“It is noteworthy that in order to justify the destruction of the Armenian cross stones (khachkars) in Nakhichevan, Azerbaijan also put forward the ‘thesis of Albanization,’ and this demonstrates the perilousness of the practice of destroying and distorting the identity of the Armenian monuments,” explained Naghdalyan.

“The fake thesis of presenting the Christian heritage of Armenians or other peoples of the region as Caucasian Albanian has no serious circulation outside of Azerbaijan and is not perceived by the international academic community,” said the foreign ministry spokesperson.

“It is important to not that President Aliyev made this statement in the presence of the Director General of the Islamic World Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization thus trying to introduce a religious dimension to the issues of protection of cultural heritage. By undermining the efforts of the international community aimed at preserving Artsakh’s cultural heritage, Azerbaijan continues to hinder the access of the international specialized organizations, primarily UNESCO, to the region by accusing the latter of being biased. Meanwhile in fact, Azerbaijan is the one to speculate irresponsibly on the religious factor while Armenia has always pursued the policy of inter-religious dialogue and cooperation between civilizations, considering cultural heritage as a universal and common value,” Naghdalyan explained.

“The preservation of many Armenian historical-cultural and religious monuments that fell under Azerbaijani control must be an important part of the peace process, taking into account the numerous facts of systematic destruction of the Armenian cultural and religious heritage in the past. In this context, the Azerbaijani leadership and state propaganda machine must immediately put an end to the deplorable approach of misappropriation, distortion of the identity of Armenian churches, and at least demonstrate due respect towards cultural and religious monuments,” she said.

“The misappropriation and distortion of the cultural values of the Armenian people, the violation of the rights of the Armenian people do not contribute to regional peace. In this regard the proper protection of religious sites, both from the physical and spiritual perspectives, can create preconditions for peace in the region,” Naghdalyan concluded.

When Historical Fiction Is a Crime

The New Republic
Dec 20 2020
Why is one of Turkey’s foremost novelists in jail?
Kaya Genç/December 30, 2020
Ahmet Altan, one of Turkey’s most skillful historical novelists, lives in solitary confinement in a cell four meters long, at Silivri Prison, Europe’s largest penal facility. In I’ll Never See This World Again, his fifteenth book, and the first he wrote from prison, Altan recalled the passing comment of a judge who held the author’s fate in his hands: “If only you had stuck to writing novels and kept your nose out of political affairs.”
 
 
Love in the Days of Rebellion
by Ahmet Altan, translated by Yelda Türedi and Brendan Freely
Buy on Bookshop
Europa Editions, 496 pp., $19.00
 
Like a Sword Wound
by Ahmet Altan, translated by Yelda Türedi and Brendan Freely
Buy on Bookshop
Europa Editions, 352 pp., $17.00
Altan’s punishment for that sin—he was charged with “sending subliminal messages” to topple Turkey’s strongman Recep Tayyip Erdoğan—has been severe. “I will never see a sky unframed by the walls of a courtyard,” he realized upon receiving an aggravated life sentence in 2018. But politics has been an abiding theme of his work since the mid-1970s, when he cut his teeth as a young reporter. For much of his career, eroticism and the intrigues of Turkish politics had vitalized Altan’s writings and helped make him a household name. In 1982, aged 32, his debut novel launched a career marked by controversy and bestsellers: His second novel, Trace on the Water (1985), was found “obscene” by a court, which ordered police to burn it; Cheating, Altan’s erotic novella from 2002, sold over half a million copies, including one purchased by the cop who initially arrested him and chatted about its plot as the police van carried the giant of Turkish literature to Silivri Prison.
 
It was the Ottoman Quartet, an epic novel spanning the turbulent era between 1873, the year Sultan Abdülhamid II was enthroned, and 1915, when 1.5 million Ottoman Armenians died in an act of genocide, that earned Altan the distinction of a leading Turkish historical novelist, alongside younger authors Orhan Pamuk and Elif Shafak. The Quartet is Altan’s life’s work (he hopes to complete its last volume once he regains access to a library) and proof that even while he “stuck to writing novels,” in his judge’s words, Altan couldn’t “keep his nose out of political affairs.” The saga’s first two volumes, Like a Sword Wound (1998) and Love in the Days of Rebellion (2001), now published in fine English translations by Yelda Türedi and Brendan Freely, probe Turkish historiography’s nationalist dichotomies between the autocratic Abdülhamid and progressive patriots who dethroned the Ottoman sultan. Altan’s Quartet shows that continuities, rather than ruptures, have defined the history of Turkish autocracy over the past century: Germanophile Young Turks were as tyrannical as Abdülhamid. Altan reaches this conclusion after raising a baffling question: Was “the March 31 Incident” of 1909 (an Islamist uprising to defend Abdülhamid’s absolute rule, whose suppression gave anti-sultan generals dictatorial powers) a Young Turk ploy?
Bridging Turkey’s past and present, in which such sinister moves to gain power are customary, Altan uses a smart conceit: Osman, his middle-aged protagonist, lives in modern Turkey and receives visits from family members who lived a century ago. These “transparent bodies” speak to him “in weak, broken voices,” granting Osman access to archives of familial and national history as he sits among heaps of tin cans in a dilapidated mansion. Perhaps it is this direct link to the present that has angered the authorities so much, the way his work likens the country’s problems today with its foundational shortcomings. In Turkey, a country that has insistently imprisoned its famous novelists over the past century, the treatment of Altan’s life and work is a warning to others willing to submit Turkish identity to a similarly probing critique.
 
