BAKU: Aliyev, Putin have telephone conversation

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan
May 8 2004

PRESIDENT OF AZERBAIJAN REPUBLIC ILHAM ALIYEV AND PRESIDENT OF
RUSSIAN FEDERATION VLADIMIR PUTIN HAVE TELEPHONE CONVERSATION
[May 08, 2004, 19:19:06]

President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev telephoned to
President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin on May 8, Azerbaijan
president’s press-service told AzerTAj.

President Ilham Aliyev offered his sincere congratulations to
Vladimir Putin on reassuming the office of President of the Russian
Federation. The head Azerbaijan state expressed satisfaction with
dynamically developing bilateral cooperation between Azerbaijan and
Russia, and stressed that deepening of mutual relations in all
spheres meet fundamental interests of the two peoples.

The two leaders exchanged views on urgent peaceful settlement of the
Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and pointed out the
importance of the problems’ resolution from the standpoint of
security and future development of the region.

During the conversation, the two Presidents also touched upon the
legal status of the Caspian and emphasized the necessity to continue
cooperation in this sphere.

Russian President Vladimir Putin thanked President Ilham Aliyev for
the sincere congratulations, expressed hope for further joint efforts
to bring relationship between the two countries to a higher level.

A Sorry State: The Artlessness Of the Apology

Washington Post
May 8-9 2004

A Sorry State
The Artlessness Of the Apology

By Tony Judt

We live in the age of the public apology. When a crisis occurs or a
scandal is exposed, the first instinct of many public figures today
is to erupt in a torrent of remorse. From Bill Clinton’s 1992 apology
to his wife for his sexual infidelities to the notorious 1998 Oprah
Winfrey show where guests apologized to people they had “hurt,”
saying sorry has become all the rage. On the Oprah show experts even
offered tips on how to apologize. “Don’t be afraid to apologize,” the
incomparable Ms. Winfrey advised on her Web site. “Apologizing to
your child doesn’t mean you lose.”

President Bush could have used a few such tips this month. Faced with
the evidence of serial abuse of Iraqi prisoners by U.S. soldiers,
Bush condemned, decried and regretted; but he didn’t apologize for a
week. In a world where victims — real or presumptive — demand not
merely justice but penitence, the president’s reluctance became a
political issue in its own right.

For the second time this spring the Bush administration was caught up
in the media’s passion for public contrition. In late March the
public commission investigating security lapses before 9/11 was
transformed into a daytime soap opera. Would Condoleezza Rice follow
Richard Clarke’s cue and offer a telegenic “sorry” for letting it all
happen? How would she “look” if she did offer an all-points apology?
And — of even greater media interest — how would she look if she
didn’t?

Rice is a mediocre national security adviser but a good tactician. By
refusing to express remorse (“I don’t think that there is anyone who
is not sorry for the terrible loss that these families endured,” she
told Ed Bradley on “60 Minutes,” but she added, “the best thing that
we can do for the future of this country is to focus on those who did
this to us.”), she paid a small price in the congeniality stakes
while keeping journalists’ attention firmly diverted from anything
that mattered. It was Rice’s present sentiments, rather than her past
actions, that held center stage. We used to pay attention to what
public figures did and what they thought. Now all we really want to
know is how they feel. And everyone, even the president,
enthusiastically obliges.

Public apologies used to be a very serious matter — that’s why they
were so uncommon. In the past, when faced with bad news, politicians
would do anything rather than confess. Typically, they dissimulated.
Rather than tell you how they felt about something unpleasant for
which they might be held accountable, they just issued denials: “It
never happened.” Later, when denial was no longer possible, they
downplayed the matter: “All right, it happened, but it wasn’t as bad
as you say.” And then, later still, when the scale of the crime or
scandal was clear to all, they would concede that, “Well, yes, it
happened and it was every bit as bad as you say. But it’s all so long
ago — why dredge up the past?”

That is still the response in cultures where the public confession of
failure or misbehavior carries heavy social penalties. In Japan, the
wartime mistreatment of Chinese and Koreans is still mired in
semi-denial and official mis-memory. Turkish authorities — and many
Turks — shift uncomfortably between exculpatory re-description and
outright denial when confronted with the massacre of the Armenians.
Australia’s leaders no longer deny the near-genocide of the
Aborigines, but it is such old news that they refuse to dwell on it.

