Armenia has plans for rail link with Iran

Associated Press Worldstream
December 12, 2004 Sunday 1:19 PM Eastern Time

Armenia has plans for rail link with Iran

YEREVAN, Armenia

Armenia’s transport minister announced plans Sunday for a railroad
linking the small, isolated former Soviet republic with its southern
neighbor Iran.

The government has drafted two alternate plans for the railroad’s
route inside Armenia, both leading to the border town of Mergi,
Andranik Manukian said. One would cost US$760 million ([euro]575
million), the other US$900 million ([euro]680 million), he said.

He did not say where cash-strapped Armenia would find the money to
build the railroad. A government official, speaking on condition of
anonymity, said some financing could come from Iran and Europe.

Armenia’s one functioning cross-border railroad leads to Georgia.
Rail links with foes Azerbaijan and Turkey are blocked because of
persistent tension over Nagorno-Karabakh, an enclave in Azerbaijan
that has been controlled by ethnic Armenians since a war that ended
in a cease-fire in 1994.

Armenia has close ties with Russia, to the north, but has been
increasing cooperation with Iran recently. Construction began last
month on a pipeline that is to bring Iranian natural gas to Armenia,
easing its reliance on supplies from Russia via Georgia, and the
neighbors are increasing power-line links.

L’urgence d’une politique kurde de l’Europe

Le Figaro, France
11 décembre 2004

L’urgence d’une politique kurde de l’Europe;
Le régime turc et le traitement des minorités en question

PAR KENDAL NEZAN *

Dans son plaidoyer pour «le retour à la raison» publié dans Le Figaro
(1), le président Valéry Giscard d’Estaing examine tous les arguments
relatifs au débat sur la question turque, sauf un, qui pour être
embarrassant n’en est pas moins incontournable : l’engagement
solennel et unanime des quinze chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement des
pays de l’UE, réuni en décembre 1999 à Helsinki, d’accorder à la
Turquie le statut d’un pays candidat à part entière et dont la
candidature doit être examinée à la seule aune des critères de
Copenhague. Cette décision est, bien entendu, postérieure à l’accord
d’union douanière conclu en 1995 avec Ankara, que l’ancien président
français semble considérer comme solde de tout compte des promesses
faites aux Turcs depuis 1963. Elle fut cosignée par le président
Chirac qui a, depuis, à maintes reprises, souligné «la vocation
européenne de la Turquie». Les données concernant la géographie,
l’histoire, la culture, la religion, le poids démographique de la
Turquie, étaient connues de tous, notamment des princes qui nous
gouvernent, et elles n’ont pas changé depuis. Les Turcs étaient
appelés à entreprendre des réformes économiques et politiques de fond
pour rendre leur économie, leur législation et leurs institutions
compatibles avec les normes européennes. La Commission a, dès lors,
engagé un processus de préadhésion et débloqué des sommes
conséquentes pour favoriser les réformes turques. Les résultats, sans
être aussi «révolutionnaires» que voudraient nous le faire croire les
avocats d’Ankara, constituent, dans le contexte turc, des avancées
véritables : suppression de la peine de mort et des cours de sûreté
de l’Etat qui les dispensaient régulièrement ; démilitarisation
relative des institutions ; libération de nombreux prisonniers
d’opinion, dont Leyla Zana et ses collègues ex-députés kurdes ;
amendement de la Constitution imposée par les militaires en 1982 ;
introduction d’un nouveau Code pénal en remplacement de celui
emprunté dans les années 20 à l’Italie de Mussolini ; réduction de la
torture, qui n’est plus systématique.

Cependant, les progrès restent beaucoup moins tangibles sur la
question des minorités. La Turquie qui ne respecte pas ses
obligations découlant du traité de Lausanne de 1923, qui est pourtant
à la base de sa reconnaissance en droit international, fait preuve
d’un manque de volonté politique manifeste dans ce domaine. Après des
années de tergiversations, elle a fini par accepter de tolérer
l’ouverture de six cours privés de langue kurde et diffuse, depuis
juin dernier, une émission hebdomadaire de 30 minutes en langue
kurde. Voilà pour ce qui est des droits culturels reconnus aux Kurdes
qui, selon l’estimation du récent rapport de la Commission, sont
entre 15 et 20 millions en Turquie. Comme le constate ce même
rapport, Ankara n’a aucun projet, ni pour la reconstruction des 3 428
villages kurdes détruits dans les années 90 par l’armée turque, ni
pour favoriser le retour sur leur terre des quelque 3 millions de
déplacés kurdes. Sa politique traditionnelle de dispersion et
d’assimilation forcée des Kurdes reste donc inchangée. Une telle
politique ne peut qu’alimenter des conflits et tensions entre Kurdes
et Turcs en Turquie, et, au-delà, entre celle-ci et les communautés
kurdes des pays voisins, notamment d’Irak où s’affirme un Etat kurde
autonome. Si l’Europe veut intégrer à terme la Turquie, elle doit,
sous peine d’importer les conflits de celle-ci avec ses minorités et
avec ses voisins, exiger le règlement préalable de la question kurde.
Mieux encore, elle doit élaborer elle-même une politique kurde afin
d’espérer jouer un rôle dans cette région hautement stratégique du
monde, située dans sa périphérie immédiate. L’absence d’une telle
politique est d’autant plus incompréhensible que les Kurdes jouent
déjà un rôle central dans la construction d’un Irak nouveau, que la
question kurde est au coeur même de la problématique de la
démocratisation de la Turquie qui frappe à la porte de l’Union, et
que celle-ci abrite plus d’un million d’immigrés kurdes. Ce sont deux
puissances européennes, le Royaume-Uni et la France, qui, au
lendemain de la Grande Guerre, ont dessiné la carte du Proche-Orient
en fonction de leurs intérêts coloniaux, écartelant ainsi
arbitrairement le pays kurde entre quatre Etats de la région, alors
que le président américain Woodrow Wilson préconisait la création
d’un Kurdistan indépendant et que le traité international de Sèvres,
avait, en 1920, reconnu le droit des Kurdes à disposer de leur propre
Etat. Pour réparer l’injustice historique faite au peuple kurde et
pacifier sa périphérie immédiate, l’Europe doit proposer un statut
pour les quelque 35 millions de Kurdes du Proche-Orient. C’est là une
exigence de justice mais aussi de cohérence politique. En effet, au
nom de quel droit, de quel principe supérieur peut-elle justifier son
action militante en faveur de la création d’un Etat pour 4 millions
de Palestiniens et, dans le même temps, son silence persistant sur le
sort des Kurdes, qui sont dix fois plus nombreux ? Il est temps de
mettre un terme à cette pratique de deux poids, deux mesures. Le
processus de négociations avec Ankara offre à l’Union l’occasion
d’élaborer une politique kurde basée sur un compromis entre
l’aspiration légitime du peuple kurde à maîtriser son destin, à
organiser sa vie et ses institutions sur la terre de ses ancêtres, et
le respect des frontières existantes. Elle peut exiger d’Ankara de
garantir à ses citoyens kurdes un statut et des droits similaires à
ceux qu’il revendique pour les quelque 150 000 Turcs chypriotes. La
France, qui a souvent joué un rôle moteur dans la construction
européenne, pourrait prendre l’initiative dans ce domaine. Le
président Mitterrand avait, en son temps, amorcé un dialogue avec les
leaders kurdes irakiens et certaines personnalités kurdes de Turquie.
Les fils de ce dialogue interrompu devraient être renoués si Paris
veut un jour jouer un rôle en Irak ou influer positivement sur la
question de l’adhésion de la Turquie. Loin de se réfugier dans une
position frileuse de refus, la France devrait se prononcer clairement
en faveur de l’ouverture des négociations avec Ankara en accompagnant
celles-ci d’une feuille de route rigoureuse en matière de
démocratisation, de droits de l’homme, du règlement du problème
kurde, de la reconnaissance du génocide arménien et du retrait des
troupes turques de Chypre. Si la Turquie remplit ces conditions et
devient un pays démocratique, en paix avec ses populations, ses
voisins et son passé, son intégration ne dénaturera probablement pas
davantage le projet européen que celle, longtemps rejetée par la
France, de la Grande-Bretagne. Sinon, les Turcs n’auront qu’à s’en
prendre à eux-mêmes. * Président de l’Institut kurde de Paris. (1)
«Débats et opinions», 25 novembre 2004.

A grieving son’s journey comes to a crossroads

Los Angeles Times
Dec 11 2004

A grieving son’s journey comes to a crossroads

His father’s unsolved murder haunted him for three decades. When the
mystery was partly solved, he had to decide how far to search for the
whole truth.

By Mark Arax, Mark Arax covers Central California for The Times

One day not long ago, I drove into a valley deep in the mountains of
Oregon, a swath of green pastures edged by wild blackberries and
split by a creek that filled up a nearby lake. It seemed a pleasant
enough place in the world, this hidden valley, but I hadn’t driven
the 500 miles from Fresno simply to take in the fresh scenery. No,
what I had come looking for were answers that had eluded me for 31
years. What I had come looking for were the secrets to my father’s
murder.

He had been gunned down by two strangers in his Fresno bar on a foggy
January night in 1972. He was 40 years old and I, his oldest child,
was 15. Somehow I knew that the cops would never solve the murder.
That night in the emergency room, I told my mother that I would. It
was a promise I kept even after she died 12 years later and my wife
gave birth to our first child.

All through my 30s, I searched for answers, tracking down barmaids
turned junkies, a bouncer who rode with the Hells Angels, a bartender
who became a hit man. I even wrote a book about my journey. But I
never found his killers, never completely put to rest the rumors of
drugs and police corruption and a father who coached Little League by
day and entertained Fresno’s crooks by night.

Then in the spring of 2002, I was handed a new name: Sue Gage. She
was the keeper of the secrets, I was told, the woman who had set my
father’s death in motion. Not long after the murder, she had left
California and moved to southern Oregon. She had been living in a
tiny trailer beside a creek ever since, each year breathing a little
easier as the trail that led back to Fresno and my father grew more
and more faint.

I hadn’t known quite how to act when I called to arrange a meeting.
What tone of voice do you take when the person on the other end,
frightened and cagey, holds answers to questions that have
defined – twisted even – your entire adult life? What words do you let
tumble out?

Part of me, the son, couldn’t stomach the idea of small talk. At the
same time, I was also a journalist who had mastered the game of
opening doors by playing the earnest good guy. And so I held my nose
and put on my best performance. Oh, how I chuckled and listened so
intently as she gabbed on about the coyote unnerving her pit bull and
the vacation she was about to take with her grandkids.

