Human Rights Watch: Armenia: Unlawful Rocket, Missile Strikes on Azerbaijan

Human Rights Watch

Dec 11 2020

Investigate Indiscriminate Attacks, Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas


Russia confirms nearly 28,000 new daily COVID-19 cases

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 14:09,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 10, ARMENPRESS. Russia’s coronavirus cases rose by 27,927 in the past day, pushing the total case tally to 2,569,126, TASS reports citing the anti-coronavirus crisis center.

A day earlier 26,190 COVID-19 cases were reported.

According to TASS estimates, over the past seven days more than 18.8 cases of infection per 100,000 citizens have been registered in Russia on average.

The coronavirus recoveries grew by 25,877 in the past 24 hours, making 2,033,669 overall, according to the anti-coronavirus crisis center.

According to the crisis center, recoveries account for 79.2% of the total number of infections.

In particular, another 1,918 patients were discharged in St. Petersburg, 830 in the Moscow Region, 624 in the Arkhangelsk Region, 571 in the Voronezh Region and 520 in the Leningrad Region.

Russia has documented 562 deaths from COVID-19, a disease caused by the novel coronavirus, in the past 24 hours, compared to 559 the day before, the anti-coronavirus crisis center informed reporters on Thursday. The overall COVID-19 death toll has climbed to 45,280.

Of these, 79 deaths from COVID-19 have been documented in St. Petersburg, 74 in Moscow, 32 in the Moscow Region, 26 in the Rostov Region, 20 in the Irkutsk Region and 19 in the Perm Region over the past 24 hours.

The preliminary lethality rate reaches 1.76%, the crisis center stated.

Armenian, Artsakh Speakers of Parliament highlight resumption of NK talks under MG Co- Chairmanship

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 14:30, 7 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 7, ARMENPRESS. Speaker of Parliament of Armenia Ararat Mirzoyan met today with Speaker of Parliament of Artsakh Artur Tovmasyan, Mirzoyan said on Facebook.

During the meeting the Armenian and Artsakh Speakers of Parliament highlighted the resumption of peaceful negotiations for the Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement under the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship for ensuring the principles of peoples’ right to self-determination and the non-use of force.

They also discussed the necessity of ensuring domestic stability both in Armenia and Artsakh and focusing on the return of prisoners of war and the solution of social issues of Artsakh-Armenians.

Edited and Translated by Aneta Harutyunyan

Pashinyan Again Touts Opening Transport Links with Azerbaijan

December 5,  2020



Armenia southern city of Meghri is at the heart of the Nov. 9 agreement-mandated roadway to Nakhichevan

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Saturday, once again, touted the need to open transportation links to Azerbaijan, one of the many troubling provisions of the November 9 agreement that he signed to end the war.

Since the start of the implementation of the agreement, which also called for the handover of large swaths of territory in Artsakh to Azerbaijan, individual citizens have felt the brunt of the vagueness of the document with no official explanation or instructions. Instead, Pashinyan has attempted to justify the agreement ignoring the plight of citizens who, for example, went to work at the Sotk mine in Armenia and were met with 250 Azerbaijani troops claiming ownership to 50 percent of the mine, which has been operating in Armenia for more decades. In other instances, residents in Artsakh were given 48 hours to evacuate their homes, because, it turned out, their villages were to be handed over to Azerbaijan.

The ninth and final point of the agreement calls for all economic and transport links in the region to be unblocked, adding that “the Republic of Armenia shall guarantee the safety of transport links between western regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic with a view to organizing the unimpeded movement of citizens, vehicles and cargo in both directions.”

“Subject to agreement by the Parties, the construction of new infrastructure linking the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic with regions of Azerbaijan shall be carried out,” adds the agreement.

This provision of the “end of war” accord, has alarmed residents of the Syunik Province, which after almost three decades find themselves sharing a border with Azerbaijanis who have newly occupied the Lachin and other territories formerly under control of Armenians. This uncertainty also resulted in the resignation of the Syunik governor and has called into question the sovereign of Meghri, which borders Iran.

