Découvrez le docu << La Vengeance des Arméniens. Le procès Tehlirian

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Découvrez le docu >

Rue89, en partenariat avec Arte, vous propose de découvrir en
avant-première, avant sa diffusion sur la chaîne, >, un documentaire de Bernard George.

Ce documentaire, diffusé le 28 avril à 22h25, est accompagné d’une
fresque interactive et sonore disponible sur le site d’Arte.

>

À l’heure où les commémorations du centenaire du génocide arménien
arrivent à grand pas, le film dévoile les mécanismes de ce génocide,
officiellement reconnu par la France par la loi du 29 janvier 2001.

Ce documentaire pose la question de sa reconnaissance internationale
qui fait encore débat un siècle après les faits.

Mercredi, Erdogan, le président turc, a rejeté toute décision émanant
du Parlement européen qui doit se prononcer sur la qualification en > du massacre des Arméniens en 1915.

La position d’Erdogan et donc de la Turquie est très claire :

Paranoia And Polarization In Turkey

PARANOIA AND POLARIZATION IN TURKEY

The New York Times
April 16 2015

APRIL 16, 2015

ISTANBUL — On March 31, two men disguised as lawyers entered a
downtown Istanbul courthouse. They headed to the office of Prosecutor
Mehmet Selim Kiraz, locked the door, drew their guns and held him
hostage. Soon they revealed that they were members of the DHKP-C,
or the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front, an illegal
Marxist-Leninist party. Their aim was to avenge the “murder” of
Berkin Elvan, a victim of the massive antigovernment protests of
June 2013, who died at 15 after being hit in the head by a police
tear-gas canister.

Mustafa Akyol

Religion and politics in Turkey.

A Letter Concerning Muslim Toleration FEB 17

Islam’s Problem With Blasphemy JAN 13

How Turkey Sabotaged Its Future DEC 22

Turkey’s New Kurdish Problem OCT 22

Will Turkey Fight ISIS? SEP 23

See More >>

Mr. Kiraz was the prosecutor in charge of investigating the death
of Mr. Elvan, who has become an icon in Turkey, especially among
opposition groups. Mr. Kiraz was the fourth prosecutor to work
on the controversial case and the only one who had made some real
progress in identifying the police officers who were responsible for
Mr. Elvan’s death. Yet the militants were not interested in such facts,
and targeted the whole state as the “murderer.”

After six hours of negotiation with the hostage-takers, the police
launched an operation that ended with the deaths of both attackers and
the prosecutor. The incident shook the nation. Mr. Kiraz was declared a
martyr and given an official state funeral. But his killing furthered
poisoned the bitter politics of a nation hatefully divided between
supporters and opponents of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

The main culprit was of course the DHKP-C itself. Violent communism
is a bygone threat in most of the world, but this terrorist group,
a relic from the 1970’s, the heyday of Turkish Marxist-Leninism,
is still active under its red hammer-and-sickle flag. Over the years
it has attacked not only the police, but also Turkish businessmen,
politicians and even foreign missions. In February 2013, the American
Embassy in Ankara was targeted by a DHKP-C suicide bomber, who killed
a Turkish guard and wounded several other people.

There is more to this story than mere political ideology, though. In
Turkey, the left-versus-right division has been based not mainly
on economic class, as is often the case in the West, but rather on
sectarian divisions: The majority Sunnis constitute the base of the
Islamist or nationalist “right,” whereas the minority Alevis tend to
opt for the secular and revolutionary “left.”

It is no accident that the DHKP-C party, as marginal as it is, finds
support mostly among radicalized youth in the Alevi neighborhoods of
Istanbul. Berkin Elvan, the martyred 15-year-old, was also from an
Alevi family. The party is also sympathetic to the Syrian regime of
Bashar al-Assad — out of both ideological and sectarian affinity,
which heightens its resentment of the Turkish government, a key
supporter of the Syrian opposition against Mr. Assad.

This means that the governing Islamist Justice and Development Party,
or A.K.P., and its leaders, Mr. Erdogan and Prime Minister Ahmet
Davutoglu, must be very careful to avoid sectarian tension in Turkey —
especially in a region torn by sectarian wars. Mr. Erdogan sometimes
takes steps to calm sectarian fires, such as when, during a recent
trip to Iran, he commendably declared: “For me there’s no difference
between Sunnis and Shiites; I’m concerned about Muslims, human beings.”