Even where international pressure has made official “regrets” and
restitution unavoidable, as in the case of the Holocaust, heartfelt
official remorse is rare — the recent apology by President Alexander
Kwasniewski for his countrymen’s part in the destruction of their
Jewish neighbors was all the more effective for being unprecedented
in Poland.

The public apology, in short, is not a universal political response
to bad news. But in the United States, where virtually everyone
(except the 43rd president) apologizes at the first opportunity, it
has a very different resonance. This does seem to be a distinctively
American development. True, Tony Blair also indulges in it, but then
in his well-advertised religiosity and his propensity to wax
moralistic, Blair is the most “American” prime minister in modern
British history. He is also of an age with Bill Clinton, Al Gore,
George W. Bush and other baby boomers molded by the pedagogical
revolution of the ’60s and the narcissistic preoccupations of the
era.

For this generation of political leaders — and followers — it has
always been important to have the right sort of feelings and to
display them copiously. Thus (according to his spokesman) President
Bush — hitherto seemingly immune to the sensibilities of his
generation — feels sorry for the “pain caused” by the publication of
pictures and reports of American soldiers torturing Iraqis. In Bush’s
own words he feels “bad” about what happened, “sorry for the
humiliation” of Iraqi prisoners. He might not say that he exactly
“feels their pain” — that is a more distinctively Clintonian
sentiment — but it is the same general idea: Saying “sorry” makes it
better. The victim feels better and so does the perpetrator —
indeed, you score a triple: You are good, you do good and you feel
good.

The preferred use of sorry, however, is in the formulation “I’m sorry
that such and such happened,” distancing the speaker from any
connection to the events, thereby relieving the speaker of any need
for self-examination.

But in any case, in its transition from private relations to public
affairs, the apology encounters some intriguing paradoxes. In the
first place, it is self-undermining. As anyone knows who has ever
dealt with young children, saying “sorry” has a dual purpose: It
concedes guilt and exculpates the perpetrator. “I said I’m sorry —
why are you still upset?” Thus President Bush undoubtedly hopes that
by saying how sorry he feels that his army has disgraced itself he
can speedily put the affair behind him. But in this he is surely
mistaken.

In our age of instant remorse the currency of penitence has been
hyperinflated and has lost almost all its value. Most of those who
heard the president expressing his regrets, above all the Arab and
Muslim audience to which they were primarily directed, will have
echoed the celebrated response of Mandy Rice-Davies at the height of
the Christine Keeler affair in Swinging London, when Lord Astor
denied under oath that he had been involved with her: “Well, he would
say that, wouldn’t he?”

Moreover, while the president’s regrets are doubtless heartfelt, his
skeptical international audience is likely to reflect that he is no
less “sorry” that the news leaked out. He may also come to rue the
carefully qualified apologies offered by his subordinates: Maj. Gen.
Geoffrey Miller, in charge of Abu Ghraib prison, first offered his
apologies and then spent some time explaining that what he was
referring to were the “illegal or unauthorized acts” of “a small
number of soldiers.” Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt, the U.S. army spokesman
in Iraq, similarly qualified his expression of regrets — “a small
number of soldiers doing the wrong thing.” Such grudging, formulaic
repentance (alleged sodomy “with a chemical light and perhaps a
broomstick” is now “the wrong thing”?) merely calls attention to its
own inadequacy — and invites charges of bad faith.

So what is a democratic leader to do? If you apologize too soon it
rings false — particularly to foreign audiences unfamiliar with the
American cult of contrition. But if you stay silent it suggests
callous indifference or a coverup. The crimes in Abu Ghraib and
elsewhere are not comparable to My Lai in Vietnam or other atrocities
committed in the heat of battle by terrified GIs and inadequate
officers. They were born of that arrant indifference to laws,
regulations, rights and rules that has characterized this
administration from the outset, and that was bound, sooner or later,
to percolate down to the sergeants and mercenaries who do the dirty
work. Thus Bush had no option but to acknowledge immediately that
terrible things had been done in Iraq — and he would be wise to make
sure that he has been told and is telling the whole story. But a
public expression of his pain and sorrow will no longer suffice.

What is missing in the modern American cult of “sorry” is any sense
of responsibility. Whether it concerns the incompetence of the
security apparatus before 9/11, a misguided and failed imperial
adventure, the mismanagement and degradation of the army, or the
criminal behavior of Americans in Iraq, everyone feels “bad” and
everyone expresses “regret.” But until Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld testified on Friday, no one even hinted at feeling
“responsible.” According to Bush (interviewed on the U.S.-funded Al
Hurra Arabic language television network), “We believe in
transparency, because we’re a free society. That’s what free
societies do. If there’s a problem, they address those problems in a
forthright, upfront manner.” Except, of course, we don’t.