On Wednesday, residents of the Tegh village in Syunik found themselves in the awkaward—and potentially dangerous—position of negotiating with newly installed Azerbaijani border guards and armed units on the other side of the border, with no official instruction from the government, despite the fact that Pashinyan dispatched his newly-minted advisor, Armenia controversial former education minister, Arayik Harutyunyan to Syunik.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, has set his eyes on Meghri, proposing to build a highway connecting what is now under control of Azerbaijan with Nakhichevan, setting off more panic among residents.

Yet, on Saturday, Pashinyan repeated what he has been saying in defense of the agreement, that for Armenia’s future economic prosperity, opening of the transportation routes with Azerbaijan would be vital.

Of course, the prime minister framed this issues by arguing that open rail links with Iran and Moscow would greatly benefit Armenia’s economy. The railroad to Iran goes through Nakhichevan, while the one to Moscow must go through Baku.

“If we are to think about the future, we must think about the possibility of new factors emerging in economic life. Will there be significant changes in our economy from the resumption of the Armenia-Russia and Armenia-Iran railway communication? I think, yes. If we look at the question in this context, the picture looks different. But now, as I said, much more urgent issues need to be addressed,” he said.

Pashinyan also sought to minimize residents’ concerns—or allay their fears—by saying that Armenia’s armed forces were in control of the border with Azerbaijan.

“Many Armenian citizens are seriously concerned about the processes taking now place on some sections of the Armenian state border with Azerbaijan,” said Pashinyan. “This, of course, is understandable, but we must state that our armed forces are deployed along the entire state border of Armenia. What is happening in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) is a separate issue.”

He then went on to discuss “various practical problems,” brushing aside residents’ concerns by saying those issues “are not insurmountable, and we are working to solve them.”

When it came to Meghri, Pashinyan simply said that the only mention of the word “corridor” in the November 9 agreement related to Lachin, which was handed over to Azerbaijan on Tuesday, leaving a 3-kilometer “corridor” that is now controlled by Russian peacekeepers.

“I mean, there is no concept of a “corridor” regarding Meghri,” Pashinyan said.

There was no concept of ceding villages in Mardakert to Azerbaijan spelled out in the agreement. Nevertheless, residents of seven villages woke up to evacuation orders late last month and find themselves homeless because at the last minute it was determined that their villages were actually part of Aghdam, which was surrendered to Azerbaijan on November 20.

Perspectives | How China gains from Armenia-Azerbaijan war

EurasiaNet.org
Dec 2 2020
Nima Khorrami Dec 2, 2020 
           

Russian peacekeepers set up field hospital in Karabakh

Public Radio of Armenia
Nov 30 2020

Servicemen of a special-purpose medical detachment have opened a field hospital in Stepanakert to provide medical aid to residents of Nagorno-Karabakh, the Russian Defense Ministry reported on Monday, TASS reports.

“Subdivisions of a special-purpose medical detachment have opened a field hospital in Stepanakert,” the statement said. The ministry specified that the hospital was set up on the premises of an airport in Stepanakert.

The specialists of the detachment will provide medical care for a peacekeeping contingent as well as for the local residents. The hospital can accommodate up to 40 people.

The ministry noted that over 60 medical specialists arrived in the region, including military surgeons, general physicians, and epidemiologists. They were brought by military transport aviation Il-76 aircraft from Khabarovsk to Yerevan.

In all, in order to deploy the special-purpose medical detachment of the Eastern Military District 122 servicemen, 54 units of automotive and special equipment, 66 tonnes of material supplies will arrive in Nagorno-Karabakh, the ministry added.

Pashinyan Says He Won’t Resign Shunning Calls by Opposition, President

November 19,  2020



Opposition protesters demanded Nikol Pashinyan’s resignation on Nov. 18

Armenia’s embattled and increasingly combative prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, said on Wednesday that he had no intentions to resign and instead proposed what he called a 15-point roadmap to confront the challenges facing post-war Armenia.