Continue reading the main story Continue reading the main story
Continue reading the main story

But at other times, especially during election campaigns, he has
exploited the Sunni-Alevi split in order to consolidate his base. At a
rally in March 2014, Mr. Erdogan even had his supporters boo the late
Mr. Elvan and his traumatized family, depicting them as terrorists.

The bigger trouble with Mr. Erdogan’s rhetoric is his tendency
to depict all opponents and critics as pawns of a nefarious global
conspiracy to topple his rule. The government propaganda that followed
the death of Mr. Kiraz was yet another example of this aggressive
political paranoia. While holding the prosecutor captive, the
terrorists released a photo showing him with guns pointed at his head.

The next day, when various newspapers ran the picture, the government
declared that publishing it amounted to “terrorist propaganda.”

Prosecutors quickly opened criminal investigations against several
papers, including the liberal Turkish daily Hurriyet, which had
published the photo with the huge headline, “Woe unto terror.” A few
pro-government papers had published the same photo as well, but nobody
blamed or prosecuted them. A few days later, the same photo became
an excuse for briefly blocking Twitter and YouTube across the country.

Not all the threats Mr. Erdogan sees around him are imaginary,
as evidenced by the prosecutor’s death, but the conspiratorial
worldview through which he and his followers see these threats
makes real solutions impossible and leads the government to curtail
civil liberties. It also renders Turkey’s foreign policy rhetoric
counterproductive, as was illustrated by the government’s reaction to
recent statements by Pope Francis, who referred to the century-old
Ottoman Armenian tragedy as “genocide.” Mr. Davutoglu declared on
Wednesday that the pope had “joined the conspiracy” of an “axis of
evil.” (He could have just said that Turkey respectfully disagrees
with the Vatican.)

Apparently, Mr. Erdogan and his followers believe that by using
propaganda and heavy-handed police intimidation they will be able
to introduce a new constitution after elections in June that will
establish an all-powerful presidency, subdue the opposition and create
a peaceful “New Turkey.”

They are wrong. This risky experiment with authoritarianism will not
work. The death of Mr. Kiraz was a crime that deserves wholehearted
condemnation. But it also was an alarming signal that Turkey is on
a dangerous course of hate-filled polarization. Things will only get
worse unless our leaders stop entrenching themselves to win the next
political war and start thinking about winning the peace.

Mustafa Akyol is a columnist and the author of “Islam Without Extremes:
A Muslim Case for Liberty.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/17/opinion/mustafa-akyol-paranoia-and-polarization-in-turkey.html?hp&action=click&pgtype=Homepage&module=c-column-top-span-region&region=c-column-top-span-region&WT.nav=c-column-top-span-region

System Of A Down: ‘We Don’t Have A Set Timeline’ For New Record

SYSTEM OF A DOWN: ‘WE DON’T HAVE A SET TIMELINE’ FOR NEW RECORD

Ultimate-Guitar.Com
April 17 2015

System of a Down vocalist Serj Tankian recently gave a brief update
regarding the status of the band’s new record.

The band still hasn’t specified an exact timeline, hence it remains
unknown when will we get to finally hear new SOAD material.

“There is an openness to working together again when we all have
material that is mutually accepted. We don’t have a set timeline or
anything else to report. One think we do all agree upon is that it’s
gotta be a leap from what we’ve done before,” Serj told Spin.

Bassist Shavo Odadjian recently noted about the new record: “Yeah,
there’s a very good chance [SOAD will enter studio soon]. I don’t have
a date. We’ve already gone. We’ve written some songs. We’re keeping
it to ourselves. We’re getting back to the bullsh-t of being together.”

During the rest of the Spin chat, Tankian discussed the group’s Wake
Up the Souls Tour and the upcoming concert in Armenia to commemorate
the 100th anniversary of Armenian Genocide.

Asked about scoring music for a movie called “1915,” Serj was
also prompted to name the biggest misconception about the Armenian
Genocide. He replied: “‘1915’ is a unique psychological thriller
dealing with the trauma of loss and the unmistakable continual pain
that denial of a genocide can bring to the children of survivors. I
really enjoyed composing the score for it, diving into sounds and
colors I had scarcely used before, in some cases. It will be released
this month in the States.