Altan is skillful in laying the groundwork for this volume’s milieu: the penultimate decade of the Ottoman Caliphate. Once containing Islam’s Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina, “the sick man of Europe” crumbles in the face of Western powers by the 1900s. The book’s characters orbit around Osman’s great-grandfather Yusuf, the sheikh of a Sufi monastery in Istanbul, the spiritual heart of a capital intent on severing ties with its Islamic past. Hikmet, a fragile bookworm who aligns with Young Turks (while reading their revolutionary oath, he puts a hand on the Qur’an and another on a pistol), marries Yusuf’s estranged wife, Mehpare, a free-spirited woman keen to realize her desires. “The only way to avoid punishment was to live in mansions with gardens large enough to conceal these sins,” she muses in a moment of self-reflection. The couple does live in a mansion with a large garden, owns a fancy six-seater landau with its team of two ponies and four Hungarian trove horses, leading a jealousy-inducing open marriage that almost destroys Hikmet (he misses the spot when he shoots himself in the heart). “True love is like a sword wound,” writes Altan, “and even if the wound heals, a deep scar remains.”
 
Hikmet’s father, Reşit Pasha, is cut from a different cloth. As Abdülhamid’s private physician, he is a conservative aristocrat who takes the voguish revolutionary spirit with a pinch of salt. But faced with Turkey’s rising middle classes (soldiers and medical professionals, mostly anti-sultan Young Turks), men like him stand little chance. Among those who root for rebels is Ragıp Bey, a young Ottoman lieutenant who takes refuge in Yusuf’s monastery for spiritual guidance. Moving to Berlin in search of adventure, Ragıp helps finance a plot against Abdülhamid’s tyranny, rubbing shoulders with Enver and Talat, Young Turk leaders who eventually deposed the sultan in 1908.
 
Class and gender bind those men. Raised in opulence, they operate in the most privileged sectors of Ottoman society, suffering from bouts of ennui while enjoying lavish lives endowed them by entitled parents. Frustrated about their futures and weary of their empire’s fate, they seek comfort in the arms of women. There is a sad tendency in Altan’s prose to gloss over the depths of female characters and present them as foils necessary for male self-realization. While recuperating from his wound at a French hospital, Hikmet flirts with a nun but fails to seduce her after gifting her an expensive copy of Baudelaire’s Les Fleurs du mal. Hikmet’s father welcomes him back home with a different gift: Hediye, a Circassian slave girl. Ottomans officially banned slave markets in 1847, but slavery continued clandestinely until 1908, and Altan skillfully shows its abhorrent consequences. Hikmet also courts Dilevser, a young bookworm with whom he can discuss Balzac and Tolstoy. “I was moved by the pain Anna Karenina suffered,” she tells Hikmet pointedly: “How selfishly men behave toward women.… How distant they are.” As Altan’s band of adventurers zigzag between moments of political upheaval and private intimacy, women balm their wounds, comfort their egos, and, at times, destroy their confidence.
 
Scenes of political turmoil are more layered. Love in the Days of Rebellion opens with a jubilant scene at Istanbul’s Sultanahmet Square. Hagia Sophia (a Byzantine church that Erdoğan transformed into a mosque last summer) is surrounded by thousands of fezzes that ripple “like a ruby-red sea.” The revolutionary crowd is a testament to the plurality of the multiethnic empire:
Thracian shepherds, seamen from the islands, Arabs from whom wafted the spicy smell of their mysterious peninsula, Jews who had migrated from sacred cities, Montenegrins with pistols in their cummerbunds, Bulgarians and Kurds, Kirgiz, Gypsies who sang and danced constantly, and Tatars with high cheekbones.
 
When the sultan races through them in his carriage, the crowd parts “like the Red Sea miraculously parted when Moses touched it with his staff.”
Altan uses this revolutionary moment to reveal his characters’ reactions to chaos and order. Reşit is sheepishly loyal to his sultan, and his proximity to power gives Altan artistic license to portray Abdülhamid’s life in fine, mostly factual detail. A photography aficionado, a reader of Arthur Conan Doyle novels (the sultan personally told Conan Doyle he disliked his historical romances), and paranoid to the extent that he considers showering in a cage, Abdülhamid is “afraid and interested in everyone.” He has a rural coffeehouse built nearby, where a waiter treats him like an ordinary customer “to bring a little bit of the outside world into his palace.”
 