For in the very next sentence, Bush assures his interlocutor that
“I’ve got confidence in the secretary of defense, and I’ve got
confidence in the commanders on the ground . . . because they and our
troops are doing great work on behalf of the Iraqi people.” So the
commanders are off the hook.

Meanwhile the New York Times (on May 6) carries a touching little
story about the confused and helpless GIs who actually did the
torturing, claiming that they were following orders/ had no orders/
misunderstood those orders/ were themselves misunderstood/ suffered
great stress at the time/ are suffering even greater stress now —
and so forth.

Everyone is sorry “it” happened. But unless its leaders can get
beyond that sanctimonious and self-serving response, the United
States is in deep trouble. If Rumsfeld (who on Friday offered his
“deepest apology”), Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz or
Joint Chiefs Chairman Richard B. Myers were honorable men they would
resign in shame. But they are not.

If Bush were of presidential caliber he would have sacked them by now
— and taken full personal responsibility for their incompetence. But
wherever the buck stops these days, it surely is not on the
president’s desk. Yet nothing short of such an old-fashioned
assumption of duty can now retrieve America’s standing in the
community of nations.

To the rest of the world Bush’s apologies are mere exercises in
damage control. The same president who spoke of leading God’s crusade
against Evil and who basked in the self-congratulatory aura of his
invincible warriors will have difficulty convincing the rest of
humanity that he really cares about a few brutalized Arabs.

Given the president’s simultaneous and reiterated insistence that
neither he nor his staff have done anything wrong and that there is
nothing to change in his policies or goals, who will take seriously
such an apology, extracted in extremis? Like confessions obtained
under torture, it is worthless. As recent events have shown, America
under Bush can still debase and humiliate its enemies. But it has
lost the respect of its friends — and it is fast losing respect for
itself. Now that is something to feel sorry about.

Tony Judt is the Remarque professor of European studies at New York
University.

Armenia Hosts its First Youth Film Festival

Internews
May 7 2004

Armenia Hosts its First Youth Film Festival

Internews Armenia Programs Manager David Matevossian granting an
award to the film “Noradus.”
(May 6, 2004) Internews presented a special incentive prize to two
young Armenian filmmakers, Artak Margaryan and Susan Simonyan, during
the first youth film festival in Armenia.

The special prize – a certificate and 200 US dollars – was presented
by Internews Programs Manager David Matevossian for camera work and
sound design in the documentary, `Noradus,’ a film that highlights
the history and present concerns of an Armenian village near Lake
Sevan, one of the largest high altitude lakes in the world.

More than 160 films were featured at the `It’s Me’ Film Festival in
Yerevan held April 25 through May 2 and organized by the
Cinematographers’ Union of Armenia, the Institute of Cinema and
Theatre and Internews. The festival brought together young filmmakers
from Armenia, Russia, Syria, Iran, Canada and France.

The grand prize went to Yevgenya Shekoyan for her film `There I saw
the World,’ which was distributed to Armenian TV stations by
Internews under the Open Skies project, `Films of Crisis Times.’ A
film produced during an Internews training project about a children’s
development center was among the finalists and was screened at the
festival.

Internews Armenia is funded by grants from the United States Agency
for International Development.

AAA: Bush WH Makes First Public Endorsement Of Armenia Trade Bill

Armenian Assembly of America
122 C Street, NW, Suite 350
Washington, DC 20001
Phone: 202-393-3434
Fax: 202-638-4904
Email: [email protected]
Web:

PRESS RELEASE
May 7, 2004
CONTACT: Christine Kojoian
E-mail: [email protected]

BUSH ADMINISTRATION MAKES FIRST PUBLIC ENDORSEMENT OF ARMENIA TRADE BILL
DURING PAN-ARMENIAN CONFERENCE

Activists Hail Announcement from Ambassador Jones

Washington, DC – Ambassador Elizabeth Jones, Assistant Secretary of the
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, in a major announcement publicly
endorsed pending legislation that would extend trade benefits to Armenia.
Jones’ remarks, addressed to Armenian-American activists attending a
national non-partisan conference on April 19, mark the Bush Administration’s
first public endorsement of the trade bill.