“The sad truth is the government of Turkey uses its clout (NATO
member, US ally, Incirlik Airbase, purchaser of weapons) and money
to perpetuate its shameful denial and evade responsibility to avoid
handing out reparations or the return of property to the victims.

“It has instituted a gag rule in the US and Great Britain so much
so that Senator Obama – who criticized George W. for not using the
g-word as president – dropped the same word when he became president.

Genocide should never be used as political capital to appease an ally
in this way. It’s morally reprehensible and serves to stifle brave
voices for justice in Turkey regarding the genocide and other matters.

This is what we’re fighting against.”

http://www.ultimate-guitar.com/news/upcoming_releases/system_of_a_down_we_dont_have_a_set_timeline_for_new_record.html

Chicago Artist Draws On Family History In Painting To Mark 1915 Arme

CHICAGO ARTIST DRAWS ON FAMILY HISTORY IN PAINTING TO MARK 1915 ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

CBS Chicago
April 17 2015

April 17, 2015 9:31 AM

CHICAGO (CBS) — The 100th anniversary of the start of the Armenian
genocide is next week and a Chicago artist is marking the occasion
on canvas.

Jackie Kazarian’s painting is called “Armenia.” Her grandmothers
survived the Armenian genocide at the hands of Ottoman Turks; in
which as many as 1.5 million Armenians were killed in what is now
part of Turkey, but which used to be part of Armenia.

“My grandmother did needlework and cooked for me as a child. They
took care of us, and so I really wanted to do something to sort of
honor their memory,” she said.

Some of her grandmother’s needlework designs are included in the
painting, which stands 11 1/2 feet tall and 26 feet wide.

Kazarian’s grandmother Mariam was about 13 when her family fled to
Damascus, after her father was taken away, and then she was abducted
by a Turkish sultan, but rescued by British forces.

Mariam eventually ran across Jackie Kazarian’s uncle, who was in
Damascus looking for brides for he and his brother back home in
Waukegan. Mariam married the brother, sight unseen.

Kazarian’s other grandmother, Elnus, was from a wealthy family that
fled to the hills when the genocide began; but Elnus eventually went
back to her hometown and worked in an orphanage, where she taught
piano to a Turkish soldier’s wife.

Kazarian’s painting celebrates the landscape and the culture of the
Armenian people, as well as Karzarian’s family.

She said she chose the painting’s size based on Picasso’s famed work,
“Guernica” which is believed to have marked the 1937 bombing of
Guernica, Spain.

“Armenia” will be on display at Kazarian’s studio at 2233 S. Throop
St. through May 29, and eventually will be exhibited around the world.

http://chicago.cbslocal.com/2015/04/17/chicago-artist-draws-on-family-history-in-painting-to-mark-1915-armenian-genocide/

Turkey’s Gallipoli Date Change Angers Armenian Community

TURKEY’S GALLIPOLI DATE CHANGE ANGERS ARMENIAN COMMUNITY

Irish Times
April 17 2015

Gallipoli commemoration moved to clash with centenary of Armenian
massacre

by Constanze Letsch

Turkey has been accused of belittling the imminent centenary of the
Armenian genocide by advancing its Gallipoli commemorations to the
same day.

The anniversary of the 1915 military operations on the Gallipoli
peninsula has always been marked on April 25th, the day after
commemorations of the massacre of more than one million Armenians in
the Ottoman empire.

This year, however, president Recep Tayyip Erdogan has invited state
leaders to join him in Gallipoli on April 24th.

“This is a very indecent political manoeuvre,” said Ohannes Kilicdagi,
a researcher and writer for Agos, an Armenian weekly. “It’s cheap
politics to try to dissolve the pressure on Turkey in the year of
the centennial by organising this event.

Britain’s Prince Charles and Prince Harry, Australian prime minister
Tony Abbott, and New Zealand prime minister John Key have all confirmed
they will attend events at Gallipoli. As part of the programme on
April 24th, services will be held at several military cemeteries.

At the same time, hundreds will gather on Istanbul’s Taksim Square,
where a commemoration of the Armenian genocide has been held since
2010. Another rally will be held in the eastern city of Diyarbakir,
an important centre from where the state governor oversaw the mass
killings in 1915. The main event will be held in Yerevan, the capital
of Armenia.