And now I was headed down a last stretch of road toward her trailer,
past Christmas tree farms and cabins with tin roofs that spewed thick
gray plumes of smoke. As the hill dipped down into valley, the smoke
became mist and the mist turned to rain. Through the windshield
splatters, I could see a tiny woman in a red turtleneck and jeans
standing at the side of the road. The closer I got, the bigger her
smile became. I didn’t know what Sue Gage looked like. She had my
father’s face to know me.

There was a time when I dreamed of nothing but such a moment. I’d sit
in bed at night and stare at the police composite of one of the
gunmen. He had slicked-back hair, high cheekbones, boot-shaped
sideburns and a neat mustache. I spent years lifting weights,
transforming my body in anticipation of something primal that would
surely come over me when I found him. I imagined how the perfect
hardness of his face would melt when he realized that the man
standing before him was the 15-year-old son.

Now something else awaited me – not a man, but a woman who provided a
gun and a half-baked plan. Two of her former boyfriends, all these
years later, had come clean to the Fresno police. They recalled a
minor league beauty with a cunning that made dangerous men do her
bidding. The woman standing in the weeds at the side of the road was
someone quite different – a grandmother with a bad liver and a mouth
full of bad teeth who feared that her past was about to find her.

Before I climbed out of the truck, I told myself the years in between
didn’t count, not to me or to my younger sister and brother. Sue
Gage’s greed, if that was all it was, had killed our father, sucked
the life from our mother and had broken our youth.

She moved closer for what I expected was a handshake. Then the smile
vanished. She turned cold. She stared at my hand, the one clutching a
notebook and pen.

“Are you here as a son or as a writer?” she asked.

It was a plain question posed in a flat twang. Maybe she thought it
deserved a plain answer. The answer was my life. I wanted to tell her
that the son had become a writer on account of murder, that he had
honed all the skills of journalistic investigation across a long
career for just this one moment. Son, murder, writer – we were all one.

Before I could answer, she looked me straight in the eye.

“If you’re looking to pin the blame,” she said, “you’ve come to the
right place.”

My father taught me that the seams on a baseball served a far greater
purpose than stitching leather over cork. If you gripped the seams
right, you could make a fastball jump. Years before suburban parents
began hiring personal trainers to transform their kids’ core muscles,
my dad preached the wonders of a fit belly button. He’d grab a bat
and demonstrate how the midsection was the secret to hitting a ball
like Willie Mays.

“When you swing, you’re throwing your back hip at the ball, right?
But what you’re really throwing is your belly button, Markie. Explode
with your belly button.”

Football season was no different. We didn’t play catch with one of
those pint-sized rubber balls. Dad insisted on an “Official NFL”
pigskin, so fat it kept slipping out of my hands. It didn’t matter
that I was too light to make the 80-pound minimum for Pee Wee
football. Dad had a friend mold a three-pound hunk of lead that fit
into my jock for weigh-ins. On the field, what I lacked in size, I
made up for with explosion.

My father wasn’t the most patient teacher. His irritations, I
figured, were those of a natural. If I had managed to hone some
rudimentary form of explosion, he had been born with it full flower.
How else could a 5-foot-9, 205-pound fullback from Fresno High earn a
scholarship to play the line at USC? Whether he was performing his
Air Force Fitness program in our living room or smacking golf balls
310 yards off the tee, he approached every challenge the same.

He’d gather all his power in one spot and a split second later erupt
in a great unloading. Only if you looked at his mouth, upper lip
curled tight under lower lip, could you see the quiet that held the
fury.

One of the riddles of my childhood was finding ways to amuse this
energy before it turned on me or my mother. Years later, my
grandfather would talk about my father’s powerful life force – hahvas
he called it in Turkish Armenian – as if it were some mythic gift and
curse. His energy was something my grandfather clearly didn’t share,
much less understand, and he apparently never found a way to fully
harness it.

“You know Grandpa didn’t have a damn head,” my grandmother told me.
“He should have guided that boy. He was too busy dreaming.”

My grandfather had survived the Armenian genocide in 1915 not by
out-braving the Turks or outlasting their death marches. Instead, he
dreamed away long months hiding in an attic in Istanbul, reading
Baudelaire and Maupassant. He was a young poet with the pen name of
Arax – the Armenian river – when he arrived in the San Joaquin Valley in
1920. It took him four years picking crops to save enough cash to buy
a small vineyard on the west side of Fresno. My father was born on
that farm in the summer of 1931 as the grapes were being laid down to
make raisins.

When pressed, my grandfather would tell two stories about his second
son that had the sound of allegory. Both took place on the farm after
Dad had dropped out of USC his first year. Why he left college is one
of those questions that become freighted with hindsight when a life
turns tragic. He was either homesick (Grandma’s version) or worn down
by family guilt for abandoning the farm (my mother’s version). This
much was certain: He had come home with something to prove.

One day, his tractor got stuck on a knoll and my grandfather warned
him not to touch it until he could summon help. When he returned a
few minutes later, he was amazed to see that my father had moved the
tractor several feet by himself, and he was now caught underneath. In
a panic, Dad summoned enough desperate strength to pull himself out.

Then there was the day he pruned a row of fig trees and insisted on
burning the cuttings. Grandpa told him the branches were too green
and the wind too unpredictable. As soon as the old man left, my
father poured gasoline all over the pile and lit a match. The fire
caught his clothing and he panicked and ran. He ended up with scars
from the third-degree burns on his hands and forearms.

“When he got it in his mind, he had to do it,” Grandpa explained. “He
had to conquer. He had to be hero.”

My mother, Flora, worried that his epic gestures might one day
consume us. In the mid-1960s, we lost our small chain of grocery
stores after Safeway discovered Fresno. Dad took our
savings – $25,000 – and plunked it down on a restaurant and cocktail
lounge just off Highway 99. It had a strange name: The Apartments. My
father merely personalized it. Ara’s Apartments.

Whenever Mom tore into him, her sarcasm dripped: “Big Ara. Ara’s
Apartments. Name in lights. Mentor to all the creeps and whores.”

Maybe to spite her, he ripped out the kitchen and turned it into the
hottest rock ‘n’ roll club between Los Angeles and San Francisco,
even hiring Chuck Berry for a couple of shows in the summer of 1971.
It’s enough to say that my mother’s fears came true. The bar got
rough, and the old clientele of lawyers, politicians and jocks
disappeared. Fresno had become a western hub for narcotics smuggling.
Crop dusters would finish spraying the cotton fields and make furtive
runs to Mexico. The Hells Angels moved the marijuana and pills from
farm to big city. Our police chief, who was married to the town’s
biggest madam, didn’t seem to notice. The smugglers were good about
spreading their wealth. Nowhere did they spend more freely than at my
dad’s bar.

When the phone rang that Sunday evening, I sensed some terrible news
came with it. Maybe it was me, the nail-biting son forever worrying
about a car accident in the fog. But I had seen signs of trouble in
recent months. I had watched my father lose his temper one too many
times trying to keep his employees and patrons in line.

He wasn’t supposed to work that night – the day after New Year’s
1972 – but a phone call had summoned him. I was going to come along,
but he found me in the shower and worried that my damp hair might
cause a cold. “It’s chilly out there. Stay inside,” he said. “I’ll be
back in an hour.” The hour passed. A female bartender was on the
line. My mother screamed from the kitchen. “Your father’s been shot.
Your father’s been shot.”

I bolted out the side door and ran through the fog to a friend’s
house down the block. I must have been howling because his brother
thought a dog had been hit by a car. Five bullets had struck my
father. He bled to death 90 minutes later at St. Agnes Hospital.

I was sitting in my office – the Los Angeles Times Bureau in fresno – on
a sunny November day in 2000 when the phone rang. Sgt. Daryl Green
from the Fresno Police Department introduced himself, then asked if I
might meet with him and a detective named Bob Schiotis.

“He’s been working on your father’s murder. I know it’s been a long
time, but I think we’ve solved it.”

“It’s been 28 years. My God, are you sure?”

“It’s quite a story. Better that we tell you in person. How about
meeting us in an hour at the old Peppermill.”

Before he hung up, he couldn’t resist: “You should know that these
guys were thieves. It looks like nothing more than a robbery gone
bad.”

Ever since that first night when my sister, brother and I crawled
into bed with our mother, I had held on to the notion that he had
been killed for a larger reason. Maybe it was nothing more than a
kid’s desire to turn his father into something grand – need I say
heroic. But it wasn’t just me. The detectives had assumed the same
thing back then. They traced the murder to one of two motives: to
make my father pay for an indiscretion or to silence him before he
could expose something illegal. The old detectives seemed certain
that the gunmen had been hired to do the job.

The bar had never been robbed before. That night, no money had been
taken from the till, and no demand for money was ever heard by the
young female bartender, Linda Lewis. When I tracked her down 17 years
later, Lewis related the same account she had given police right
after the shooting:

It was 6:30 p.m., and the bar was empty when two men walked in. They
looked to be from out of town, something in their fringed leather
jackets and gloves. They ordered two draft beers and headed to the
back room to play pool. Just across the way was my father’s office,
the door open. He was sitting at his desk working on the quarterly
taxes. They played a game of eight ball and walked out.

Ten minutes passed and the two men walked back in. The place was
still empty. Lewis asked if they wanted another beer. One of the men
gave her an odd look, and the other headed straight back to the
office and began shooting. My father fought back with everything he
had. It took both gunmen to bring him down.

“Every single penny was in that register,” Lewis told me. “I never
heard a word from those two about money. They were there to kill
him.”

As I drove to the restaurant to meet Green and his partner that
afternoon, I thought about all the relationships I had risked trying
to solve my father’s life. How I had pushed my grandparents, not
caring about their own grief, in my greed to understand all I could
about him. He was my coach, that I knew, and cared deeply about his
community. He outfitted an entire Little League on the poor side of
town and did the same with Pop Warner football. He angered my mother
by loaning hundreds of dollars to down-and-out patrons and bringing
them home to share our Christmas meals. But murder has a way of
changing what a town remembers about a man. Good as Ara was, people
reasoned, he must have been involved in something no good that got
him killed. I heard the whispers at school and church: Ara was
involved in the drug trade. Greed got him killed.