A roadmap was precisely what President Armen Sarkissian called for on Monday, when, in an address to the nation, he proposed that the government and the ruling party present such a document that would ensure a smooth transition of power through snap elections pursuant to Armenia’s Constitution.

Sarkissian said that early elections were inevitable given that an absolute majority of the political forces, civic organizations representatives and Diaspora structures, with which he held consultations, agreed that a change in government was necessary at this juncture in Armenia.

Defying the president, as well as opposition forces, thousands of whose supporters have been protesting on the streets of Yerevan since last week, Pashinyan said he needed six months to carry out the his 15-point plan and would report to the people in June 2021 of his achievements.

The roadmap resembles a vague wish list and lacks details about critical issues such as confronting the humanitarian crisis facing Armenia and Artsakh as a result of tens of thousands of displaced persons from the war. The first seven points of the proposal address—with no specifics—the humanitarian challenges. The remaining eight point are a laundry list of tasks that signal Pashinyan’s intention to consolidate power by making changes to election and political party laws all under the cover of proposed substantive talks with political forces and Diaspora organizations.

Pashinyan announced that his roadmap would be implemented through significant changes in his government, promising to present a “progress report” in June.

Karabakh deal entrenches Russia’s power in Caucasus

Asia Times



Largely absent during the conflict, the US suddenly finds itself on
the outside looking in

By Neil Hauer


The ceasefire signed on November 10 between Armenia and Azerbaijan,
brokered by Vladimir Putin, establishes not only peace (one that is
more than merely tentative, it is hoped) in Nagorno-Karabakh, but also
entrenches Russia’s influence in the Caucasus.

Those who say, “Why not? This is, after all, on Moscow’s doorstep,” do
have a point. However, is it ultimately in the interest of the region?
That interest might have been better championed had the US not been
missing from action during the past month and half in the South
Caucasus. Now, it is in effect shut out of the region for the next
five years and perhaps longer.

The Karabakh ceasefire appears durable – as of this writing, no
violations have occurred. But there are powerful incentives for both
sides to restrain themselves: the presence of nearly 2,000 Russian
peacekeepers, the first of whom were already streaming across the
Armenian border into Karabakh within hours of the deal’s announcement.

A week after the signing, Russian forces already have established two
dozen observation posts lining both the line of contact between
Armenian and Azeri forces, and the crucial Lachin corridor that
connects Karabakh and Armenia proper.

These established facts on the ground, enshrined by Russia’s presence
as the sole international actor in the Armenian-Azerbaijani agreement,
leave little room for other international powers to involve
themselves.

The US, in particular, having been largely absent during the conflict,
finds itself on the outside looking in. With two months to go until
Joe Biden’s inauguration, what will the situation look like once the
new US president finally enters the White House – and what options
will Washington have for meaningful involvement?

On paper at least, there is significant leeway for US involvement in
what comes next in Karabakh. The most intractable issue of the
Karabakh dispute – the precise final status of the Armenian-populated
and controlled rump territory – remains wholly unaddressed, not even
mentioned in the deal signed last week.


Committed US diplomacy could play a key role here. There is
significant precedent for this: After all, it was in Key West,
Florida, in 2001 that the two sides, represented by then-Armenian
president Robert Kocharyan and Azerbaijan’s Ilham Aliyev, the current
president, came as close as they ever had to a resolution.

That, however, was a long time ago. The auspices under which it
occurred, meanwhile, have since become all but irrelevant. Key West
was an initiative of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe’s Minsk Group – a set of 11 states, headed by the troika of
Russia, the US and France, which has served as the main vehicle for
organizing negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan on the Karabakh
issue.

But the Minsk Group is dead in the water. Both Armenian and
Azerbaijani leaders have repeatedly criticized its effectiveness and
relevance, after 25 years without progress, and it played no
substantive role in halting the recent fighting. Russia’s unilateral
imposition of the present ceasefire deal, and the entry of Russian
forces into Karabakh, shows that Moscow holds the cards at present.