The Turkish government’s efforts to divert international attention
from the commemoration of the massacre have been called “disgraceful”
by Armenians.

Overshadow centennial

“It’s not just Gallipoli,” said Nazar Buyum, an Armenian columnist.

“Someone also had the audacity to suggest the organisation of a
Gallipoli memorial concert in an Armenian church in Istanbul for 24
April. The government does everything to overshadow the centennial
of the genocide this year.”

Turkey refuses to accept responsibility for the slaughter of hundreds
of thousands of Armenians in the Ottoman empire.

Professor Ayhan Aktar of Bilgi University in Istanbul, who has
long researched the denial of the Armenian genocide in Turkey, was
not surprised by the government’s decision to move the date of the
Gallipoli events.

“Turkey has been putting forward the Turks dying on World War I
battlefields for 97 years, arguing that, yes, Armenians might have
died, but so did our ancestors,” he said. “This move just continues
this line of defence. It’s indecent, and a disgrace.”

While the Armenian state leader and many Armenians abroad expressed
outrage at Turkey’s diplomatic gamble, the reaction in Turkey has
been rather muted.

Part of the reason, Mr Kilicdagi says, is the persistent fear of
violence against the Armenian community in Turkey.

“Even though the situation has somewhat improved, and even though
solidarity with the Armenian community has increased, many have
learned to live with the constant fear,” he said. “It has become
almost a reflex. Armenians are still a vulnerable group in Turkey.”

After Ankara’s announcement to shift all official commemorations
of Gallipoli to April 24th, critics pointed out that no significant
military event took place at Gallipoli that day and that Armenians
had greater claim to it because April 24th, 1915 was when Ottoman
authorities began arresting Armenian intellectuals in Istanbul.

Condolences

Hopes of an Armenian-Turkish thaw were raised last year, when Mr
Erdogan extended condolences to the grandchildren of all killed
Armenians. But this year’s actions have alienated the 100,000-strong
Armenian community in Turkey.

“After Erdogan’s words last year, this was a big disappointment,” said
Nayat Karakose, programme coordinator at the Hrant Dink Foundation,
which promotes Turkish-Armenian reconciliation and culture.

“We expected a more positive step than to try and shift the
international focus away from Armenia’s effort to raise awareness
about the genocide.” – (Guardian service)

http://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/europe/turkey-s-gallipoli-date-change-angers-armenian-community-1.2178865

Discreet But Proud: The Armenians Of Istanbul

DISCREET BUT PROUD: THE ARMENIANS OF ISTANBUL

The National, UAE
April 17 2015

April 17, 2015

ISTANBUL // Yasmin Rostomyan makes no big outward show of her origins
but works daily to keep her Armenian heritage alive and preserve it
for the future in modern Turkey.

“Turkey is my country, I do not want to leave,” she says. “And I
don’t want my children to be obliged to leave. If they can stay here,
that would make me happy.”

Yasmin is one of around 60,000 Turkish-Armenians who form modern
Turkey’s Armenian community and have remained in the country despite
the long shadow of history.

The modern state of Armenia and the diaspora say that 1.5 million
Armenians were killed in the first genocide of the 20th century
from 1915 in a targeted Ottoman campaign to wipe them out of eastern
Anatolia.

Turkey angrily denies that the Ottoman authorities committed genocide
and says hundreds of thousands of Muslims and Christians were killed
in a shared wartime tragedy.

The modern day controversy over World War I massacres — which is
coming to a head before the 100th anniversary of the tragedy on April
24 — looms large of the small remainder of the Turkish-Armenian
community.

But in daily life they do everything to keep culture and language
intact, despite being a tiny Christian community in a majority
Muslim country.

Yasmin every day takes her children to one of the 20 Armenian schools
that are run with approval of the Turkish education ministry and
which have teaching in Turkish and Armenian.

The playground resounds with the cries of pupils in both Turkish
and Armenian, a symbol of the slow but noticeable lifting of taboos
in Turkey.

“We are very happy in this school, our children can learn our language,
normally,” said Yasmin.

“When my generation was growing up, it was more hidden, and we did
not speak Armenian in the street.

“But my father insisted that we took courses in the house and it was
very important for him,” she said.

The Karagozyan school respects the calendar of the Muslim and Christian
religions and drawings marking Easter and still on the walls.