I spent seven years, from 1989 to 1996, writing a book that tried to
find the truth. Over and over, my hunt kept leading me toward
something big, a conspiracy to have my father killed. Perhaps sensing
the police were not to be trusted, my father in the winter of 1971
contacted a deputy district attorney and the state narcotic agent
bird-dogging several drug rings based in Fresno. He confided that his
bar manager and other patrons were smuggling narcotics from Mexico
and he was “dead set against it and wanted to cooperate.” A few days
later, he agreed to hold a fundraiser for a group of reformers trying
to clean up City Hall.

“He was very angry and went on and on about the drug trade and how
devastating it was to the kids,” Linda Mack, one of the reformers,
told me. “He said there were some very influential people in town
making money on narcotics. He said the Police Department was corrupt
and protecting the traffic. He said there were payoffs going on, and
he was going to do something about it.”

I had concluded that my father became a target for murder while
trying to expose drug operations financed by prominent businessmen
and protected by Police Chief Hank Morton and his top men. My dad
wasn’t involved in the trade but had heard and seen plenty from
behind the bar. His phone records showed that he placed a last call a
few days before Christmas to the state attorney general’s office in
Sacramento. Whom he talked to, I could never determine. Then the tule
fog set down, and two men with the look of another place came and
went like locusts, leaving behind two empty beer glasses and a cue
ball smudged with fingerprints. I had done my best to put a face on
the men who likely hired them and why, but my conjectures weren’t
enough to send anyone to court. And so I left it there, believing I
had cleared my father’s name.

Now came this phone call from the Fresno police, four years after I
had written “In My Father’s Name,” and I didn’t know what to believe.

“We got a call six weeks ago out of the blue,” Green explained. “Some
guy got popped by drug agents in Orange County. He says he wants to
talk about an old murder at a bar in Fresno. The killers were a
couple guys out of Detroit. Not hired guns, but thieves.”

Green’s voice wasn’t smug, but what he was telling me, at least with
regard to the murder, was that I had gotten it wrong.

As a journalist, I understood that all the context in the world
didn’t mean the murder was a hit. My father was talking big stuff,
telling a handful of people that his revelations would be felt “all
the way to Sacramento.” But his actions at the end may have made the
murder look more fishy than it really was. The fact that my father
confided to more than one person that he was afraid for his life was
chilling to know, but what relevance did it have? It certainly didn’t
preclude the possibility that two cowboys with no particular bone to
pick chose his bar from all the other possibilities and stepped
inside intending nothing more than an easy robbery. It was my father
who did something unexpected that sent the whole thing hurtling in
another direction.

Of course, robbery was a theory I had considered – and rejected – long
ago. For me to accept it now, I had to be convinced that the Police
Department’s heart was in the right spot. For one, this was the same
department whose century-long corruption I had detailed in my book.
Police Chief Ed Winchester, who joined the force in 1967, wasn’t
pleased with my account of a department that helped cover up the
murder.

As I pulled into the restaurant parking lot, I could see one of the
detectives reaching into his car for a folder. He had brought the
names, dates and motives from an informant in the clutches of the DEA
in Santa Ana. The fingerprints from criminal files in Michigan
matched the fingerprints lifted from the murder scene. The case was
all but closed.

“I hope you understand, but we can’t give you the names just yet,”
Det. Schiotis said.

He was 50 years old with a paunch and bushy mustache, but you could
still see the eager kid in him. A cop at the gym told me Schiotis was
a quiet bulldog with the reputation of never lying to a suspect or a
victim’s family. The toughest cases went to him, and he almost always
found a way to solve them. Confronted with another long shot, his
colleagues started to joke that the chances of solving it were
“slim-and-none, and Schiotis.”

I liked him from the first handshake, though I did wonder if he was
something of a religious zealot. He saw God’s hand guiding his
movements and told stories of uncanny breaks that helped him solve my
father’s case. He reached into the folder and took out two mug shots
with the names covered up. That’s when Green, wiry and hard-edged,
the boss of the unit, addressed me.

“These are the guys who took your father’s life.”

I didn’t have to look at the photos long. One mug shot matched almost
perfectly a composite drawn from the barmaid’s memory. I waited for
something to bubble up, an emotion from deep back, as I stared into
the faces my father had stared into. Nothing came.

“They’re heroin yahoos,” Green said. “Both were in prison in Detroit
and escaped. They came out to California in late 1971.” One gunman
had killed himself in 1982 by jumping off an 11-story building. The
other was locked up in a federal prison in the East for robbery.

“What makes you so sure of the motive?” I asked. “Detroit is a long
way to come out to do a holdup in Fresno.”

Green said the man in custody in Orange County grew up in Detroit. He
not only knew both robbers but had lured them to California. In early
1972, they told him about a heist that had turned deadly at a bar in
Fresno.

“They said they pulled a gun on the owner and what they thought was
going to happen didn’t happen,” Green said. “He fought them.”

“So they just happen to be in Fresno and find my father’s bar on
their own?” I asked.

Green believed someone had sent them – someone who knew there was a lot
of money in the safe. I asked if the informant was reliable enough to
take to court.

“Everything he’s told us checks out. He knew all the drug smugglers.
In fact, he was one of them. He said your dad never had a thing to do
with their business. He was a good guy.”

I didn’t need a drug smuggler coming clean under duress to tell me
what I already knew. Still, I felt my eyes tear up when he said it.

As we shook hands, Green told me the years of looking over my
shoulder were over. “It wasn’t a contract hit, Mark. It was just a
fight.”

A few weeks later, on the 29th anniversary of the murder, the police
chief stood before a bank of TV cameras and announced that the Ara
Arax case had been solved. I sat behind the reporters with my sister
and brother and watched with a strange detachment. Our father, to
hear it now, didn’t die a hero and didn’t die a villain. He was
killed for no other reason than his trajectory happened to cross the
roaming of two Midwest robbers hoping to taste the California sun.
Had he waited that foggy night for me to finish my shower and dry my
hair, their arc likely would have missed his. He would be alive
today, playing golf and watching my son play left field.

As the cameras cleared out, my sister, Michelle, wondered how the
police chief could call a press conference and put forward a motive
on the word of one man. Yes, the fingerprints matched and they surely
had the right shooters. But no one had talked to two other people
central to the crime: the getaway driver and a woman who fancied
herself as a young Ma Barker and disappeared from Fresno years
ago – Sue Gage.

And nothing the chief said went to the heart of the mystery: Why
hadn’t my father or the barmaid heard one word about robbery? Why
hadn’t a single penny been taken?

My cousin Michael Mamigonian, who cleaned the bar when he was in high
school, laughed at the notion of my dad resisting a robbery. “Money
didn’t mean a damn thing to Uncle Ara. If these guys came in with
guns and they’re holding him up, he would have given them all the
money and a couple bottles of whiskey as they were running out the
door.”

The “Arax story” led the local TV news that night and ran across the
top of the Fresno Bee the next morning. My father’s face, his ample
ears and double chin, smiled beneath a bold-lettered question: “1972
Murder Solved?” I had sat down to breakfast when our fifth grader,
Joseph, called from school.

“What’s up, buddy?” I asked.

He could barely spit it out.

“Grandpa,” he muttered.

By the time I got to the principal’s office, his eyes were swollen
red. The secretary said his outburst caught the teacher by surprise.
“He’s mourning a man he never knew,” she said. On the way home, he
ripped the tissue into shreds.

“Why did he have to die?”

I sensed this was coming, and I did what a father does. I turned it
into a lesson. I told him my father’s calling in life was to be a
coach and teacher, but he never finished college. He chose the wrong
business.

“It’s too bad he made the wrong choice or he’d be alive today,” he
said. “His bar was in a bad neighborhood.”

His reasoning was as good as any. The town, the bar, the time and
place – it was all about bad location.

We pulled into the driveway and I put my arm around his shoulder. I
told him that the murder and possible trial of the surviving
gunman – all the stuff in the news – was my life, not his.

“How did you get through it, Dad?”

This I didn’t see coming. What was I supposed to tell him? That a few
weeks after the murder, my uncle came to our house and jammed pieces
of wood into every sliding window and drilled a peep hole in the
front door? That the face in the composite followed me everywhere,
and I’d call detectives with the license plates of look-alikes I
encountered at the pizza parlor? That my mother caught me secretly
recording one detective and made me promise that I would stop asking
questions? That I learned years after she died of cancer that my
father had another reason for going to authorities. He was concerned
about me, his 9th-grade son who had begun a pathetic little
experiment with drugs?

If I answered my son’s question that day, it wasn’t the whole story.
I didn’t tell Joseph that I got through it by turning my life into a
mission. I became my do-gooder father’s do-gooder son. In high
school, I was the quarterback who rebelled and started an underground
weekly that skewered the jocks and debutantes. Spray can in hand, I
sneaked up on the home of the town’s biggest developer, a man who had
bought off various elected officials, and painted the words “Payola
Pig.”

As an adult, I toned down my act but never lost my father’s passion.
I had vowed not to let the murder color my views as a journalist and
wrote stories about guards brutalizing inmates inside California
prisons. The guards’ union couldn’t conceive how the son of a murder
victim could turn into a “champion for killers.” At a legislative
hearing on the prison abuses, union leader Don Novey angrily waved a
copy of my book. I was a conspiracy nut who had sullied the
reputation of one too many public servants. “When is it going to
end?” he pleaded.

In the spring of 2003, with the trial pending, my wife, Coby,
demanded to know the same: “Seven years writing that book, seven
years putting our lives on hold, and it still hasn’t gone away?”

I had moved dozens of files out of storage and back into my office at
home. Returning to my late-night habits, I added new names and dates
to a 7-foot-long timeline. Coby no longer trusted my judgment. She
was sure my obsession had gotten the better of me. If I was truly
considering her and the children, I would choose to let it go. I
didn’t see it that way, of course. My fixation on finding one clean
answer may have seemed selfish and self-righteous, but there was
really no choice in the matter. My father had been murdered, and I
had spent the better part of my life turning this way and that way
the question why – details I had gotten wrong, details missed, details
yet to come. I couldn’t very well stop now.

I had the names of four people I never had before – the two shooters,
the getaway driver and Sue Gage. I went to the courthouse and pulled
criminal files and began interviewing old barflies. To his credit,
Schiotis never once told me to keep my nose out of his case. The
district attorney’s office, in a move that miffed the detective,
decided to strike an immunity deal with the getaway driver and Gage
to shore up its case against the surviving gunman.

In the weeks leading up to the trial, Schiotis shared his own
findings and tried to answer all my questions. He was the one honest,
never-say-die cop I had been searching for. He, too, it turned out,
wasn’t convinced of the motive or whether others had helped set it
up. “I’m 70-30 that it’s a robbery,” he said, “but I won’t know for
sure until it’s over.”