How, then, could the Biden administration play a constructive role in
the conflict, and more importantly attempt to counterbalance Russia’s
bolstered influence in the region?

Simply put, in the short term, there is little Washington can do. It
had a 45-day window during the war in which it could have asserted
itself as a major player, but with an election and the general state
of outgoing President Donald Trump’ administration more broadly, it
was never going to do so.

Missing this opportunity, and allowing Moscow full rein over how the
war ended, means Russia now sits with military bases on the territory
of all three South Caucasus republics. Any US engagement with Karabakh
now will thus start on a severe back foot, beholden to this
unfavorable reality on the ground.

In the near term, there is too much uncertainty to say what concrete
actions Washington might be able to take to get a seat at the table.
There are large sections of the current Armenia-Azerbaijan deal that
need to be clarified in practice, including exact lines of control on
the ground, but none of this is likely to involve Washington’s
influence.

Perhaps the US could help assuage the acute political crisis Armenia
itself is now entering. But this, too, will likely be resolved (or be
too far gone to help) before January 20.

Looking forward, the end of the five-year mandate of Russia’s
peacekeeping operation in Karabakh could mark a logical date to work
toward, with the US angling for a place in whatever comes next in
international peacekeeping securing the region.

[Photo: Russian troops in specialized combat training in the country’s
Kaliningrad region on the Baltic Sea. Credit: Russian Ministry of
Defense.]

Unfortunately for Washington, Russian peacekeepers do not tend to
leave an area once they are deployed, as many in Moldova and Georgia
(which have hosted Russian garrisons for 20-plus years) could tell
you. It is highly unlikely Moscow’s forces, now deployed, will simply
pull out of Karabakh in late 2025.

The reality is that the US has missed the boat on this conflict for
the next generation. The incoming Biden administration can fiddle
around the margins, playing a role in minor related issues, but Russia
is now enshrined, both in law and in practice, as the international
power through which Karabakh’s fate will be decided.

And by this fact, Russia has cemented its primacy in the region and
shut out the United States. The best the next US president can hope to
do in retaining American influence in the South Caucasus is to
redouble efforts in Georgia, which has its own host of problems and
unresolved Russian-backed conflicts.

What the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan shows is that even a brief
lapse in attention by Washington can have long-lasting repercussions.

*

Neil Hauer is a security analyst currently in Yerevan, Armenia.
Usually based in Tbilisi, Georgia, his work focuses on, among other
things, politics, minorities and violence in the Caucasus.



 

Armenian president appoints Ara Ayvazyan as foreign minister

TASS, Russia
Nov 18 2020
Earlier on Wednesday, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan relieved Ayvazyan from his duties as deputy foreign minister

YEREVAN, November 18. /TASS/. Armenian President Armen Sarkissian has signed the order Wednesday to appoint Ara Ayvazyan as the head of the national diplomatic agency, the presidential office reports.

"Accepting the proposal of the prime minister, President Armen Sarkissian has appointed Ara Ayvazyan as minister of foreign affairs," the statement reads.

Earlier on Wednesday, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan relieved Ayvazyan from his duties as deputy foreign minister.

Status of Nagorno Karabakh will be determined in the future – Putin

Public Radio of Armenia

Nov 17 2020

Russian President Vladimir Putin has declared that the status of Nagorno-Karabakh will be determined in the future.

“The final status of Karabakh has not been settled, we agreed that we will maintain the status quo that exists today,” Putin said in an interview with Rossiya 24.

“What happens next is to be decided in the future, or by future leaders, future participants in this process. But, in my opinion, if conditions are created for a normal life, for the restoration of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, between people at the household level, especially in the conflict zone, it will create conditions for determining the status of Karabakh,” the Russian President added.

https://en.armradio.am/2020/11/17/status-of-nagorno-karabakh-will-be-determined-in-the-future-putin/