“We have teachers in Turkish culture and we try to make our two
cultures live together and we bring in the families,” said the school’s
director Arsuvak Koc-Monnet.

While the official community of Armenians is just 60,000 — mostly
in Istanbul with tiny community elsewhere — the number of people of
Armenian origin in Turkey is in reality far higher.

Tens of thousands of Armenians converted to Islam during World War I
to escape the Ottoman massacres and their identity gradually slipped
from memory and history.

Some of the so-called “Hidden Armenians” are slowly rediscovering
their identity but for many it has been lost forever.

The Rostomyan family, however, has not forgotten its roots or the
tragedy of 1915.

In her apartment, Yasmin shows the sepia picture of her
great-grandfather who died that year and has pride of place on the
dresser between the dictionaries.

The word genocide does not exist in Turkish history books and using
it to describe the killings can lead to legal action on charges of
insulting Turkey.

“We never heard the genocide spoken about when we were young, it was
a great secret,” she said.

“By hiding it, some people thought that you could pull a cover over it.

“I understood later, during adolescence,” she added.

Despite the crushing weight of this past, the Rostomyan family refused
to emigrate, like many other Armenians.

In the 1950s, the family left the northeastern region of Amasya close
to the Black Sea for Istanbul and settled in the Bomonti district,
which is also home to many Armenians as well as Greeks and Jews.

“It’s quieter now. We have security,” she says, adding that she
nonetheless tells her children to call her “Anne” (mother in Turkish)
on the street rather than the Armenian version.

She hopes that the April 24 anniversary will help Turks take steps
towards accepting the reality of the events. But she has no illusions.

“I expect nothing from states and from politicians but I expect
something from my (Turkish) friends.

“That they say, ‘dear Yasmin, we are sorry for our mistakes…’

“But most of them unfortunately do not even know what happened.”

http://www.thenational.ae/world/europe/20150417/discreet-but-proud-the-armenians-of-istanbul

Lebanon’s Dark Days Of Hunger: The Great Famine Of 1915-18

LEBANON’S DARK DAYS OF HUNGER: THE GREAT FAMINE OF 1915-18

The National, UAE
April 14 2015

Rym Ghazal
April 14, 2015

“My people and your people, my Syrian Brother, are dead … What can
be Done for those who are dying? Our Lamentations will not satisfy
their Hunger, and our tears will not quench Their thirst; what can
we do to save Them between the iron paws of Hunger?”

– From Dead Are My People by Gibran Khalil Gibran (1883-1931)

Almost 100 years ago this month, as the First World War raged across
Europe and beyond, a dark chapter unfolded in what was then known as
Greater Syria.

The first culprit: the relentless locust. Following a bad harvest
caused by a drought, in April 1915 dark clouds heralded the arrival of
swarms of locusts, descending to feed on plants, whether green or dry.

For over three months, the tiny but insatiable creatures devoured
whatever had been left behind by the Ottoman authorities, who had
prioritised food and grain reserves to feed their soldiers as part
of the imperial war effort.

This marked the beginning of a period that is now often just a
footnote in the history books: the Great Famine of 1915-18, which
left an estimated 500,000 people dead. With a lack of accurate data,
estimates range from 100,000 to 200,000 deaths in Mount Lebanon alone.

At this time, the population of Lebanon was estimated at about 400,000,
meaning that half its people died. At 250,000, the American Red Cross
estimated an even higher death toll.

It was the highest death toll by population of the First World War.

“The nights in Beirut were atrocious: You heard the whining and
screaming of starved people: ‘Ju3an, Ju3an’ (hungry, hungry),” wrote
the Turkish feminist author Halide Edib (1882-1964) in her memoirs.

In his book Al Raghif (The Bread), the Lebanese writer and diplomat
Toufic Youssef Aouad – a child during the famine – wrote: “There was
a woman lying on her back, covered with lice. A newborn with enormous
eyes was at her breast. The child kept pressing the breast with his
hands and lips and would then give up and cry and cry.”

There were reports of people eating cats, dogs and rats, even
cannibalism. One account is by a priest who tells of a father who
came to confess that he had eaten his own children.

Edward Nickoley, 1917, an employee with the Syrian Protestant College,
later to become the American University of Beirut, wrote in his diary:
“Starving people lying about everywhere; at any time children moaning
and weeping, women and children clawing over rubbish piles and
ravenous-ly eating anything that they can find. When the agonised
cry of famishing people in the street becomes too bitter to bear,
people get up and close the windows tight in the hope of shutting
out the sound. Mere babies amuse themselves by imitating the cries
that they hear in the streets or at the doors.”