Then, on the eve of the trial, he gave me this: The getaway driver’s
testimony was the most important, and the reason he decided to
cooperate was because he had read my book. He had been filled with
guilt for two years, looking for a way to unload his remorse.

“He came this close to calling you a few years ago and telling you
the truth,” Schiotis said. “When we knocked on his door, it all came
pouring out. He said he remembered you as a kid in your baseball
uniform at the bar. Your book helped solve the case.”

The detective saw a larger power at work, a force that connected past
to present. He told a story from the late 1960s, when he was a
teenager practicing baseball at Hamilton Junior High. He encountered
a father hitting ground balls to his young son. “It was you and your
dad. I’ll never forget it because he kept hitting them over and
over.”

I vaguely recalled that day, or a day just like it: Charge the ball,
Markie. Charge the ball.

“I hope you don’t take this wrong,” said Schiotis, “but I feel it’s
almost destiny that this case came to me and I was able to solve it.”

The trial that took place over six days last year told its own story.
It began, oddly enough, with a German shepherd named Otto. Without
him, I would never have had the chance to look Thomas Joseph
Ezerkis – one of my father’s killers – in the eye.

Otto was roaming the corridors of John Wayne Airport on June 8, 2000,
when he detected an unmistakable odor coming from a black tote bag
carried by Ronald Young, aka Detroit Ron. That Otto even picked out
Detroit Ron – one of 25,000 passengers coming and going that day – was
the first of many coincidences that broke open the case. Each
coincidence joined up with another until happenstance became fate.
Everything fit so neatly that I thought maybe Schiotis was right: The
case was God’s little puzzle.

At first, Detroit Ron refused to talk about the $300,000 in
drug-stained cash he was carrying. He may have looked like a has-been
from “Miami Vice” – gray goatee, shaved head, Hawaiian print shirt and
Docksiders – but he hadn’t survived five decades of drug smuggling by
snitching.

For months, he kept mum behind bars. Then his daughter died and her
children needed him. His encyclopedic memory became a way out of his
jam. If he was going to give up details on this new drug ring, he
might as well talk about that old murder in Fresno.

The death of Ara Arax – it, too, was happenstance.

The testimony from Detroit Ron and a host of other rogues would
unfold just as the prosecutor promised. No fishing expeditions. No
surprises. His only goal was to put Ezerkis, the surviving gunman,
away for life. If that meant leaving out tantalizing possibilities of
other conspirators and motives detailed in my book, so be it. I was
so grateful to be in a courtroom after all these years – close enough
that I could hear the defendant grunt – that it hardly mattered. And so
I took a seat with my family and quietly watched and listened. It
seemed like a birth of some sort. Here is what emerged:

Detroit Ron was serving a term for burglary at Jackson State Prison
in Michigan in 1971. In the cell above him was Thomas Ezerkis. They
had grown up together on the northwest side of Detroit. Ezerkis’ old
man was a legendary city cop. He had five children and was extra
tough on Tommy, the oldest son, who began injecting heroin at age 20.

In the prison yard, Ezerkis was all ears as Detroit Ron bragged about
his California exploits. He had gone to L.A. in the mid-’60s and
joined forces with a group of early drug smugglers, some of whom had
grown up in Fresno. The wide open farm town remained the base of
their operations.

Ezerkis took a mental note of everything Detroit Ron told him. Then,
in late 1971, he broke out of prison and headed to California to join
one of the smuggling crews. Before escaping, Ezerkis got the phone
number of Detroit Ron’s old girlfriend – a bombshell named Sue Gage who
organized all the Fresno-to-Mexico runs for one group.

Ezerkis arrived in mid-December with his crime partner, Charles
Silvani. They crashed at Gage’s house in North Hollywood. To raise
seed money for a load, they decided to pull a few robberies. Gage
loved planning the logistics of a crime, but she left the dirty work
to her lovers. Her most recent boyfriend was a sweet-talking,
no-honor thief from Fresno named Larry Frazier.

Gage and Frazier happened to be regulars at Ara’s Apartments. It was
Ara who taught Gage how to shoot pool with her left hand. When she
drank too much tequila one night and fired a .357 magnum at Ara’s
phone – “because I couldn’t get a dial tone” – Ara got upset but then
forgot about it.

Ara was sweet, but business was business. Gage had spent New Year’s
weekend at the Apartments before returning to L.A. Ara must have done
five grand, she told Frazier. The cash sat in a safe behind the bar.
How Gage knew this, she didn’t say, but she was certain that Ara
would be there at 6:30 p.m. that Sunday to open it up – with the right
persuasion.

Gage handed a stolen .32-caliber gun to Silvani. Frazier gave his
stolen .38 to Ezerkis. Frazier then hopped into a stolen 1968 Mercury
and drove Silvani and Ezerkis to Fresno. They arrived late that
afternoon, Jan. 2. Frazier showed the two Detroit men the bar and
told them he’d be waiting across the street in a second car at the
appointed hour.

At nightfall, they struck. It was misty outside, but Frazier could
see the pair running out of the bar and climbing into the Mercury.
Frazier gave the signal to follow him. He drove past the west side
cotton fields where he grew up, miles and miles until they reached
the California aqueduct. There, beside the water that flowed to Los
Angeles, Frazier learned the truth.

Silvani had confronted Ara in his office, but he never got a chance
to say, “This is a stick-up.” Ara exploded out of his chair and
charged at him like a bull. Silvani was forced to shoot, but Ara
wouldn’t go down. Ezerkis had to step up and fire the .38. Ara
wrested away the .32 and shot Silvani in the tricep. The gunmen fled
without any money.

“We were standing on the aqueduct,” Frazier recalled. “I was mad.
‘Goddamn it, why did you have to shoot Ara?’ They said Ara jumped up
and pulled a ‘Tom Mix’ on them.”

Frazier took this to mean that Ara had tried to pull a hero’s stunt
like those of the famous movie cowboy of the 1930s. Frazier said he
grabbed the .38 out of Ezerkis’ hand and threw it in the water. Then
they pushed the Mercury over the edge and watched it sink.

Of all the testimony, Frazier’s account of the killing struck me with
the most force. My father bursting out of his chair, the panic that
triggered a fury – it sounded like those old stories on the farm my
grandfather told. I had seen it so many times myself – at the golf
course swinging his driver, in the living room pounding out his
exercises, on the front grass teaching me baseball.

My father, hard as it was to accept, had been an accomplice in his
own murder. He had misread the gun in his face. All the noise he was
making about exposing drug rings and police corruption had put him in
a state of mind where a robbery became the very murder he feared. It
was the worst case of bad timing. In seven years at the bar, he had
never faced the barrel of a gun. And now, on the heels of contacting
state narcotics agents and the attorney general’s office, comes the
first gun. He is waiting for that gun. He is braced for that gun.
That gun shows up in the hands of a robber.

The crime eventually came full circle. A month after Dad’s murder,
trailing a string of robberies, Ezerkis found himself back at Jackson
State Prison, where he confessed the entire episode to Detroit Ron.

It took the jury less than three hours to find Ezerkis guilty. Jurors
later told me their only regret was seeing Sue Gage go free. At the
sentencing, we decided not to give any victim statements. What
chronicle of loss could we add that wasn’t already in the book?
Ezerkis, though, had something to say to us. He turned around and
gave us a full measure of his face.

“I know that losing a parent is a traumatic experience, especially
under the conditions that they lost their father. But on the same
breath, I gotta tell them that I didn’t do it. That’s all I gotta
say.”

The judge sentenced him to life. As we walked out, prosecutor Dennis
Peterson, a kind man who felt conflicted about the immunity deal with
Gage, patted me on the back. “That’s it,” he said. “It’s that
simple.”

The packet sat on my desk for months after the trial. It was the
testimony of the coroner who had taken the stand on a day I didn’t
make it to court. Truth be known, I didn’t have the stomach to
attend. I was afraid that one detail might stick – a line from the
coroner’s notes or maybe the sickened face of a juror viewing the
autopsy photographs – and screw up 31 years of healing. When I finally
opened the packet and began reading the testimony, it became clear
that neither side had bothered to connect the coroner’s dots. Had
they done so, it surely would have complicated the robbery theory.

Of the first three shots that hit my father, at least one was fired
from a longer range. This was almost certainly the first shot. Its
angle is consistent with my father sitting in his chair and Silvani
firing from a distance of 10 to 15 feet. He takes aim at my father’s
head. Dad deflects the bullet with his wrist and it grazes the top of
his skull, exiting in almost a perfect line out the back office wall.

This first shot, contrary to the prosecution’s theory, showed that
Silvani’s intent was deadly from the outset. He began firing before
my father ever made a single move. Dad’s last words to the doctors
said as much: “I was doing the books and two guys came in and just
started shooting.”

The fatal shot in the stomach likely came next. It was fired close up
at a considerable downward angle, indicating that my father was still
coming out of his chair like a lineman driving out of his stance. The
third shot also struck his abdomen, its slight downward angle
consistent with my father reaching a nearly upright position. Only
then did he come face to face with Silvani, back him into the main
bar area and take away his gun. My father fired once, but before he
could fire again, the gun jammed.

And then there were the other dots that the prosecution failed to
connect – all the employees and patrons who lurked in the background of
the story. How much coincidence was I supposed to accept? Gage
happened to be working with the same drug smugglers who were
troubling my father. One of her cohorts, Mike Garvey, was my dad’s
bar manager. It was Garvey whose alleged drug smuggling in late 1971
had so perturbed my father that he contacted state narcotics agents.
Garvey and Dad got into a dispute that December, and Dad fired him.
It was Garvey who talked to Dad on the phone just hours before the
murder. How did Gage know the precise time he was going to work – on a
day he seldom went in?

Why couldn’t robbery and murder be part of the same plan? If they
needed to silence my father, why not lure him to work on a slow
Sunday evening, rip off the money and then shoot him?.

I know it wasn’t the simple answer. And the simple answer was almost
always the right answer because it fit the small thinking of most
criminals. But even Frazier, the getaway driver, had thought it was a
hit after reading my book. When the detectives first interviewed him,
Frazier said he had been “set up” to believe it was a robbery. The
detectives told him he had to testify about what he knew back then,
not what he had read in a book years later. So he gave the details of
a botched robbery.

