Armenia plans to put protection of state borders on border guards

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 11:41,

YEREVAN, APRIL 14, ARMENPRESS. In the strategic perspective the government of Armenia plans to put the protection of the parts of the state borders, which is carried out by the Armed Forces, on the border guards, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said in his remarks at the Parliament.

“In the strategic perspective we imagine that the protection of the parts of the state borders, which is carried out by the Armed Forces, will be put on the border guards, and the Army units will deal with issues on increasing the combat readiness”, the PM said.

He stated that the Defense Army will continue conducting the security of Artsakh together with the Russian peacekeeping forces.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Number of Armenia’s confirmed victims in war stands at 3,621 – Armenia’s PM

Public Radio of Armenia
      

As of today Armenia has confirmed 3,621 identified victims, Armenia’s Prime Minister said at the NA today.

“The list of missing consists of 321 persons. In parallel wit it, we have 201 bodies undergoing DNA test. We also have 100 identified bodies but with unknown reasons the families refuse to accept the fact,” Pashinyan said.

The PM also noted that there are families who say they do not trust the DNA test and are initiating the test abroad at their expense.

“The number of our victims will be about 4,000, plus/minus 50, excuse me for such _expression_,” the PM said.

Ombudsman meets families of POWs

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 12:26,

YEREVAN, APRIL 13, ARMENPRESS. Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan met with families of the Armenian prisoners of war who are still being held in Azerbaijan in gross violation of international law. The meeting took place in Gyumri.

Issues of the protection of rights of both the captive servicemen and their families were discussed, as well as the steps taken within the jurisdiction of the Human Rights Defender.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Azerbaijan concerned about Armenia’s talks with Russia on modernizing its army

TASS, Russia
At the same time, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev did not rule out peaceful coexistence of Armenians and Azerbaijanis
© AP Photo/Sergei Grits

BAKU, April 13. /TASS/. Azerbaijan expresses its concern regarding Armenia’s talks with Russia on the modernization of its armed forces, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said on Tuesday.

"We are very much concerned about the fact that Armenia is in talks with Russia on modernizing its army, and we have notified Russia of our concern. Any opportunity for revenge will only create unnecessary tension," he said at the conference titled "A New Look at the South Caucasus: Post-Conflict Development and Cooperation," which is being held in Baku.

Renewed clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia erupted on September 27, 2020, with intense battles raging in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. Baku and Yerevan have disputed sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh since February 1988, when the region declared secession from the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic.

On November 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a joint statement on a complete ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh. Under the document, the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides stopped at the positions that they had maintained, and Russian peacekeepers were deployed along the engagement line in Nagorno-Karabakh and along the Lachin Corridor that connects Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.

Artsakh’s foreign ministry issues statement over 29th anniversary of Maragha massacre

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 12:06,

STEPANAKERT, APRIL 10, ARMENPRESS. The ministry of foreign affairs of the Republic of Artsakh has issued a statement over the anniversary of the massacre of the Armenian population of Maragha settlement, the MFA told Armenpress.

The statement reads:

“29 years ago, on April 10 the armed forces of Azerbaijan committed Genocide of the Armenian civilian population of Maragha settlement of the Republic of Artsakh.

The Azerbaijani troops invaded Maragha, tortured and killed the local civilian population, including women, children, and the elderly. Azeri soldiers beheaded 45 villagers, burnt others, took more than 100 women and children away as hostages.

Azerbaijani authorities awarded the perpetrators with high state awards. Their commander was conferred the title of National Hero of Azerbaijan. All it testifies that the Armenophobic and genocidal policy in Azerbaijan is encouraged at the highest state level.

The events in Maragha became the logical continuation of regular, systematic persecutions and genocidal actions committed by Azerbaijan against the Armenians.

Crimes against humanity have no statute of limitations and must be prosecuted and punished”.

1915 Armenian Genocide persecuted Yishuv Jews, as well

Israel Hayom

Ottoman Turkish authorities aimed to Islamize the whole region by eliminating non-Muslim populations: Christians, Jews and Yezidis – groups that continue to be targeted in and outside of Turkey today.