The Great Famine was the devastating result of both political and
environmental factors, the combination of a severe drought and locusts
and a suffocating blockade. After the Ottoman forces joined Germany,
the Allies enforced a blockade of the entire Eastern Mediterranean
in an effort to cut the supplies to the Ottomans.

In return, a blockade was introduced by General Jamal Pasha, commander
in chief of the Turkish forces in Greater Syria, where cereals and
wheat were prevented from entering Mount Lebanon.

In a letter to Mary Haskell, dated May 26, 1916, Gibran Khalil Gibran
wrote: “The famine in Mount Lebanon has been planned and instigated by
the Turkish government. Already 80,000 have succumbed to starvation
and thousands are dying every single day. The same process happened
with the Christian Armenians and applied to the Christians in Mount
Lebanon.”

But the full story is a far more complicated, according to history
professor Aaron Tylor Brand, at the American University of Beirut,
whose dissertation on the famine is entitled: Lives Darkened by
Calamity: Enduring the Famine of WWI in Lebanon and Western Syria.

“Previous interpretations of the famine as a deliberate product of
Ottoman or Allied actions are too simplistic. Analysing monthly price
lists and climatic statistics of the famine period and contextualising
these within the history of famine in the region suggests that the
high prices that drove the region towards famine in late 1915 were
the product of environmental factors (poor rainfall, a climatic
oscillation, and locust attack) and wartime mismanagement that
conscripted too heavily in the countryside at a time when agricultural
goods were needed for both the war and the population,” he says.

“The result was a crisis in the countryside that led to underproduction
of agricultural goods, prompting speculation that increased the cost
of living. This, combined with the loss of jobs due to the Allied
blockade in Mount Lebanon and the coastal regions, created a situation
where people, who were already growing poor due to the work stoppage,
were then forced to buy expensive food to feed their families and
keep themselves alive.

“State policies like price fixing, the introduction of paper money, the
implementation of production and transportation controls of grain and
taxation did little to help the situation,” he says. “In the end, it
wasn’t that there was no food [in most towns], it was that it was too
expensive to purchase, so people and families began to slowly starve.”

The Ottoman authorities issued paper money, depreciating the purchasing
power of the Greater Syria inhabitants. Diseases and illnesses soon
followed, with rises in epidemics like malaria, dysentery, typhoid
and typhus.

“The conditions of the refugees from the Armenian Genocide and those
fleeing to the cities in search of work or food increased the incidence
of epidemic disease during the period. The increase in susceptible
individuals and the wet springs of 1916-1918 meant there were more
mosquitoes feeding on more people, allowing the spread of malaria to
reach crisis levels by 1917. The anaemia and diarrhoea of malaria,
combined with malnourishment, was a bad combination, probably subtly
contributing to the death tolls,” says Prof Brand.

All areas across Greater Syria suffered on some level or other,
with the highest death tolls in Mount Lebanon, he says, due “to
Ottoman mismanagement, predations by certain officials and soldiers,
and poor supply systems, and poverty caused by the cessation of the
silk trade.” Back then, the production of raw silk was woven by women
in mills and then exported to Europe. Also tied to this period is
Martyrs’ Day, marked on May 6 in Lebanon and Syria.

Earning him the title Al Jazzar (the butcher), Gen Jamal Pasha, who
saw tens of thousands die from starvation, also ordered the public
execution of 21 Syrians and Lebanese in Damascus and Beirut in 1916,
for alleged “anti-Turkish activities”. Marjeh Square in Damascus and
Burj square in Beirut were both renamed Martyrs’ Square.

“Our parents did not like to talk too much about that period. It
was a dark ugly part of our history,” says Teresa Michel, now in her
late 80s, from the coastal city of Betroun, northern Lebanon, which –
along with Byblos and Tripoli – was also hit hard by the famine.

“They lost so many loved ones during that time. My father once said
that the rich families survived as they were able to bribe and get
supplies on the black market. It was the unemployed, the middle class
and the poor that were dying in the streets.”