Inside a bird’s nest of a trailer in the Oregon mountains, it didn’t
take long for Sue Gage to turn on me. She kept talking into my
recorder about what a good man my father was. I kept pressing her
about her close connections to bar manager Mike Garvey and Fresno’s
drug smugglers.

This whole period was an aberration, she said. Her first husband died
in 1967 while serving in the Navy. She had a baby daughter and was
lonely, and a friend introduced her to the crowd at Dad’s bar. Before
she knew it, she was running between Fresno and Hollywood, living
with wanted men.

Then one day, with no warning, two guys from Detroit showed up.

“Detroit Ron sent them from prison without ever telling me. I let
them stay at my house in Hollywood. Very nice and polite guys. And
then Larry Frazier comes over and they start plotting. I figured they
were going to rip off drug dealers.”

She blamed herself for naively giving a gun to Silvani and maybe
innocently mentioning that she had spent New Year’s weekend at a busy
Ara’s Apartments. She said it was a week or two later, while
attending a party in L.A., that she learned my father had been
killed. A group of Fresno outlaws was discussing the murder, and
Frazier suddenly pulled her into a closet.

“He told me the two guys from Detroit killed Ara during a robbery. I
didn’t want to believe it. We swore to each other to never tell
another soul. And I would have never told. I would have went to my
grave.”

I wasn’t buying it.

“Frazier tells it differently,” I said. “He says you put the whole
thing together. You knew my father was going to be at the bar. You
knew the precise time.”

“That’s a lie,” she shouted. “Yes, I had a role, but my motivation
was to get rid of those guys, to send them on their merry way with a
gun.”

“You set it up, Sue.”

“Listen,” she said, pounding the tiny table wedged between her bed
and refrigerator. “I’m an old lady. I’ve had 26 years of being a good
citizen, and I’ll be damned if you’re going to implicate me in a
murder.”

“You’ve already implicated yourself.”

“I don’t think this is a good idea. I thought I was seeing Ara’s son.
But you’ve got too much reporter in you.”

“What did you expect? Your greed changed my life.”

Her hard face twisted into a cruel sneer. “Get over it,” she said.
“Get over it. Dead is dead. My daughter doesn’t even remember her
father’s funeral.”

That daughter had the benefit of an answer. Her daddy died in an
accident on a Navy ship.

“What right do you have to preach to me?” I shouted.

My right hand was poised just inches from her face. For the first
time in my adult life, for the slightest moment, I wished I was
someone else. Not a father. Not a husband. Not a reporter.

“Listen, lady, you’ve got a lot of gall. If my parents had raised a
different son, you and I wouldn’t be talking right now. Where do you
get off sounding callous?”

“Callous?” she said, backing down. “That I am. That I am. I haven’t
slept with a man in 10 years. I’m pretty shut off.”

Her voice had softened, and I bored in. I described my father’s talks
with drug agents, how the first shot was fired at his head before he
ever made a threatening move.

“What? No one ever told me that.”

“Does that sound like robbery?” I asked. “Why was no money taken?”

“Wait, wait, wait,” she said, looking confused. “There was no money
taken?”

She seemed on the verge of going in another direction. I thought she
might tell me that these guys returned from Fresno that night with
some payment, after all. But she stopped herself short. And then it
was as if she had entered a trance. There was no shaking her out of
it.

“No, it’s just an old song. Ara taught me how to play pool
left-handed. He wasn’t like the rest of those guys. It was a robbery.
I gave the gun not knowing. Maybe I’ll write a book myself and call
it ‘The Closet.’ Because it was in a closet when I first learned
about them killing your dad, and it’s in a closet where I’ve kept it
ever since.”

I got up and walked out the door. The rain had stopped, and she
followed me all the way to the truck.

“My biggest crime was to keep you in the dark. I could have fixed all
this when you were much younger. I could have come forward and fixed
it, but I wasn’t a snitch. I owed that to you. I’m sure you’ve had a
long and strange journey.”

Am I a son clinging to an end that wraps my father in glory? Is it
true, as a friend says, that as long as I keep open the question of
who killed him and why, I don’t have to bury him?

I am now seven years older than my father was the night he left us. I
have three children of my own, the oldest a daughter whose bedroom
floor is lined with college applications. Whether she understands it
or not, she has lived with the shadow of my father’s murder all her
life. She was 2 years old when we moved back to Fresno to begin my
search. How naive was my promise to keep the past separate from our
lives, as if it could be stored in boxes and file cabinets and
brought out at night, when my daughter and wife slept and I was free
to work on my puzzle. Yes, I did right by my father, but it came at a
price that I, alone, didn’t pay. The best of me was taken from my own
family.

Even today, as a 47-year-old man, the role of Ara’s boy, “Markie,”
still comes as easy to me as the role of husband or dad. But playing
that grief-stricken 15-year-old kid is no longer befitting. Dead is
dead. My mother would be happy to know that I have made a life apart
from the murder. I write and tend to my fruit and vegetable garden.
My sister and brother honor our parents in their own way. Michelle
teaches at a Fresno middle school and Donnie is the head football
coach at our high school alma mater.

They both wonder, for my sake, if I have put it away. Maybe I have.

Ezerkis now lives in one of the California prisons I write about, but
I don’t feel any need to confront him. Last winter, I picked up the
paper and read that the bar, now known as Los Compadres, had been
gutted by an arson fire. I didn’t bother to drive by for a look. A
while back, a dentist friend called to say that one of his patients
had new information about my father, but I have never dialed her
number. Schiotis says my questions are good ones, and he needs to
take a hard second look at Gage, Garvey and others. “It’s still open
as far as I’m concerned.” I like hearing those words, but I don’t
press him.

Some truths, I am reminded, can never be known. The truth of my
father’s murder is now less important to me than the truth of his
life. I no longer believe that robbery means he died for nothing.
What was in his heart at the end counts for something. His fervent
wish was for the town he loved to be a better place. He was willing
to risk a lot to see that happen. I no longer believe that all that I
am is a response to the murder. The older I grow, the more I think
that, simply, what I am, at the core, is what I would have become had
my father lived.

This past spring, my son Joseph made the move to the big diamond – 90
feet between the bases and 60 feet, 6 inches from pitcher to home
plate. Not an easy adjustment for a 13-year-old, much less one still
shy of puberty. In the batting cage, I sometimes let my irritations
show. All the years playing and coaching and learning from the best,
and I return to my father.

“Joe, you’re swinging too polite. Your power comes from the belly
button. Explode with the belly button, son. Explode.”

Indonesia To Receive IFAD Funds For Development

INDONESIA TO RECEIVE IFAD FUNDS FOR DEVELOPMENT

Asia Pulse
Dec 08, 2004

NEW YORK, Dec 8 Asia Pulse – Indonesia will get a slice of US$312.5
million in assistance and US$6.4 million in grants from the
International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), a statement
said here Tuesday.

IFAD will allocate US$33.8 million of the assistance and US$500,000
of the grant for Indonesia, which will use the funds for its US$37.7
million rural and remote area development program, the statement said.

The funds, it said, should go to small-scale business development in
Indonesia’s rural areas and road development projects in remote areas.

Other countries which will receive the fund are Algeria, Argentina,
Armenia, Bangladesh, Brazil, Burkina Faso, Ecuador, Ethiopia,
Guatemala, Jordan, Lesotho, Nepal, Sudan, Tanzania, Vietnam and Zambia,
it said.

The total assistance allocated for the Asia Pacific is US$88.4 million,
including funds for poverty eradication in 841 villages in Vietnam
and a small-scale business development project in Bangladesh.

The total assistance allocated for East Africa and South Africa is
US$76.1 million, which should be used in agricultural improvement
in Tanzania, rural economic development in Zambia and agricultural
product marketing in Ethiopia, it said.

Armenian police say media reports impede probe into editor’s car bla

Armenian police say media reports impede probe into editor’s car blaze

Arminfo
8 Dec 04

Yerevan, 8 December: The investigation into the explosion in the car
of the editor of Yerevan daily Aykakan Zhamanak, Nikol Pashinyan, is
continuing. Measures are being taken to ensure that the investigation
is complete, comprehensive and objective, the press service of the
Armenian police has said in a statement.

It must be noted that at approximately 2040 local time [1640 gmt]
on 22 November, the Niva jeep belonging to Nikol Pashinyan caught
fire outside Aykakan Zhamanak’s editorial office.

“Without waiting for the examination of the scene of the incident
to complete, Pashinyan made a hasty, unfounded, subjective and
deliberately provocative statement saying that the explosion of his
car was allegedly pre-planned,” the statement says. A forensic fire
and technical examination was set for the next day and it concluded
on 2 December that “the blaze was caused by open fire or, which is
less likely, by malfunctioning cables”.

“As for the blast theory offered by certain media outlets, experts
have ruled it out,” the police say in the statement.

[Passage omitted: reported details]

“We think that against the backdrop of the investigation into
the incident, which has been instituted not at anyone’s behest or
contrary to anyone’s interests, but within the framework of the
law and in line with the requirements of the law, the statements
by certain media outlets about the ‘obedience’ and indifference of
the law-enforcement bodies look at least strange and subjective.
They are not only strange, but also ineffective in terms of a prompt
and complete investigation,” the Armenian police say in the statement.

ASBAREZ ONLINE [12-06-2004]

ASBAREZ ONLINE
TOP STORIES
12/06/2004
TO ACCESS PREVIOUS ASBAREZ ONLINE EDITIONS PLEASE VISIT OUR
WEBSITE AT <;HTTP://

1) Californians Unite to Commemorate 90th Anniversary of Armenian Genocide
2) Armenian Museum in Istanbul
3) Russian President Talks Trade, Terrorism in Former Foe Turkey
4) Presidential Candidates Strike Deal in Abkhazia
5) Animal Diseases Hamper Turkey’s EU Bid
6) BRIEFS

1) Californians Unite to Commemorate 90th Anniversary of Armenian Genocide

The year 2005 marks the 90th anniversary of the Armenian genocide. The
Armenian people, both in Armenia and the diaspora, will commemorate the most
solemn event of our modern history, the genocide of Armenians on April 24,
1915.
Ninety years have passed since this crime against Armenians, and all of
humanity was committed, and mankind has entered a new century. For the
Armenian
people, however, that tragic event in history has not been resolved and cannot
be forgotten.
Almost 2 million Armenians became victims of a premeditated crime perpetrated
by the Turkish Government. For decades on–even in the face of blatant denial
of the genocide by the same government–successive Armenian generations have
kept alive the memory of our martyrs, preserving their timeless message.
And today, Turkey continues its attempt to revise history with its massive
campaign against international recognition of that unforgettable event.
The 90th milestone of the Armenian genocide, will therefore, not only be
dedicated to the memory of our martyrs, but will also serve as an opportunity
to internationally boost our public relations efforts.
As such, religious, political, national, cultural, benevolent, youth, and
other organizations operating in California have united to commemorate the
90th
anniversary of the Armenian genocide. This move comes on the initiative of the
three Armenian political parties, and under the auspices of the three Prelates
of Western USA. We have already begun to outline and integrate the various
observances and events that will take place in the coming year.
The United Body to Commemorate the 90th Anniversary of the Armenian genocide
will keep the public informed of planned activities, with the conviction that
our public will bring their active participation.

Armenian Church of North America Western Diocese
Western Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church
Armenian Catholic Exarchate
Armenian Evangelical Community
Armenian General Benevolent Union
Armenian Revolutionary Federation Western Region
Armenian Democratic Liberal Party (Ramgavar) Western Region
Social Democrat Hunchak Party Western Region
Armenian Relief Society Western Region
Knights of Vartan
Tekeyan Cultural Association
Hamazkayin Cultural and Educational Society
Nor Serount Cultural Association
Armenian Society (Iranahay Miutiun) of Los Angeles
Armenian Assembly Western Region
American Armenian Council Western Region
Hai Tad Council Western Region
Armenian National Committee Western Region
AGBU Young Professionals
Armenagan Youth Movement
Armenian Youth Federation
Gaydz Youth Organization
United Armenian Youth
United Armenian Students

2) Armenian Museum in Istanbul

ISTANBUL (AP/Andadolu)–Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan officially
opened an Armenian museum in Istanbul on Sunday, saying he was committed to
protecting the rights of minority Armenians.
Turkey, which recognizes Armenians as an official minority, is under pressure
to improve rights for minorities as part of its efforts to join the European
Union. Turkey hopes that EU leaders will agree to open membership talks at a
Dec. 17 summit.
Erdogan joined Mesrob II, the Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul, and other
leaders of Turkey’s Armenian Christian minority of 65,000 for the opening of
the museum at the Sourp Pergich Armenian Hospital in Bolis.
“Armenian citizens are an indispensable part of [Turkey]. Every artifact in
this museum shows a past lived together,” Erdogan said. “We are now
protecting
each other’s rights, aware of our citizenship, and it will be like this
forever.”
Housed in a 172 year-old Armenian hospital, the museum includes religious
artifacts, antique medical equipment and an Ottoman decree that established
the
hospital in 1832.

3) Russian President Talks Trade, Terrorism in Former Foe Turkey

ANKARA (AP)–Russian President Vladimir Putin was in Turkey on Monday on a
rare
visit meant to boost trade and counter-terrorism cooperation between the two
countries, which have been rivals since the time of the czars and sultans.
Putin arrived late Sunday on the first-ever official bilateral visit by a
Russian leader–a record that reflects the troubled history between the
nations.
“We are here to take courageous decisions,” Putin said at a dinner with
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer on Sunday. “The visit will give the opportunity
for both economic and trade relations between Russia and Turkey to open up to
new horizons.”
On Monday, Putin met with Sezer after visiting Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s
mausoleum, a shrine honoring the father of the modern Turkish Republic.
He was also scheduled to meet with Turkey’s prime minister and attend a
business forum intended to increase trade between resource-rich Russia and
Turkey, a key route for delivering oil and gas to Western markets.
The two-day visit is expected to produce six cooperation agreements on
issues
including defense, finance, and energy–and a largely symbolic friendship and
partnership declaration.
Repeated wars between the Ottoman Empire and Czarist Russia gave way to a
cold
peace after the collapse of both empires, with Turkey looming as NATO’s
easternmost Soviet-era outpost. The nations later fought for influence in
Turkic states that gained independence in the 1991 Soviet collapse.
Today, both governments are playing up the promise of economic cooperation.
Compared with the first half of 2003, bilateral trade rose by 60 percent in
the
first half of 2004, reaching $4.6 billion, according to Russia. It may exceed
$10 billion for the year.
A recently built pipeline carries Russian natural gas beneath the Black
Sea to
Turkey, which relies on Russia for some two-thirds of its gas. Russia’s gas
monopoly Gazprom is interested in projects for gas storage and more extensive
distribution in Turkey.
Turkish companies are active in Russia’s booming construction, retail, and
brewing industries, while its Mediterranean resorts are a favorite among
richer
Russians, whose visits have fostered familiarity between the traditional
foes.
But Turkey’s control over the Bosporus–the water route that connects the
Black Sea and the Mediterranean–has been a sore point. Turkey says increasing
Russian oil tanker traffic through the strait is hazardous, while Russia says
delays cost its exporters hundreds of millions of dollars a year.
The touchy subject of terrorism was also likely to be high on the agenda.
Russia has urged Turkey to crack down on charities it claims channel money and
weapons to Chechen rebels. It also says numerous Turks have fought alongside
the militants.
Many Turks trace their ancestry to Chechnya or elsewhere in what’s now
Russia’s North Caucasus region, and many sympathize with fellow Muslims in
Chechnya, where civilians have suffered gravely in nearly a decade of war
pitting Russian forces against rebels.
About a dozen members of a pro-Chechen group laid a black wreath at the
entrance of the Russian embassy Monday, shouting “Murderer Putin! Get out of
Turkey!” Similar protests were held in Istanbul on Sunday.
But in an apparent gesture to Putin, who says Russia is battling
international
terrorism, Turkish authorities apprehended nine suspected Chechen militants
and
three pro-Chechen Turks last week. The Anatolia news agency reported on Sunday
that police had linked them to al-Qaeda.
At Sunday’s dinner, Sezer said Turkey is determined to cooperate with Russia
in the fight against terrorism.

4) Presidential Candidates Strike Deal in Abkhazia

(Eurasianet.org)–A last-minute deal between opposition leader Sergei Bagapsh
and former Prime Minister Raul Khajimba appears to have ended a two-month
stalemate over the outcome of Abkhazia’s presidential elections. Yet the
pact’s
consequences for Abkhazia’s relations with Georgia remain unknown. While
mutual
congratulations have flowed from Sukhumi and Moscow, Tbilisi has maintained a
tight-lipped silence about the compromise.
Under the terms of the December 5 agreement, brokered by Russian Deputy
Prosecutor General Vladimir Kolesnikov and Abkhaz Prime Minister Nodar
Khazhba,
Bagapsh and Khajimba will be running mates in a second presidential
election to
be held at an as yet undecided date. Plans for Bagapsh’s inauguration,
originally scheduled for December 6, were canceled following announcement of
the pact.
Since the October 3 presidential elections in which Bagapsh claimed victory,
Abkhazia has teetered on the brink of all-out civil conflict. Bagapsh’s and
Khajimba’s armed supporters both hold government buildings throughout the
Abkhaz capital, Sukhumi, while Bagapsh’s militias have taken control of
broadcast facilities.
Commenting on the compromise to Russian television, Khajimba stated that the
deal should bring the violence to an end. “We have agreed that we will take
all
the necessary measures . . . in order to defuse the situation,” Khajimba said.
Bagapsh told the Russian news agency Interfax that a “cabinet of national
unity” would be formed after the second round of elections and that additional
legislation would be drafted to expand the powers of the Abkhazian
vice-president.
Unlike the disputed presidential election in Ukraine, Russia’s
intervention in
Abkhazia appears to have played a major role in tipping the scales in favor of
its preferred candidate, Khajimba. On December 1, with Bagapsh’s inauguration
just five days away, Russian presidential advisor Gennady Bukayev announced
plans to suspend railway traffic with Abkhazia, terming the move necessary to
end “instability” in the breakaway region. Already, border passage with
Abkhazia had been restricted and agricultural imports from the sub-tropical
region halted–a potentially fatal blow to the many Abkhaz farmers who depend
on mandarin exports to Russia for their livelihoods.
Since de facto independence from Georgia in 1993, Abkhazia has been largely
dependent economically and politically on Russia for its survival. While
Bagapsh had vowed to withstand pressure from Moscow, the pact, according to
one
independent political analyst in Tbilisi, “shows that Russia still has a
tremendous amount of influence [in the region] and that even Bagapsh can’t
stand up against them.”

5) Animal Diseases Hamper Turkey’s EU Bid

AMSTERDAM (Reuters)–Strengthening Turkey’s porous south and eastern
borders to
prevent animal diseases from spreading to Europe is a key challenge in
preparing the country’s agriculture for EU membership, a report said on
Friday.
The report, prepared by an international group of agriculture economists, is
based on the assumption that Turkey would join the EU in 2015, but says the
country will need more time to attain food safety standards that would
allow it
to be part of a single market for animal products.
The risk of disease outbreaks in the EU may increase and food safety and
quality may become diluted by embracing a country with a poor record in these
areas, unless effective border controls were in place from the moment of
accession, the report said.
“Some highly infectious animal diseases that have been virtually
eradicated in
western and northern Europe remain endemic in Turkey,” said the report
presented by the Dutch Wageningen University, which was the lead researcher.
“The situation is complicated by the fragmentation of the livestock sector,
Turkey’s geographical location and its porous borders to the south and east,”
said the report, which focuses on the impact of Turkish EU membership on
agriculture.
Turkey, which borders Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Armenia to the south and the
east, hopes EU leaders will agree at a summit on Dec. 17 to open entry
talks in
2005 and eventually join the current 25-member bloc.
The EU has said that agriculture, accounting for half Turkey’s territory and
employing a third of its workforce, will be a key issue in its preparations
for
accession.
Friday’s report said highly infectious diseases including foot-and-mouth and
sheep and goat pox had occurred in Turkey virtually each year since 1996. The
country was also prone to outbreaks of anthrax and brucellosis, it said.
Economic and political turmoil in the Middle East over the past decade has
caused an extension of animal disease epidemics in the region, posing threats
to Europe.
The report said Ankara had shown progress in harmonizing veterinary
legislation with EU standards but added the infrastructure, administrative
capacity and commitment needed for effective law enforcement and border
control
remained weak.
“Even with effective implementation of the acquis (EU’s set of laws), it will
be many years before Turkey reaches full disease-free status for all the most
infectious diseases,” the report concluded.
“The greatest challenge for Turkey does not, however, concern policies. It is
in fact to develop… effective control of external borders by the time of
accession.”
It estimated that EU budget payments to Turkey under structural policies,
including agriculture, would be between 9.5 billion and 16.6 billion euros in
2015, while Turkey’s budget contribution would be 5.4 billion euros.
Turkey, which would add more than 80 million consumers to the EU-25’s
total of
452 million, has been seeking membership since 1963.