By  Uzay Bulut and JNS

Bodil Katharine Biørn / National Archives of Norway

Armenian leader Papasyan views what remains after the murders near Deir-ez-Zor in 1915-1916 | Archives: Bodil Katharine Biørn / National Archives of Norway
– www.israelhayom.com <style type="text/css"> .wpb_animate_when_almost_visible { opacity: 1; }</style>

April 24 marks the 106th anniversary of the 1915 Armenian Genocide by Ottoman Turkey. As the Auschwitz Institute for the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities notes, "On April 24 of 1915, leaders and intellectuals within the Armenian community of Constantinople were detained and interned. This event initiated a longer series of arrests that resulted in the imprisonment, relocation, and/or murder of countless notable Armenians across the Ottoman Empire over the course of the subsequent months.

Soon thereafter, Ottoman authorities commenced internment, displacement, and deportation actions against the general Armenian population. For their part, Armenian men were most often put into servitude at a variety of forced labor camps before facing arbitrary executions. Women, children, and elderly members of the Armenian community, by contrast, were made to participate in 'death marches.' These forced marches led victims on protracted journeys through what is now the Syrian desert with many subjected to torture and rape in addition to death through attrition.

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"While estimates on the total number of those who perished can vary, between 1,000,000 and 1,800,000 Armenians are known to have lost their lives as a result of the genocide. This number amounts to approximately 70% of the region's Armenian community. The scale and cruelty of the atrocities served as one of the principal inspirations for the creation of the word 'genocide' by Polish-Jewish lawyer Raphael Lemkin and, by extension, the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide."

A significant but widely unknown fact is that not only Greek and Assyrian Christians of Ottoman Turkey, but many Jews of pre-state Palestine were also targeted, persecuted and deported during the Armenian Genocide.

A thoroughly researched book by Dr. Andrew Bostom, The Legacy of Islamic Antisemitism: From Sacred Texts to Solemn History, exposes the persecution and mass expulsions that the Jewish population in Palestine endured as a result of the orders of Djemal Pasha, an Ottoman military leader. He was also one of the three Pashas who ruled the Ottoman Empire during World War I and organized the genocide. He writes:

"During World War I in Palestine, between 1915 and 1917, The New York Times published a series of reports on Ottoman-inspired and local Arab Muslim-assisted anti-Semitic persecution that affected Jerusalem and the other major Jewish population centers. For example, by the end of January 1915, seven thousand Palestinian Jewish refugees – men, women and children – had fled to British-controlled Alexandria, Egypt. Three New York Times accounts from January and February 1915 provide these details of the earlier period.

'On Jan. 8, Djemal Pasha ordered the destruction of all Jewish colonization documents within a fortnight under penalty of death. … In many cases land settled by Jews was handed over to Arabs, and wheat collected by the relief committee in Galilee was confiscated in order to feed the army. The Muslim peasantry are being armed with any weapons discovered in Jewish hands. … The United States cruiser Tennessee has been fitted up on the lines of a troop ship for the accommodation of about 1,500 refugees, and is plying regularly between Alexandria and Jaffa. … A proclamation issued by the commander of the Fourth [Turkish] Army Corps describes Zionism as a revolutionary anti-Turkish movement which must be stamped out. Accordingly, the local governing committees have been dissolved and the sternest measures have been taken to insure that all Jews who remain on their holdings shall be Ottoman subjects. … Nearly all the [7,000] Jewish refugees in Alexandria come from Jerusalem and other large towns, among them being over 1,000 young men of the artisan class who refused to become Ottomans.'

"By April of 1917, conditions deteriorated further for Palestinian Jewry, which faced threats of annihilation from the Ottoman government. Many Jews were in fact deported, expropriated, and starved, in an ominous parallel to the genocidal deportations of the Armenian dhimmi communities throughout Anatolia. Indeed, as related by Yair Auron,

'Fear of the Turkish actions was bound up with alarm that the Turks might do to the Jewish community in Palestine, or at least to the Zionist elements within it, what they had done to the Armenians. This concern was expressed in additional evidence from the early days of the war, from which we can conclude that the Armenian tragedy was known in the Yishuv [Jewish community in Palestine].'