Today the only survivor of the famine still living is believed to be
a 105-year-old man in Batloun, Lebanon. But the story of the Great
Famine remains alive through those who remember the horrific stories
of death and survival.

http://www.thenational.ae/world/middle-east/lebanons-dark-days-of-hunger-the-great-famine-of-1915-18

Turkey’s Willful Amnesia

TURKEY’S WILLFUL AMNESIA

The New York Times
April 17 2015

By THE EDITORIAL BOARDAPRIL 17, 2015

Next Friday, April 24, Armenians the world over will commemorate the
100th anniversary of the start of the mass killings of Armenians in
Ottoman Turkey, now widely recognized as the first genocide of the
20th century. Widely, that is, outside Turkey, where the government
and the majority of Turks continue to furiously attack anyone who
speaks of genocide.

When Pope Francis used the term at a memorial service for the
Armenian victims on Sunday, Turkey recalled its ambassador from the
Vatican and a government minister insidiously noted that the pope
was Argentine, and “in Argentina, the Armenian diaspora controls the
media and business.” And even before the European Parliament passed a
resolution on Wednesday urging Turkey to recognize the genocide and
seek a “genuine reconciliation” with the Armenians, President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan declared that whatever the Europeans say “will go in
one ear and out the other.”

The hard Turkish line is especially unfortunate, because a year ago
Mr. Erdogan seemed to be moving toward a more conciliatory stance,
offering condolences to descendants of the Armenian victims and
suggesting that a panel of international historians be formed to
examine the historical evidence. No such panel was convened, and this
week Mr. Erdogan was back to painting Turkey as the aggrieved victim
of international slander: “It is out of the question for there to be
a stain or a shadow called genocide on Turkey.”

For Armenians, millions of whom form a global diaspora outside the
Republic of Armenia, demanding recognition of the mass executions,
death marches and concentration camps inflicted on their ancestors in
the disintegrating Ottoman Empire, in which as many as 1.5 million
died, has been a decades-long, global mission. While Turkey has
admitted that many Armenians died, the official narrative is that this
was a nasty episode in a nasty war, and not a premeditated attempt
to destroy a people — not, in other words, a genocide. To assert
otherwise is a crime in Turkey — “insulting Turkish identity” —
and intolerable from foreigners.

The narrative, however, is simply not one Turkey can sustain against
the weight of scholarship that leaves no doubt of a regime-sponsored
campaign against Armenians during and after World War I. Mr. Erdogan
was on the right track last year when he called for an independent
panel, and it is difficult to understand why he has backed away now.

The longer Turks refuse to examine and acknowledge that history fully,
the greater the damage to Turkey’s international standing.

The United States should not condone that posture of denial. During his
2008 presidential campaign, Barack Obama declared that “as president,
I will recognize the Armenian genocide.” But, like his predecessors,
he then became reluctant to upset an important NATO ally.

Maintaining good relations with Turkey is important, but at the least
the United States should join Europe and Pope Francis in making clear
to Mr. Erdogan that the greatest danger to Turkey lies not in anyone’s
use of the word “genocide,” but in refusing to acknowledge what took
place 100 years ago.

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/17/opinion/turkeys-willful-amnesia.html?_r=0

European Parliament Votes To Call 1915 Armenian Killings Genocide

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT VOTES TO CALL 1915 ARMENIAN KILLINGS GENOCIDE

Al-Arabiya, UAE
April 16 2015

By Adrian Croft and Ayla Jean Yackley | Reuters, Brussels/Istanbul
Thursday, 16 April 2015

The European Parliament backed a motion on Wednesday that calls the
massacre a century ago of up to 1.5 million Armenians by Ottoman
Turkish forces a “genocide”, days after Pope Francis triggered fury
in Turkey by using the same term.

Although the resolution repeated language previously adopted by the
parliament in 1987, it could stoke tensions with EU candidate nation
Turkey. Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said even before the vote
took place that he would ignore the result.

After the vote, the Turkish foreign ministry accused the European
Parliament of attempting to rewrite history.

Muslim Turkey agrees that Christian Armenians were killed in clashes
with Ottoman forces that began on April 15, 1915, when large numbers
of Armenians lived in the empire ruled by Istanbul, but denies that
this amounted to genocide.

Armenia, some Western historians and foreign parliaments refer to
the mass killings as genocide.

Voting by show of hands, European lawmakers overwhelmingly backed the
motion stating that the “tragic events that took place in 1915-1917
against the Armenians in the territory of the Ottoman Empire represent
a genocide”.

Armenia’s Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian hailed the resolution
as a move aimed at defending human rights.

“The Resolution contains an important message to Turkey to use the
commemoration of the centenary of the Armenian Genocide to come to
terms with its past, to recognize the Armenian Genocide and thus pave
the way for a genuine reconciliation between Turkish and Armenian
peoples,” he said in a statement.

Pope Francis sparked a diplomatic row last Sunday by calling the
killings “the first genocide of the 20th century”. His remarks
prompted Turkey to summon the Vatican’s ambassador to the Holy See
and to recall its own.

The European Parliament sprang to the pope’s defense, commending the
message the pontiff delivered at the weekend.

“In one ear, out the other”

Turkey is a candidate country to join the 28-nation EU but accession
talks have dragged on for years with little progress.

Earlier, Erdogan told a news conference that “whatever decision the
European Parliament took on Armenian genocide claims would “go in
one ear and out the other”.

“It is out of the question for there to be a stain, a shadow called
‘genocide’, on Turkey,” he said at Ankara airport before departing
on a visit to Kazakhstan.

Last year, when he was Turkey’s prime minister, Erdogan offered what
his government said were unprecedented condolences to the grandchildren
of Armenians killed during World War One.

Wednesday’s resolution said such statements were a step in the right
direction, but legislators urged Turkey to go further.

In a statement after the vote, Turkey’s foreign ministry said lawmakers
who backed the resolution were in partnership with “those who have
nothing to do with European values and are feeding on hatred, revenge
and the culture of conflict”.

http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2015/04/16/European-Parliament-votes-to-call-1915-Armenian-killings-genocide.html

Filmmakers display solidarity against censorship of ‘Bakur’: 3

Filmmakers display solidarity against censorship of ‘Bakur’: 3
competitions and closing ceremony cancelled at Istanbul Film Festival

04.13.2015 17:04 CULTURE AND ARTS

The Golden Tulip National and International Competitions and the
National Documentary Competition, and also the closing ceremony of the
24th Istanbul Film Festival have been cancelled following the blocking
of the screening of the documentary ‘Bakur’ yesterday.

Following the cancellation yesterday (April 12) of the screening
within the scope of the 34th Istanbul Film Festival of the documentary
‘A Guerrilla Documentary: Bakur/Kuzey’ on grounds that it did not have
a ‘certificate of registration’, directors and producers of 22 films
taking part in the festival had withdrawn from the festival in protest
of this act of censorship.

The Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts (IFCA/ÝKSV), the
organizer of the film festival, held a press conference today
following the crisis. Festival President Azize Tan, jury members, and
filmmakers taking part in the festival took part in the press
conference.

Azize Tan stated that they respected and supported the decision of
directors who had withdrawn their films from the festival, and invited
film teams that had withdrawn their films from the festival to come to
the film theaters at the hours of screening to hold open forums on the
issue.

How was Bakur’s screening blocked?

Azize Tan also provided an account of how the screening of the
documentary Bakur was blocked: “On April 11, we received an official
notification from the Ministry of Culture and Tourism that reminded us
of the implementation of laws and regulations in force. These require
that films produced in Turkey to have a ‘certificate of registration’.
Bakur was the first film to be screened that did not have this
certificate. There are many other films without the certificate.

Demirkubuz: Someone has clearly decided that this film needs to be banned

Zeki Demirkubuz, director and head of this year’s National Competition
Jury, said that the censorship targeting Bakur was related to its
subject matter: “This country has begun to force the boundaries of
self-destruction. A decision has been taken to ban Bakur. In my
opinion, this has to do with the upcoming elections, with yesterday’s
clashes, and the mules murdered by the army 10 days ago in Roboskî.”

Demirkubuz also referred to the sentence ‘It is impossible to make
films in a country where there is censorship’ included in the boycott
declaration of filmmakers, and said, “I am against all that. Buñuel
made his best films during the Franco era. If a filmmaker is not sharp
enough to confront the powers that be, then it’s time to give up.”

http://www.agos.com.tr/en/article/11264/filmmakers-display-solidarity-against-censorship-of-bakur-3-competitions-and-closing-ceremony-cancelled-at-istanbul-film-festival