6) BRIEFS

Armenia Blasts African ‘Rogue State’ over Jailed Pilots

YEREVAN (RFE-RL)–Armenia lashed out at Equatorial Guinea on Monday for
convicting six Armenian nationals of dubious coup charges, with a senior
Foreign Ministry official describing the country as a hostage-taking “rogue
state.”
In its most vocal condemnation yet of lengthy prison sentences given to the
aircrew of an Armenian transport plane, official Yerevan held out little hope
for the verdict’s repeal by the west African nation’s Supreme Court and
pledged
to concentrate on other possible ways of their liberation. According to
Ambassador Sergey Manaserian, the options include amnesty, extradition to
Armenia, and acquittal by an international court of justice.

Doctors against Government Decision to Widen Medical Draft

YEREVAN (RFE-RL)–The Armenian Medical Association, Armenia’s leading medical
body, criticized the government on Monday for scrapping exemptions from
military service enjoyed until now by physicians with doctoral degrees. The
government announced the decision on November 19, citing a lack of medical
personnel in the Armenian Armed Forces. It expects to draft an additional 70
doctors for two-year service in military hospitals. They will swell the ranks
of dozens of other medical university graduates that did not continue their
studies at the post-graduate level and have to serve in the army. The
Association said the decision is unacceptable and counterproductive.

Women’s Role Discussed at Simon Vratsian Center

YEREVAN (Yerkir)–A seminar focusing on women’s rights opened on Monday at
the
Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Simon Vratsian Center in Yerevan.
Titled “Women Can, ” the three day seminar’s goal is to advance the role of
women both in the ARF and in the political arena of the country, said
Chairwoman of the ARF Supreme Body’s Committee for Women Maria Titizian. Sonia
Local, representative of the Central and Eastern European Gender Cooperation,
which operates in 21 countries, including Armenia, is presiding over the
seminar.

EP President Discusses Reopening of Armenian Border

YEREVAN (Yerkir)–President of the European Parliament (EP) Josep Borrell
discussed Turkey’s accession to the European Union with Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Ankara. Borell stressed that if Turkey wishes to start
full membership negotiations with the European Union, it must recognize the
Greek Cypriot Administration. The reopening of the Armenian border was also
discussed, with Erdogan remarking that Yerevan does not recognize the 1921
Kars
agreement, which asserted the Turkish annexation of Armenian lands.

Georgia’s First Lady Meets with Students of Yerevan State University

YEREVAN (Noyan Tapan)–On December 3, Georgia’s first lady Sandra Roelofs met
with the students of Yerevan State University during her 4-day visit to
Armenia. During the question and answer session, the first lady promised the
implementation of economic programs in Javakhk. She noted that President
Mikhail Sahakashvili’s promise to fight corruption in the political sphere
will
become a reality, though at a gradual pace. Commending Yerevan State
University’s centralized system of entrance exams, in use for the past 13
years, Roelofs said the system was just introduced to Tbilisi State University
this year.

Rossini Festival to Begin

YEREVAN (Armenpress)–Yerevan kicked off a music festival dedicated to
prominent Italian composer Gioacchino Rossini on December 4. Rossini occupied
an unrivaled position in the Italian musical world of his time, winning
considerable success relatively early in his career. Of Rossini’s three dozen
or so operas, Il Barbiere di Siviglia (The Barber of Seville) is probably the
best known. The festival began with The Barber of Seville, performed by the
students of Yerevan Conservatory. Italian ambassador to Armenia Marco Clemente
described the festival as “an exceptional” event, sponsored by the government
of Italy, as well as Italian and Armenian businessmen.

Police to Probe Bomb Attack on Editor’s Car

YEREVAN (RFE-RL)–Armenian prosecutors announced on Friday the launch of a
criminal investigation into the November 22 explosion that destroyed a car
belonging to Nikol Pashinian’s, editor of the “Haykakan Zhamanak” daily.
Pashinian blamed the attack on Gagik Tsarukian, a business tycoon and
parliament deputy, in retaliation for the paper’s critical coverage of his
economic and public activities. Tsarukian has dismissed the allegations as
untrue.
Armenia’s Office of Prosecutor-General said in a statement that a forensic
examination conducted at the scene has found that the car was burned down
by “a
source of open fire.” The statement said this gave the Yerevan police grounds
to open a criminal case into a possible “deliberate destruction of private
property.”

Mayors Vow to Boost Moscow-Yerevan Trade

YEREVAN (RFE-RL)–Moscow’s longtime Mayor Yuri Luzhkov ended a two-day visit
to Yerevan on Friday, signing economic agreements which he said will
dramatically boost commercial ties between the two capitals. Luzhkov and
Yerevan Mayor Yervand Zakharian agreed to ensure more than $100 million in
mutual investments in real estate development and business infrastructure
within the next three years.

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Armenian FM vows to get guarantees for Karabakh “self-determination”

Armenian minister vows to get guarantees for Karabakh’s “self-determination”

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
1 Dec 04

Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan has spoken about the
government’s policy on Karabakh in his interview with Armenian Public
TV. Oskanyan rejected any settlement option without a “full guarantee
for Karabakh’s self-determination” and called to end “speculations”
about the government’s unwillingness to resolve the problem. He
described his recent visit to Burkina Faso for the Francophone summit
as a move to counter Azerbaijan’s policy of cooperation “with all
possible organizations to belittle our successes”. Oskanyan also said
that the Equatorial Guinea court’s verdict with regard to six Armenian
pilots accused of the involvement in the coup attempt was “unfair”.
Hailing Slovakia’s recognition of “the Armenian genocide”, he hoped
that the upcoming EU summit would raise an issue of Turkey’s
“blockade” of Armenia. The following is an excerpt from report by
Armenian Public TV on 1 December; subheadings have been inserted
editorially:

[Presenter] Good evening, Mr [Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan]
Oskanyan. You have just flown in Armenia from the Francophone summit
[in Burkina Faso]. Armenia has got an observer status. What is your
comment on this issue?

Armenia trying to counter Azerbaijan’s “aggressive policy”

[Oskanyan] Yes, I have just returned from the meeting in Burkina
Faso. This was my first visit to Africa and, that was why, it was very
interesting.

As of today, the International Francophone Organization is an
important organization for us. Its popularity grows on a daily basis
and various states want to become members of it. Over 50 countries are
members of this organization and dozens of countries enjoy the
observer status there. Armenia, Georgia, Sweden and Croatia have the
observer status, and I think we shall become full members of the
organization.

The organization debated the poverty reduction, development during the
age of globalization, protection of cultural heritage and other
issues. Similar organizations are interesting for us because we can
establish ties with other regional organizations and their members
with which we have not established relations. I think, it is important
to cooperate with African states in such organizations. This is
significant due to the fact that, at the moment Azerbaijan, we will
detail this later, is pursuing very aggressive policy in various
international organizations and, therefore, our cooperation with those
bodies is of great importance.

Verdict of Equatorial Guinea court on Armenian pilots “unfair”

[Presenter] A decision on the fate of six Armenian pilots has been
made in another African state. The court in Equatorial Guinea already
passed its verdict. Given this fact, what can the Armenian Foreign
Ministry do?

[Oskanyan] You know, our delegation was there during the trial. The
Armenian ambassador telephoned me immediately after the verdict. I was
in Burkina Faso at that time. Of course, this was a bad news and it
worried us. We believe that the verdict was unfair as our pilots had
nothing in common with the events there.

[Passage omitted: Oskanyan commiserated with families of the pilots]

Turkey must realize that closed borders with Armenia to hamper its EU
accession

[Presenter] The campaign for the recognition of the Armenian genocide
is under way in Europe. The latest country to recognize the genocide
is Slovakia and its parliament recognized the genocide yesterday [30
November]. Could you comment on this?

[Oskanyan] First, I hail the Slovakian parliament’s decision. It was a
very important decision. At the moment, the Armenian genocide is not a
purely Armenian issue, as we believe it is a global issue.

[Passage omitted: this decision coincides with Turkey’s bid for EU
membership]

[Presenter] The EU summit scheduled for 17 December is to discuss
Turkey’s EU membership. Is it possible that the summit will issue
serious requirements regarding Ankara’s blockade of Armenia?

[Oskanyan] Yes, I would like to stress that, indeed, closed borders
are unacceptable for Europe today. They realize this very well. We do
not know whether they want to make this issue one of the conditions
[for Turkey]. We feel that it would be very difficult to add it to the
Copenhagen criteria as a precondition for Turkey’s accession.

But we are expecting that this issue will be raised at the summit. We
are conducting serious work in this connection. The Armenian president
has sent a letter to all the leaders of the EU member countries. Today
I also invited all the ambassadors of the EU member countries
accredited to Armenia and discussed the issue with them. We hope that
our continuous work will yield positive results at the summit. It is
very important to raise this issue as Turkey must know that it is
important and necessary for the EU member countries to have opened
borders. It is generally unacceptable that one country has the closed
borders with the country involved in the EU’s New Neighbourhood
Policy.

Karabakh topic for “speculations”

[Presenter] Mr Oskanyan, the last major topic is the
Azerbaijan-initiated discussion of the Karabakh issue at the UN
General Assembly. The opposition claims that the postponement of the
discussion is the last warning to Armenia. The Armat [Armenian: Root –
centre for civil and democratic developments] stated today that
Armenia should either accept a suggested secret plan or will face the
fact that a decision will be adopted by the General Assembly. What is
your comments on these statements?

[Oskanyan] First, I want to regrettably say that the issue of Nagornyy
Karabakh is also a subject for speculations. Unfortunately, these
speculations, regardless of our wishes, have a negative impact on the
settlement process and this is against the will of the Armenian
people, not talking about the authorities. Everyone speculates about
this issue today. This should not be so. We should take it in the
context of whether it is useful for the settlement of the problem.

I believe that the Nagornyy Karabakh problem should not be a cause of
contention. If you pay attention to the opposition’s statements,
interviews and comments on this issue, you will see that they view the
only way out of the situation in the government’s departure from
power. This leads to a conclusion that the opposition is trying to
benefit from the Karabakh problem for their political ends. I think
that this approach is a great mistake and it has a major impact on
Armenia’s rather substantiated position. At present, I want to assure
our people that our position is very good and I can prove this.
However, the speculations are indeed irrelevant and they are not only
against the authorities, but also Armenia and its people.