"A mass expulsion of the Jews of Jerusalem, although ordered twice by Djemal Pasha, was averted only through the efforts of the Ottoman Turks' World War I allies, the German government, which sought to avoid international condemnation. The eight thousand Jews of Jaffa, however, were expelled quite brutally, a cruel fate the Arab Muslims and the Christians of the city did not share. Moreover, these deportations took place months before the small pro-British Nili spy ring of Zionist Jews was discovered by the Turks in October 1917 and its leading figures killed. A report by United States consul Garrels (in Alexandria, Egypt) describing the Jaffa deportation of early April 1917 (published in the June 3, 1917 edition of The New York Times), included these details of the Jews' plight:

'The orders of evacuation were aimed chiefly at the Jewish population. Even German, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian Jews were ordered to leave the town. Mohammedans and Christians were allowed to remain provided they were holders of individual permits. The Jews who sought the permits were refused. On April 1 the Jews were ordered to leave the country within 48 hours. Those who rode from Jaffa to Petach [sic] Tikvah had to pay from 100 to 200 francs instead of the normal fare of 15 to 25 francs. The Turkish drivers practically refused to receive anything but gold, the Turkish paper note being taken as the equivalent of 17.50 piastres for a note of 100 piastres.

'Already about a week earlier 300 Jews had been deported in a most cruel manner from Jerusalem. Djemal Pasha openly declared that the joy of the Jews on the approach of the British forces would be short-lived, as he would make them share the fate of the Armenians.

'In Jaffa, Djemal Pasha cynically assured the Jews that it was for their own good and 'interests that he drove them out. Those who had not succeeded in leaving on April 1 were graciously accorded permission to remain at Jaffa over the Easter holiday.

'Thus 8,000 were evicted from their houses and not allowed to carry off their belongings or provisions. Their houses were looted and pillaged even before the owners had left. A swarm of pillaging Bedouin women, Arabs with donkeys, camels, etc., came like birds of prey and proceeded to carry off valuables and furniture.

'The Jewish suburbs have been totally sacked under the paternal eye of the authorities. By way of example, two Jews from Yemen were hanged at the entrance of the Jewish suburb of Tel Aviv in order to clearly indicate the fate in store for any Jew who might be so foolish as to oppose the looters. The roads to the Jewish colonies north of Jaffa are lined with thousands of starving Jewish refugees. The most appalling scenes of cruelty and robbery are reported by absolutely reliable eyewitnesses. Dozens of cases are reported of wealthy Jews who were found dead in the sandhills around Tel Aviv. In order to drive off the bands of robbers preying on the refugees on the roads, the young men of the Jewish villages organized a body of guards to watch in turn the roads. These guards have been arrested and maltreated by the authorities.

'The Mohammedan population has also left the town recently, but they are allowed to live in the orchards and country houses surrounding Jaffa and are permitted to enter the town daily to look after their property, but not a single Jew has been allowed to return to Jaffa.

'The same fate awaits all Jews in Palestine. Djemal Pasha is too cunning to order cold-blooded massacres. His method is to drive the population to starvation and to death by thirst, epidemics, etc., which according to himself, are merely calamities sent by God.'

"Auron cites a very tenable hypothesis put forth at that time in a journal of the British Zionist movement as to why the looming slaughter of the Jews of Palestine did not occur – the  advance of the British army (from immediately adjacent Egypt) and its potential willingness 'to hold the military and Turkish authorities directly responsible for a policy of slaughter and destruction of the Jews – may have averted this disaster."