By the finale of Altan’s novel, German-educated Young Turks had sent Abdülhamid off to exile in Salonica. There is joy in watching the sultan “who had not allowed his subjects to read what they wanted” now complain about not being allowed to read newspapers himself—“he’d realized how painful this was.” The dishonored sultan was forced to sign “a document handing over a million in gold he had in German banks over to the army, he’d lost his teeth, he’d been imprisoned in a mansion in exile and had lost his wealth after abdicating.”
 
When Love in the Days of Rebellion first came out in Turkish, Altan described its style as neoclassical: “It will replace the postmodernist inclination in modern Turkish fiction.” To some degree it did. In the next two decades, a flurry of popular historical novels considered different facets of early-twentieth-century Turkey through styles less challenging than Pamuk’s and Shafak’s postmodern fictions. Novels by Altan and Ayşe Kulin, another bestselling writer translated into English, seeped into popular culture by raising questions about Turkey’s national identity built on othering Kurds and Armenians, and helped change the dominant nationalist perspective of Turkish historical novels.
 
Altan’s view of Turkish history is bleak and skeptical of a progressive arc.
Altan’s view of Turkish history is bleak and skeptical of a progressive arc. “Whatever you do, whatever you call your form of government, you end up with a sultan at the top,” one of his characters muses. Another sees how “tyranny never ended in this land, that one tyranny had ended only for another to begin, that nothing other than tyranny could grow” in Turkey. His novel’s final sections detail how Young Turks (“an administration unaccustomed to governance”) ruled Turkey even more harshly, selling out Armenian, Jewish, and Muslim revolutionaries who initially supported them to build a democratic country. Killing reactionary-looking Muslims (they were in fact drunken, unruly soldiers in Islamic garments), Sheikh Yusuf sees, was but a planned tactic for grabbing power. “While we were celebrating getting rid of one tyrant, a hundred more tyrants took over,” says Ragıp. The Germanophile general who takes over Turkey’s reins governs “like a complete dictator with an authority that no sultan had possessed for some years.”
 
Soon a hush descends on Istanbul: “There were no arguments, no shouting, no laughter, no shopkeepers bantering from one side of the street to the other, no women talking from their windows … it was even forbidden to run in the streets, people avoided walking quickly lest they be thought to be running, everyone made a point of walking slowly.” The first order of generals is to burn the denunciations commissioned by the paranoid Abdülhamid, and millions of sheets of paper are piled into stacks and set on fire. These terrifying letters of denunciation
 
that had darkened the lives of thousands of people and that had nourished and increased the unjustified fears of an apprehensive sultan spread over the capital as ash and smoke like a pus that had accumulated in the collective bloodstream of an entire society, reminding everyone of their guilt and complicity.
 
In Altan’s novel, not many people object to this bonfire of archives. What Young Turks did was to “clear the past and save everyone from past fears by burning these documents that proved almost everyone had taken part in the tyranny of this period.” The Quartet’s final novel, if it is ever written, will tell of the Armenian Genocide, another act of historical erasure, planned and executed by the same leaders.
 
To modern Turkey, too, these tactics left a troublesome legacy. The putschist mindset, crystallized in Ragıp’s Young Turk brother Cevat’s words—“Who else but the military can protect this country … if the army removes itself from politics the motherland will fall into the hands of the reactionaries”—later solidified in a militarist tutelage system that ruled Turkey into the twenty-first century (as recently as in 2016, a band of Turkish generals staged a violent coup crushed by civilians). It paused briefly in 2002 with the rise to power of Erdoğan, who initially fashioned himself as a conservative democrat keen to retrieve the lost honor of Sultan Abdülhamid and rolled back century-old racist laws that suppressed the minorities whose properties modern Turkey confiscated and was built on. But a few years into power, Erdoğan revealed his authoritarian ambitions. In 2018, he built a presidential system that allowed him to annul election results, detain and replace elected mayors with loyal placeholders, and rule Turkey by decree. As Altan foretold, anyone “who enters politics has a bit of Sultan in them” in Turkey.
 
In a chilling moment in his prison memoir, Altan recalls a scene from the Quartet where Ragıp ponders the gap between the moment a person’s destiny changes and the moment the person realizes this, which, he writes, is “the most tragic and frightening aspect of life.” The loss of control over one’s life is terrifying, all the more so for an author imprisoned for his ideas. “The future became clear, but the person continued to wait for another future with other expectations and dreams without realizing that the future had already been determined.” As he waited to hear the outcome of his trial in 2018, hoping for freedom but already condemned to life imprisonment, Altan felt a shiver: “I wrote years ago about the turmoil I’m going through at this very moment. I live now what I write in my novel. I am a novelist living his novel. My life imitates my novel.”
 
Kaya Genç, a Turkish novelist, is the author of Under the Shadow.
 
Read More: Critical Mass, Books, Culture, Turkey, Turkish Literature, Ahmet Altan, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Historical Fiction, Fiction, Ottoman Quartet