What is happening now? While reading the opposition’s statements and
opinions, I come across three major inaccuracies.

Armenia not to return territories under its control without guarantee
for Karabakh’s self-determination

First, the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen in Astana [in September 2004]
have allegedly provided Armenia and Azerbaijan with proposals, which
you also mentioned. As Armenia has allegedly turned down the proposals,
the co-chairmen want to put pressure on Armenia to accept these
proposals through the UN. Denying all this, I want to state that the
presidents in Astana discussed what the foreign ministers of the two
states had drawn up. Prior to the Astana meeting, I and my opposite
number from Azerbaijan had four meetings. We drew up a package of
proposals at these meetings and submitted to the presidents of the two
states. In turn, the presidents discussed those proposals in Astana
and reached agreements on certain issues and wanted extra time for the
discussion of other issues.

Over that period Azerbaijan has wanted the UN to have the discussion
of this issue, while Armenia has informed the OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairmen of our readiness to start the second stage of talks in
Prague.

The second mistake is that the UN allegedly supports the
pro-Azerbaijani initiative. Actually, the co-chairmen are fully
against this. They have repeatedly spoken about this. The reason for
the postponement of the voting on Azerbaijan’s initiative is that the
co-chairmen are consistently exerting pressure on Azerbaijan to
abandon its demand because they believe that this might inflict a
serious blow on the whole process. The foreign ministers will have a
meeting in the near future.

I will leave for Sofia on Sunday [5 December] as an annual meeting of
[OSCE] foreign ministers will start there on Monday [6 December]. The
OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen and the Azerbaijani foreign minister will
attend the meeting as well. A meeting of the foreign ministers with
the co-chairmen in attendance has been scheduled. We will again return
to the issue of resuming the talks.

The third mistake is that Armenia has allegedly no interest in
resolving the problem and is pursuing a policy of delaying the
settlement of the Nagornyy Karabakh problem. I want to ask them, what
do they understand when speaking about the resolution of the issue? If
they want the resolution of the issue as we want, I accept their
criticism that the process is being delayed. Our approach to the
settlement of the issue fully differ from their [presumably
Azerbaijan’s] options. If there is no full guarantee for Karabakh’s
self-determination, we will not return an inch of the territories
under our control.

Unless Karabakh’s international recognition by international community
is envisaged in a possible document, we will not give our consent to
the liberation of the territories. We will not opt for mutual
compromises for the imminent settlement of the problem without
reaching our aims. This is ruled out. Armenia will not agree that
Karabakh to be a de jure part of Azerbaijan. If some people believe
that Armenia will agree to the settlement of the problem under these
conditions, let them criticize us saying that we delay the resolution
of the problem. The delay is unavoidable until the resolution of the
issue meets the interests of the Armenian Republic and its people. We
are working hard to this effect.

However, the opposite side has intensified its aggressiveness. My
interpretation of aggressiveness is that this is not the result of our
aggressive policy as claimed by our opposition. On the contrary,
Azerbaijan is aggressive because we achieved serious successes some
5-6 years ago. For now, Azerbaijan’s new president is trying to
cooperate with all possible organizations to belittle our successes.
They are working with new states which are not familiar with this
issue. Our diplomacy is facing serious difficulties. At present the
issue is rather tough.

[Passage omitted: Azerbaijan intensifies aggressive policy in all
spheres]

The old bear is stirring again in Ukraine, it’s wearing Putin’s face

The Times, UK
Nov 30 2004

The old bear is stirring again in Ukraine, and it’s wearing Putin’s face
Michael Gove

Putin believes in the rule of a grim elite who will protect Russia
from the corrupt West

TWO YEARS ago who had heard of Fallujah? Twelve years ago what
resonance did Srebrenica have? Two weeks ago how many of us had a
view on the relative merits of Viktor Yushchenko or Viktor
Yanukovych?

Its in the nature of international crises that they tend to occur in
parts of the globe that have escaped the world’s close attention. A
hundred years ago crises in Fashoda and Port Arthur, flashpoints on
the fringes of empire, dominated the thoughts of statesmen. Today,
our sleeves are tugged by an insistent media, anxious that we should
take an interest in the historic events unfolding between Lviv and
Donetsk.

It is, however, in the nature of the busy newspaper reader to wonder
just which crisis in distant lands really is momentous enough to
demand close attention. Who now remembers Nagorno-Karabakh? With each
new story, the pundits bark and then the camera crews move on.

The drama in Ukraine does, however, deserve even closer attention
than it has enjoyed so far. For the conflict between the two Viktors
is more than just a regional power struggle. It is a contest between
two visions for the world. And a grim reminder that foreign policy
is, underneath everything, still a Darwinian struggle for power.

The battle between the Western- inclined, democratically-conscious Mr
Yushchenko and the Eastern-backed, authoritarian Mr Yanukovych
matters hugely for the fifty million people of the Ukraine. But it
also matters to us because it reflects the broader battle going on
across the former Soviet Union. Russia’s leadership has been
following an increasingly anti-democratic course over the past few
years, a choice which poses a particular challenge for the West.
Internally, President Putin has been moving towards the establishment
of a secret police state. Externally, he has been conducting a
campaign against liberal nationalist movements, designed to
consolidate and extend the reach of Moscow’s power. Both threaten
Western interests and values.

Within Russia, Putin has rigged elections, using puppet parties, just
as the communists did, to mask the extent of his effective
dictatorship. He has closed independent media, driven opponents into
exile and imprisoned those, such as the businessman Mikhail
Khodorkovsky, who might organise effective opposition. Some of these
manoeuvres have undoubtedly been popular, and the anti-Semitic
flavour of Putin’s campaign against the oligarchs has certainly been
calculated to play to street prejudice. But, however much public
support some of Putin’s acts may have won, his intention has been
decisively anti-democratic. His authoritarian populism is intended to
be an alternative to democracy, as it is in a different way in China,
not a path to democracy, as it was in, say, Chile.

Putin’s distaste for democracy does not end at Russia’s borders.
Indeed, his borders don’t even end at Russia’s borders. Russia’s
leadership has consistently tried to forestall, undermine and crush
democratic movements in its near-abroad. It has troops on the far
western border of Ukraine, `policing’ the gangster state of
Trans-Dniester, a breakaway territory which has consistently
undermined the integrity of the Romanian-speaking republic of
Moldova. Russia has also supported secessionist movements in Georgia
and Azerbaijan, in an effort to undermine the independence of those
former Soviet republics. Additionally, Putin has provided backing for
those former communist leaderships, such as Alexander Lukashenko’s in
Belarus, which have been happy to reject democratisation and cluster
under Moscow’s umbrella.

In Ukraine, Putin is trying all his old tricks. He has signalled his
backing for the anti-democratic strongman, Yanukovych, even
campaigning for him during the election. Russia’s military strength
in the region has been not-so-subtly advertised. And, unsurprisingly
for any student of the Putin manual of state subversion, secession of
one half of the country has been floated.

These manoeuvres reflect Putin’s background and ideology. Although
raised in the Soviet system, and using tactics to destabilise and
control neighbours which were familiar to Stalin, it would be wrong
to think of Putin as a born-again communist. He is instead heir to an
older, continuing, tradition in Russian politics. As a former KGB
man, who has surrounded himself with other old comrades from the
bureau, he is a believer in the rule of an enlightened elite of
grimly efficient patriots who will safeguard Russia from the
corruption of Western thought and the consequent risk of
disintegration. From the Tsarist Okhrana through Lenin’s Cheka to the
KGB and today’s FSB, there has existed among Russia’s secret police
elite a determination to maintain Great Power status by ensuring the
state is not debilitated by liberalism.

The battle in the Ukraine is therefore crucial for the prestige,
power and above all, ideology, of Putin’s leadership. If Western
liberalism can be beaten back, or contained, there, then he will be
strengthened not just in his influence over a key neighbour but also
in his belief that Russia can maintain a viable, non-Western,
alternative path of development.

In Europe it has become fashionable to believe that, in the EU, we
have developed a new, collaborative, model of international relations
that supersedes the old power politics. But the reality of foreign
policy is that our security cannot be defended by international law
and conventions alone. For Moscow, and for that matter Beijing,
Pyongyang and Tehran, Western liberalism is certainly a threat to
their systems, if it ever takes root in their soil – but it is also a
weakness to be exploited. While we place our faith in treaties, they
regard them as evidence of our unwillingness to risk confrontation,
and therefore a licence to cheat, subvert and undermine.

The outward forms of diplomacy will be respected, negotiations
entertained, but all the time there will be a drive to acquire new
influence over neighbours, new military strength, new opportunities
to destabilise and new openings to reclaim `lost’ territories. Unless
we realise what is at stake in Lviv and Donetsk, then we will
continue to live in a world where there will, inevitably, be more
Fallujahs and Srebrenicas.

BAKU: Gas pipeline to connect Iran, Armenia

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
Nov 30 2004

Gas pipeline to connect Iran, Armenia

Armenian Prime Minister Andranik Markarian and Iranian Energy
Minister Habibullah Bitaraf are scheduled to meet in the Sunik
province on Tuesday to negotiate construction of a gas pipeline
connecting the two countries.
The pipeline is reportedly to be ready by 2007.
The issue was discussed during a recent visit by the Iranian
President Muhammad Khatami to Armenia.*

Chirac Has Signed Decree Awarding Armenian Speaker Legion of Honor

FRANCE’S PRESIDENT HAS ALREADY SIGNED DECREE ON AWARDING SPEAKER OF ARMENIAN
PARLIAMENT WITH ORDER OF LEGION OF HONOUR

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 30. ARMINFO. Deputy chairman of the party “Orinats
Yerkir”, Head of the commission for defence, national security and
internal affairs of Armenian parliament Mher Shahgeldian took part in
the Paris congress of the ruling party in France “Unity for democracy”
on Nov 28.

Mher Shahgeldian informed in the press conference at the National
Assembly of Armenia, within the framework of the visit he had met with
representatives of political circles of European, as well as with the
chairman of the Senate of France. According to the Armenian MP, during
the meetings the participants have mainly discussed issues of the
development of democratic systems in Armenia. He also informed that
as a result of the meetings the participants had reached an agreement
on implementation of programs for strengthening of the legislative
field in Armenia by a number of European funds. Mher Shahgeldian also
informed that the president of France has already signed a decree on
awarding Speaker of Armenian parliament Arthur Baghdasarian with the
order of the Legion of Honor for the contribution to the deepening of
Armenian-French relations.