Jews were not the only non-Christians targeted during the genocide. "In addition to the Armenians," writes Dr. Maria Six-Hohenbalken, "demographically smaller groups of Christian denominations, as well as non-Christian groups such as the Yezidi, were targeted by the politics of annihilation. It is nearly impossible to know the number of the victims; about 12,000 Yezidis managed to find refuge in Armenia, where they established a diasporic community in the Soviet realm."

During the genocide, Ottoman Turkish authorities aimed to Islamize the whole region by eliminating non-Muslim populations: Christians, Jews and Yezidis. These groups continue to be targeted both in and outside of Turkey today. An effective way to end these abuses and create a region where persecuted communities are safe and equal is for Turkey and international governments to recognize the 1915 genocide, and honor all of its victims and their descendants.

Uzay Bulut is a Turkish journalist and political analyst formerly based in Ankara. She is currently a research student at the MA Woodman-Scheller Israel Studies International Program of the Ben-Gurion University in Israel.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org

Russia-Armenia Ties Complicate Turkish Regional Plans

Global Risk Insights
April 9 2021

In ending Armenian occupation of Azerbaijani territories in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Russian-brokered accord between Armenia and Azerbaijan in November 2020 removes the Azerbaijani condition for the creation of a regional stability pact in the South Caucasus first proposed in 1999. The Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, hopes that Armenia will now take the steps needed to establish such a security system. However, the political crisis in Armenia since the November ceasefire calls into question whether Yerevan will have the willingness to commit to this regional initiative. 

Despite the Armenian prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, honouring the terms of the accord, opposition parties have called for his resignation with the backing of the military. The uncertainty surrounding Pashinyan’s premiership means that Armenia may fall back into its security dependence on Russia. The limits Russian influence puts on Armenian foreign policy risks diminishing prospects for a Turkish-Armenian rapprochement, which is key to the creation of a security system in the South Caucasus.

Russia-Armenia Ties Risks Derailing the Nagorno-Karabakh Postwar Settlement

Although the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict came to an end last November, it is far from certain whether a long-term settlement will materialise. Turkey hopes that it can use the restoration of peace in the region to revive an Azerbaijani proposal made in 1999 to create a South Caucasus stability pact to resolve crises and ensure regional security.

The terms of the November ceasefire, however, make it difficult to establish such a security mechanism. The Russian-brokered agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan is thin in terms of defining the future status of Nagorno-Karabakh, which means that the post-conflict reconciliation process is prone to failing. What the protests in Armenia demonstrate is the potential of that negative outcome.

In witnessing the loss of its claim to the territory, Armenia has been in a state of political crisis. Nikol Pashinyan’s government faces the risk of collapse as demonstrations denounce the negotiated resolution to the long-standing territorial dispute with Azerbaijan. An ultimatum was issued from seventeen opposition parties demanding the Armenian prime minister’s resignation. Although Pashinyan successfully fought off these calls, he was forced to dismiss Onik Gasparyan, head of the Armenian army’s General Staff, after the military intervened in support of the protestors.

The political uncertainty in Armenia means that Russia has an opportunity to tighten its grip on the direction of Armenian foreign policy. This is shown in Russia’s indifferent response to the crisis. Dmitry Peskov, Vladimir Putin’s spokesperson, did not go any further than stating Russia was following the disturbances with caution. A key obstacle facing Armenia’s efforts to pursue its own foreign policy after the collapse of the Soviet Union is its reliance on Russia for its security. In 1995, an agreement was ratified on the deployment of a Russian military base in Armenia in close proximity to its border with Turkey. Armenia also pulled out of Association Agreement negotiations with the EU in 2013 and entered the Russian fold in the form of Eurasian Economic Union accession.

The Kremlin knows that it can afford to adopt a cautious response since the perception of threat to Armenian security that is driving the demonstrations allows Moscow to wield influence. The Armenian military’s intervention in support of the protesters demonstrates that Yerevan is relapsing into its security dependence on Russia. The November accord serves Putin’s geopolitical interests more than the prospect of conflict resolution in the region in that it does not define a long-term status of Nagorno-Karabakh. In keeping the threat perception alive in Armenia that its national security has been compromised in surrendering to Azerbaijan, Moscow keeps Yerevan within its sphere of influence. As a result, Russia can hinder potential Armenian initiatives to pursue its own relations with other potential partners in the region, such as Turkey.