The conference, April 18-20, was jointly held by the Armenian Assembly, the
Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) and the Eastern and Western Diocese
of the Armenian Church.

Below is the full-text of Ambassador Jones’ remarks:

I’d like to thank our hosts, the Armenian Assembly of America, Armenian
General Benevolent Union and the Armenian Church of America, for their warm
welcome.

I accompanied Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage on his recent visit
to Armenia. It was a great pleasure to see such obvious growth and dynamism
in Yerevan. Mr. Armitage met with President Kocharian and Foreign Minister
Oskanyian during his stay to reaffirm our strong relationship with Armenia
and to encourage closer cooperation in the security area. President
Kocharian and Mr. Armitage also discussed the domestic political situation
and the need to intensify efforts toward political reform.

Armenian-Americans are making a critical contribution to economic reform and
growth in Armenia. We appreciate your input into the foreign policy process
and assistance programs. Thank you for inviting me to brief you on U.S.
priorities and policy in the South Caucasus.

This is an exciting time for all those interested in the Caucasus. The “Rose
Revolution” in Georgia decalcified Georgian politics by bringing in a new
generation of young, pro-western reformers. There is also a new, younger
leader in Azerbaijan with ideas on how to modernize his own country. The
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline will see the transportation of first oil next
year, bringing new opportunities for prosperity to the region, including
opportunities to improve energy options for Armenia.

NATO and EU enlargement has made the Caucasus a new “neighbor” to those
organizations, which are now taking a greater interest in the region. All
this change offers new hope for the region and new opportunities for the
U.S. to strengthen its relationships with the Caucasus nations.

What are the primary U.S. interests in the region? The most important can be
simply described as security, reform and regional stability.

SECURITY

The nations of the Caucasus are making an important contribution to
international peacekeeping missions as well as to the Global War on
Terrorism. Azerbaijan and Georgia have troops on the ground in Iraq;
Azerbaijan also has troops in Afghanistan. An Armenian cargo truck company
is expected in Iraq by September to contribute to stability operations
there.

U.S. assistance to the region is aimed toward improving our cooperation. It
has the following goals:

* Enhance partnerships in the Global War on Terror;
* Strengthen democratic institutions and civil society;
* Create jobs and support for the emerging entrepreneurial class;
* Fight global threats including weapons proliferation and trafficking
in persons.

Our Foreign Military Finance (FMF), International Military Education and
Training (IMET) programs and peacekeeping assistance promote
interoperability with U.S. and NATO forces.

Armenia has taken big steps to enhance its security relationship with the
United States and NATO in the past six months

* Signed a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) to become a partner in
the NATO Partnership for Peace (PfP) program;
* Signed a reciprocal Article 98 Agreement with the United States to
prevent Armenian and U.S. troops from prosecution at the International
Criminal Court, an organization that does not have U.S. representation;
* Agreed to deploy a truck company to Iraq;
Concluded an Acquisitions and Cross-Servicing Agreement with U.S.;
* Hosted a NATO Partnership for Peace exercise in the summer of 2003;
* Deployed a peacekeeping company to KFOR in Kosovo

We have strongly encouraged the Armenian government to permit closer
military cooperation with the U.S. and look forward to a positive response
from Yerevan.

REFORM

Economic Reform

Across the nations of the former Soviet Union, reform has both economic and
political components. Economic reform is essential to creating prosperity
for the people of the region. Armenia faced the steepest economic decline
after the fall of the Soviet Union, but has now reached 82% of its 1989 GDP.

Widespread unemployment and uneven growth plague the Caucasus. Our policies
focus on creating jobs and strengthening the investment climate by lending
money to micro, small and medium enterprises (SME) in order to promote
profitability and job growth, helping Armenia achieve energy security and
providing the tools to help Armenia quality for the Millennium Challenge
Account.

Our assistance programs have resulted in many tangible results.

* The total value of exports from companies supported by USAID in
Armenia jumped from $l.7 mil in 2002 to $2.4 mil in 2003;
* Through loan guarantees, we provided credit to four financial
institutions in Armenia making $450,000 available for loans to small and
medium size enterprises;
* Our agriculture programs created more than 2,000 jobs in FY 2003;
* Partly because of our assistance to the electrical sector,
collections rose to 92% in 2003 (from 70% in 2001);
* In the earthquake zone, by the end of 2003, U.S. assistance helped
provide 7,000 families with homes;
* U.S. supported Armenia’s WTO accession in 2003 and we’re providing
technical assistance to help Armenia meet its new obligations and benefit
from membership.

Breaking down the barriers to trade is one of our priorities. The U.S. and
Armenia have had normal trade relations since 1992, but the U.S. government
supports extending Permanent Normal Trade Relations to Armenia and will
support Congressional efforts to graduate Armenia from the Jackson-Vanik
Amendment to the Trade Act. The purpose of Jackson-Vanik legislation was to
encourage religious freedom and free emigration. Armenia is fully compliant
with Jackson-Vanik standards. The House of Representatives approved lifting
Jackson-Vanik on Armenia in 2003. This year, a similar provision is attached
to Senate Bill S1637. If Congress acts, the President will certify that
Jackson-Vanik no longer applies to Armenia.

Another key U.S. priority to facilitate increased trade throughout the
region is encouraging Turkey to open its border with Armenia. With this
border open, transportation costs would fall by 50 percent or more, likely
increasing trade between Turkey and Armenia, and between Armenia and Western
Europe via Turkey. As Mr. Armitage stated during his press conference in
Yerevan, we frequently engage the Turkish government on the border issue but
may not see progress in the short term. Ankara is currently struggling with
a panoply of other difficult issues, including stability in Northern Iraq,
Cyprus and the possibility of EU accession.

Political Reform and Democratic Change

We have noted slow and steady progress in democratic reform and institution
building in the nations of the former Soviet Union since independence, but
also backsliding in recent years. In the past year, all governments in the
Caucasus region were guilty of manipulating the pre-election environment and
limiting access to the media.

Georgia’s revolution showed the possibility of peaceful political change. We
did not play a role in the choice exercised by the Georgian people for a
change, nor should we have. However, U.S. assistance was key to building the
capabilities of Georgians and Georgian organizations.

The U.S. is also working on democracy and good governance programs in
Armenia and Azerbaijan. More than 400 Armenians came to U.S. in 2003 on
exchange programs. In addition to exchanges, the U.S. plans to spend
approximately $9.4 million on democratic reform programs in Armenia in 2004.
We are working with nongovernmental organizations, media, political parties
and parliament deputies and staff.

Since March 2003 presidential elections, relations between the government
and the opposition in Armenia have worsened. We are concerned about the
recent escalation in rhetoric and confrontation between the government and
opposition. The government’s decision to forcibly disperse protestors at an
April 13 demonstration and the detention of opposition members of parliament
and activists are not helpful. Such actions don’t encourage opposition
activists to engage in dialogue with the government in order to resolve some
of the differences that separate them, including accountability for the
flawed elections in 2003.

We urge both sides to agree to political dialogue and not allow
recriminations and tensions to build. There has clearly been little public
support for the government’s handling of the situation. The government
assures us it will reduce political pressure on the opposition.

REGIONAL STABILITY

Unfortunately, the Caucasus region is still plagued with separatist
movements and unresolved conflicts almost thirteen years after independence.
If these conflicts are left unresolved, the region cannot realize its
economic potential, and will forever be at danger of a return to war. The
U.S. is re-thinking how best to tackle separatist conflicts in Georgia and
seeking closer cooperation with the United Nations and Russia in support of
Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The U.S. continues to seek a resolution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict,
both bilaterally and through its role as Co-Chair of the OSCE Minsk Group,
along with France and Russia. On April 16, we announced the appointment of
Ambassador Steve Mann as new U.S. Special Negotiator for Eurasian Conflicts.
Steve was our first U.S. envoy to Armenia in 1991 and helped setup our first
embassy until the arrival of Ambassador Gilmore. Steve will also continue in
his role as the coordinator for Caspian Sea Energy Issues. It has been ten
years since an uneasy cease-fire was declared between Armenia and Azerbaijan
on Nagorno-Karabakh. Unfortunately, Yerevan and Baku have made no effort to
prepare their populations for the politically difficult compromises
necessary to effect a genuine peace agreement. At Key West in 2001, the
parties came close to agreement, but momentum was lost. The status quo harms
overall security in the region and restricts economic growth in both
nations. This prevents Armenia and the rest of the Caucasus from fully
integrating into Europe and the other Euro-Atlantic institutions.

To recap, U.S. priorities in the South Caucasus region relate to overall
security of the region, intensifying political and economic reform and
resolving regional conflicts in order to attain long-term stability.
Armenian-Americans have made a great contribution to the development of the
modern nation of Armenia. My colleagues and I look forward to working with
you to push for reform in Armenia and to seek an improvement in the lives of
Armenia’s people. I wish you a successful convention. My thoughts are with
you this April 24 as you commemorate Armenian Remembrance Day.

Thank you.

The Armenian Assembly of America is the largest Washington-based nationwide
organization promoting public understanding and awareness of Armenian
issues. It is a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt membership organization.

NR#2004-039

www.armenianassembly.org

Armenian Prosecutor-General Vows Harsh Struggle Against Corruption

ARMENIAN PROSECUTOR-GENERAL VOWS HARSH STRUGGLE AGAINST CORRUPTION

Arminfo
4 May 04

YEREVAN

The newly-established Department for Struggle against Corruption under
the Prosecutor-General’s Office will combat this evil in all state
bodies, including the power-wielding agencies and the prosecutor’s
office, Prosecutor-General Agvan Ovsepyan told reporters today.

“I am not so naive to deny the presence of corruption in the system of
prosecutor’s office,” Ovsepyan said. A statute of the department will
be developed within 10 days where its development areas will be fixed,
he said.

The prosecutor-general said that the department would closely
cooperate with the Control Chamber of President, presidential aide on
issues of fighting against corruption and other structures. The
prosecutor-general expressed the opinion that corruption was
especially spread in economic bodies.

Opposition is Willing to Negotiate with Authorities

A1 Plus | 22:08:27 | 05-05-2004 | Politics |

OPPOSITION IS WILLING TO NEGOTIATE WITH AUTHORITIES

The opposition came up with a statement on Wednesday.

Taking into account that crisis in the country is increasingly deepening
since presidential elections in 2003, taking into consideration that
fulfilling PACE demands worded in its 1374 resolution have great
significance for our country and acknowledging full responsibility for
bringing the country on the road of democracy, the opposition states it is
ready for dialogue with the authorities and, as a gesture of good will, make
unilateral move refraining from staging rallies throughout ten days.

If the authorities don’t make return step, protest actions will be resumed,
the statement says.

ARKA Ballet Invited to Armenia

PRESS RELEASE
ARKA BALLET
Date: April 27, 2004
Contact: Tania J. Chichmanian, ARKA Ballet
(301) 587-6225; [email protected]

ARKA BALLET INVITED TO ARMENIA –
WILL PERFORM AT NATIONAL OPERA AND BALLET THEATRE IN AUGUST

ARKA Ballet is the first American ballet company officially invited to
perform in Armenia. The Armenian State Philaharmonic has invited the
Washington, DC-based troupe to appear at the National Opera and Ballet
Theatre in Yerevan on August 6 and 7, 2004. The company of 16 will present
two programs of mixed repertoire featuring works by contemporary American
choreographers as well as recent works by Artistic Director Roudolf
Kharatian.

The Philharmonic, which is the successor to Armenia’s Armconcert, will host
the company for a one-week stay in Armenia, covering expenses in Armenia for
the touring company, including lodging, meals, in-country transportation,
rehearsal space and all performance-related PR and marketing. The tentative
schedule even includes a little sightseeing! ARKA Ballet is now frantically
working on air travel arrangements for which it has launched an aggressive
PR campaign. Upcoming events to watch for include a pre-trip ‘preview gala’
at the American Dance Institute on June 12, as well as an art exhibit May 21
to June 21, 2004.

ARKA Ballet was founded by Roudolf Kharatian and launched at the Kennedy
Center in 1999. Since then, the company has performed at many venues
throughout the Washington, DC area including the Kennedy Center, the Lisner
Auditorium, and the Kay Theatre. In 2001, ARKA Ballet was commissioned by
the Diocese of the Armenian Church to create two ballets based on key
moments in Armenia’s Christian history. The two works, Vartanank, to the
music of Edgar Hovanessian, and St. Gregory’s Prayer, to the music of Alan
Hovaness, were premiered in New York during the 1700th Anniversary
Celebrations in Central Park.

ARKA Ballet features young, dynamic, classically-trained professional
dancers. The company’s repertoire includes many of the classical favorites
as well as more contemporary works. ARKA Ballet also serves as a vehicle to
educate US audiences about Armenia and its rich culture, by presenting works
that use Armenian history, legends or music as their basis.

The tour to Armenia has been a long-time dream for the company and marks the
troupe’s first-ever tour abroad. It also opens the door for ongoing
cultural exchange and dialogue between the American and Armenian dance
communities, helping to strengthen the ties between these two nations. Upon
its return to the US, ARKA Ballet plans to broadly publicize its Armenia
tour through performances in a variety of venues, using the trip as an added
opportunity to showcase Armenian themes. Plans for 2005 include the
development of a new ballet commemorating the 90th Anniversary of the
Armenian Genocide. The Armenian National Opera and Ballet Theatre has
invited ARKA Ballet’s Artistic Director Roudolf Kharatian to create a new
full-length ballet based on St. Gregory of Narek’s Book of Lamentations.
The ballet will premiere in Armenia in 2006.

ARKA Ballet dancers are excited at the prospect of experiencing Armenia
first hand after hearing so much about the nation from Kharatian, whom they
fondly refer to as “Mr. K.” Many have also expressed the desire to stay
on for a few days following the performances in order to take in more of the
sites and have a chance to immerse themselves in the country, albeit for a
short while.

For more information about ARKA Ballet and its planned tour to Armenia,
please contact Tania Chichmanian at 301-587-6225 or [email protected]; or
visit ARKA Ballet is dedicated to the continued
development of the artform of ballet.

# # #

http://www.arkaballet.org.

Armenian FM, British Rep Discuss Regional Cooperation, Conflicts

ARMENIAN FOREIGN MINISTER, BRITISH REP DISCUSS REGIONAL COOPERATION,
CONFLICTS

Noyan Tapan news agency
30 Apr 04

YEREVAN

Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan today received the special
representative of the Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the South
Caucasus, Brian Fall.

The meeting discussed the South Caucasus issues, the latest
developments in the Karabakh settlement and the coordination of the
Armenian-Turkish relations.

The sides discussed in detail the issue of involvement of the South
Caucasus countries in the European Union’s Wider Europe – New
Neighbours programme, the press service of the Armenian Foreign
Ministry told Noyan Tapan news agency.

Minister Oskanyan and the special representative, Brian Fall,
underlined the importance of quick involvement of the South Caucasus
countries in this initiative, thanks to which European future
prospects for these countries acquire a real shape.

Beirut: Lack of unity costs opposition in polls

The Daily Star, Lebanon
May 4 2004

Lack of unity costs opposition in polls
Authorities are big winners with 40 of 48 municipal council seats in
Metn

By Nada Raad
Daily Star staff

BEIRUT: The opposition’s less than stellar performance in Sunday’s
Mount Lebanon elections was attributed to its failure to forge robust
alliances when facing pro-government candidates, according to
observers.

The authorities, represented by former Interior Minister Michel Murr,
the current Metn MP, were the big winners, securing nearly 40 municipal
councils out of 48 municipalities in the Metn, which is considered
Murr’s turf. Similarly, Druze leader Walid Jumblatt grabbed most Chouf
villages, including Deir al-Qamar, where National Liberal Party leader
Dory Chamoun won the mayor’s seat.

The opposition also lost in Jbeil, where the Free Patriotic Movement
(FPM) formed an alliance with the National Bloc, which considers Jbeil
its headquarters, as founder Raymond Edde was from that area.

Hizbullah grabbed 68 percent of the votes in the southern suburbs of
Beirut, according to unofficial election results. Official results were
still being finalized as The Daily Star went to press.

But the opposition was successful in Sin al-Fil, Baskinta, Zouk Mikael
and Tabarja, while FPM media Elias Zoghbi said that FPM candidates won
seats in different towns and villages, mainly in Baabdat, and the qadas
of Jbeil and Kesrouan.

Observers said these results should compel some opposition parties not
to overestimate their clout and power.

Metn MP Pierre Gemayel told The Daily Star on Monday that the election
should serve as a lesson to some “almighty opposition parties” that
they are simply not that powerful, in reference to the FPM.

But other political observers chalked off the opposition’s failure to a
lack of unity, noting the defeats in towns and villages were there was
no cooperation among the different parties, such as in Jounieh, Jbeil,
Shiyah and Beit Chabab.

“The lack of cooperation among opposition groups in all areas under a
clear and unified political slogan was the major reason for their
unsuccessful representation in the municipal councils,” said Fadia
Kiwan, a professor of Political Science at Universite Saint Joseph.

For some opposition groups, the defeat was due to the betrayal of their
partners.

The FPM blamed former President Amin Gemayel for betraying the
opposition groups, describing Gemayel’s move as a “pre-calculated
strategy” for the 2005 parliamentary election.

“Gemayel betrayed us as usual and cooperated with the
government-supported lists to win more seats in municipal councils and
to be prepared for the 2005 parliamentary elections,” Zoghbi said.

Amin Gemayel’s son, Pierre, denied the allegations and said no
cooperation between the Phalange Party opposition faction and the
government was made during the municipal election on May 2.

He said the Phalange Party opposition faction never considered the FPM
as a “competitor and did not regard General Michel Aoun as an enemy.”

“If we cooperated with the government, particularly with Murr, then let
the FPM name the areas where we did so,” Gemayel said. “When the FPM
are cooperating with (former MP) Najah Wakim and Hizbullah, is that not
polishing their cooperation with the government?”

The FPM formed a coalition with Hizbullah in Haret Hreik, a southern
suburb of Beirut and is allying itself with Wakim in the Beirut
elections next Sunday.

Gemayel also denied FPM claims that the party withdrew from Beit
Chabab, accusing the FPM of “rejecting the Phalange Party’s proposals
for the mayor’s seat.”

“They want to lead the battle alone, which they are directing against
Amin Gemayel and not Murr and against some opposition groups and not
the government,” he said.

A source in the Lebanese Forces said the results of the municipal
election could have been better had all opposition parties cooperated.

“We did not have conflicting positions like other parties by
cooperating with a group in Jbeil and its opponents in Jounieh, like
other parties did.”

Some opposition groups justified their unsuccessful battle by the
bribes offered to voters.

Kiwan, who is also a member of the National Bloc and a candidate who
ran for the Jaj municipal election in Jbeil and failed, said that some
$300 were paid to voters as they stood at the voting booths.

Zoghbi said some Armenians were used by the government to win the
municipal battle, such as in Bsalim, where over 150 Armenians were
registered on the village’s electoral lists few weeks before the
election day.

BAKU: Aliyev receives UK special rep. on S. Caucasus

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
April 26 2004

PRESIDENT OF AZERBAIJAN ILHAM ALIYEV RECEIVES UK SPECIAL
REPRESENTATIVE ON SOUTH CAUCASUS BRIAN FALL
[April 26, 2004, 21:39:44]

President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Mr. Ilham Aliyev received at
the Presidential Palace Mr. Brian Fall, the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland special representative on the South
Caucasus, April 26.

President Ilham Aliyev highly appreciated Mr. Brian Fall’s activity
and noted that his visit to the region would contribute to expanding
cooperation between the two countries. Speaking of rapidly developing
political and economic relations between Azerbaijan and the United
Kingdom, the Head of State mentioned active involvement of British
companies and investors in the large-scale energy projects being
implemented in Azerbaijan. In this connection, he expressed special
satisfaction with activities of British Petroleum in realization of
oil and gas projects of not only regional but also global
significance.

Touching upon regional problems, President Ilham Aliyev pointed to
unsolved Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resulted in
occupation of 20% of Azerbaijan’s territories and existence of over
one million refugees, and expressed hope for international
organizations to intensify their efforts for its urgent solution. He
also stressed the necessity of the UK representative’s active
contribution in peace process.

Mr. Brian Fall especially emphasized that British companies invest in
not only oil and gas sector but are also actively involved in
development of other spheres of Azerbaijan’s economy. He noted as
well that during this second visit to Azerbaijan he had become a
witness of great progress and positive changes occurred in the
country.

The guest siad that Azerbaijan, which had created favorable
conditions for not only British but also a number of respectable
investors from other countries, has bright and prosperous future.

Expressing concern over the long-lasting Armenia-Azerbaijan,
Nagorno-Karabakh problem, the UK special representative on the South
Caucasus Mr. Brian Fall described the refugees and IDPs as those
suffered most from the conflict, and highly appreciated President
Ilham Aliyev’s efforts for both its peaceful settlement and
improvement of the people’s living conditions.

A comprehensive exchange of views on a number of other issues of
mutual interest was also held during the meeting.

Mr. Brian Fall expressed gratitude to President Ilham Aliyev for the
sincere conversation.

Present at the meeting were Chief of the Presidential
Administration’s International Relations Department Mr. Novruz
Mammadov and Ambassador of the United Kingdom to Azerbaijan Mr.
Laurie Bristow.