It is not surprising that the Turkish foreign minister, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, in sharp contrast to the mindful response in Moscow, came out strongly condemning the alleged coup attempt. The possibility of a regime succeeding Pashinyan which condemns the November ceasefire terms risks delegitimizing the basis upon which a new settlement in the South Caucasus could be established.

Diverging Foreign Policy Interests Undermines Turkish Diplomacy

Another issue Turkey will have if it wants to see a new regional security system emerge is confronting Armenian security interests with a divided foreign policy approach. While some leading members of the ruling AK Party favour close relations with Armenia, others in the security sector view such a rapprochement as potentially devastating for Turkish-Azerbaijani ties. Military cooperation between Ankara and Baku has deepened over the past ten years. Meanwhile, the difficulty in Armenia to sustain a foreign policy independent of its strategic alliance with Russia limits the political space for Turkish-Armenian reset in relations.

The prevalence of security interests in Armenian foreign policy calculations means that Ankara will not find it easy to cooperate with Yerevan. In support of its ally, Azerbaijan, Turkey took the decision to close its border with Armenia in protest of Armenian occupation of territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh in 1993. Now that Azerbaijani control has been restored under the Russian-brokered accord, Turkey is calling for the frontier to reopen.

Although Ankara is exploring options for a possible normalisation of relations, the current crisis following the November ceasefire has led Yerevan to adopt a passive stance on whether to revisit the border issue. 

As far as the Pashinyan regime is concerned, the decision not to take a keen approach to looking at the border issue with Turkey is justifiable. A reset in relations between Yerevan and Ankara that a border reopening would signify effectively legitimises the loss of Armenian claims to Nagorno-Karabakh in November. This would weaken Pashinyan’s already precarious position as prime minister.

Armenia originally wished for the border to reopen in order to mitigate the economic consequences of the Soviet collapse in 1991. However, the issue of the Azerbaijani security threat overridden other concerns in Yerevan as an Armenian-Turkish rapprochement never materialised. Some within the Armenian political elite were fearful of the willingness of the-then president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, to reach a negotiated settlement with Azerbaijan.

Similar to the rationale behind its response to the crisis facing Pashinyan today, Russia used political divisions within Armenia as an opportunity to force Yerevan to fall back into its orbit. Ter-Petrosyan was subsequently forced out of office over concerns that he was prepared to return land in Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan. Pashinyan’s fear of following the same fate as his predecessor can therefore explain the passive response to the Turkish call for the border to reopen.

As the border closure is achieving nothing in changing Armenian attitudes towards Turkey, some in Turkish foreign policy circles have questioned its effectiveness in advancing Turkish regional interests. In 2014, officials in Ankara noted that Turkey had failed to prevent Armenia from escaping its security dependency on Russia. Despite a few of his foreign policy advisors raising these concerns, the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, is fearful of compromising his position in potentially damaging his country’s strategic partnership with Azerbaijan. Turkish foreign policy is left with few options to address key Armenian concerns over the border issue as a result. Similar to the predicament facing post-Soviet Armenian foreign policy, security consideration is overriding regional cooperation.

For instance, Pashinyan’s spokeswoman, Mane Gevorgian, condemned the Turkish president for praising Enver Pasha, who was one of the architects of the Armenian genocide in 1915 under the Ottoman Empire, at a military parade in Baku. Another sign demonstrating the scale of the diplomatic challenge facing Ankara is the decision to strip Turkey of tariff privileges with the Eurasian Economic Union of which Armenia is a member state.

Notwithstanding the potential for a Turkish-Armenian rapprochement that the November ceasefire creates, Ankara’s diplomatic options are limited in making reassurances with Yerevan since Turkey cannot afford to risk its close links with Baku. This means that it is far from clear whether Turkey has the political willingness to consolidate an inter-regional security system.

Can Turkey restore relations with Armenia?

What is for certain is that Turkey faces a huge diplomatic challenge in Armenia. Although the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh came to an end in November after the Turkish intervention tilted the conflict in Azerbaijan’s favour, the political crisis in Armenia that followed means that Yerevan may well fall back into its post-Soviet security dependence on Russia. This leaves hands tied in Armenian foreign policy-making in terms of opening up new relations with Turkey.

Erdoğan will also have to find a way to reconcile competing foreign policy interests if he wants to forge a new diplomatic channel with Armenia. On the one hand, Turkey would want to avoid any damage to its strategic partnership with Baku. Whereas others in Ankara are aware that playing solely to Azerbaijani interests makes the political environment harder for a rapprochement with Yerevan to be struck. The passive position adopted in Armenia over the border issue means that Turkey will now need to develop a nuanced strategy if it wishes to secure consent for a post-conflict security system in the region.

The proposal for a South Caucasus stability pact is possible as a result of the November ceasefire. However, the lack of political willingness, both in Ankara and Yerevan, for a normalisation of relations means it will be unlikely either side will take efforts towards rapprochement seriously.

Ucom offers buying Xiaomi Redmi 9T smartphone at exceptional conditions

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 14:38, 6 April, 2021

YEREVAN, APRIL 6, ARMENPRESS. Ucom recommends not to miss the important moments of life by constantly looking for a power supply everywhere. Only in Ucom sales and service centers one can buy the Xiaomi Redmi 9T smartphone with a powerful battery at the best price – at just 2700 drams per month. Buyers will receive a gift of 12 GB of mobile internet and 150 minutes to call all local networks during 3 consecutive months. After three months, the above-mentioned inclusions shall be activated after topping up the account with 1500 drams each month.

“With Xiaomi Redmi 9T smartphone the subscribers will also receive a nice phone number as a gift”, said Ara Khachatryan, Director General at Ucom.

Let us add that Xiaomi Redmi 9T smartphone with a powerful 6000 mA/h battery can be purchased in cash at just 97 200 drams. When processing the credit for 36 months, the buyers will be provided the privilege of 0% prepayment, 0% annual interest rate and 0% of the service fee during the first 12 months.

Protection of women’s rights among government’s priorities – Deputy PM Avinyan addresses message

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 10:49, 7 April, 2021

YEREVAN, APRIL 7, ARMENPRESS. Deputy Prime Minister of Armenia Tigran Avinyan has addressed a message on the Motherhood and Beauty Day, his Office told Armenpress.

The message reads:

“April 7 is one of the national holidays of the Armenian calendar which has highlighted the role of a woman in the Armenian public for centuries. This supposes a high responsibility while conducting the policy of ensuring women’s complete and inclusive participation to the public life, protecting and promoting their rights.

As Chairman of the Council on Women Affairs in Armenia, I reaffirm that the protection of women’s rights and the elimination of discrimination against women and girls are among the fundamental priorities of the Armenian government. With this commitment I congratulate mothers, women and girls on the Motherhood and Beauty Day, wishing good health and smile”.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

‘Quite a great interest among public towards COVID-19 vaccines’, Armenian healthcare minister says

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 14:34, 8 April, 2021

YEREVAN, APRIL 8, ARMENPRESS. Armenia received the first batch of the Russian Sputnik V vaccine against coronavirus at night – 15,000 doses for 7500 people, Minister of Healthcare Anahit Avanesyan told reporters after the Cabinet meeting, stating that this vaccine as well like AstraZeneca will be used for the vaccination of people who are at risk.

“The preference will be given to the medics of coronavirus-designated centers, the patients having chronic diseases and the people aged over 65. The talks with the directors of clinics in Yerevan and the provinces have shown that there is quite a great interest among the public towards the vaccine”, the minister said.

She stated that the government does everything for other people as well to be able to be included in the vaccination process. “However, as of now even the developed countries are firstly vaccinating the people who are at risk”, she noted.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan