ANKARA: Seeing Everything as a Conspiracy

Seeing Everything as a Conspiracy
by ETYEN MAHCUPYAN

Zaman, Turkey
Nov 4 2006

11.04.2006 Saturday – ISTANBUL 22:12

The most important pillar of the doctrine produced during the period
of the Turkish Republic’s foundation was certainly the backward-facing
historical discourse which never had much of a connection to the truth.

This approach, which aimed to cut itself from reality and idealize
what we had lived through, tied the Anatolian people to Central Asia,
and history was constructed on a migration map that had no basis.

Meanwhile, the historical continuity of the Ottomans was concealed
as much as possible. Consequently, history became a field where
we could only feel the past and internalize it by establishing an
emotional connection. Due to the vital function of nationalism in
the official ideology, the emotionalism at issue became molded into
national patriotism. The result was a society that neither knew what
history was nor its own history. Even today, what historians pass on
as "history" is mostly a form of a story. Anecdotes based on certain
people’s strength of character and moral stories, which are meant
to be taken as examples, still comprise the essence of perception in
this field.

While the past is turned into a story like this, history’s natural
complexity, contradictions and inconsistencies grow paler; the will
that is drawn by perfectly consistent molded characters appears
before us as a series of events. Thus, on the one hand, with the
inner richness and human weakness of the characters removed, history
is reduced to a struggle between good and evil. On the other hand,
social and political events are understood not as an extension of
a state with multiple determinants, but as the implementation of a
willful plan which had been made beforehand. This unreal world, because
it doesn’t permit real action, frequently makes things difficult for
us. For example, to write that Mustafa Kemal put on a woman’s dress and
left the house through the back door can be perceived as "insulting,"
because we can’t comprehend that the Mustafa Kemal of our imagination
could do such a thing. As a result, putting the real Mustafa Kemal
aside, the official ideology produces an imaginary Mustafa Kemal
based on already established patterns and we call this history.

Likewise, we have difficulty perceiving situations that appear
to be the result of coincidence, variables and multi-actors who
surround social and political events, as if we are uncomfortable
with the complexity accompanying the truth. Consequently, it’s in
our interest to see everything as a conspiracy, and we prefer the
assumption that conspiracy begets reality. We are not aware that this
approach consolidates an authoritative mentality to the degree that
it exaggerates the will of the powerful and distances us from the
consciousness of being a citizen and that we also degrade ourselves
when we perceive groups as impersonal gangs that pledge allegiance
to the state.

While diluting topics that are extremely important factors of Anatolian
history, like the Armenian issue to the treachery of "internal powers"
cooperating with "foreign powers," within a conspiracy mentality,
we think the artificial dialectic that has been produced is the
truth. Of course, great European powers of that period were determined
to protect the Ottoman minorities and, of course, a group of Armenians
got involved in partisan politics.

However, if we don’t ask why this happened, why these people behaved
this way, what the approach was of those who didn’t behave this way
and what the government was during while this was happening, we can’t
understand this issue within its real historical connection. Then we
will have to produce some dialectic to prove the government right,
we’ll make a whole community traitorous, we’ll say they all rebelled
and committed murder, and, by mixing events from different historical
times, we’ll attempt to produce an imaginary "balance."

Unfortunately, the only thing that emerges from such approach is a
tale or lullaby, not history.

EU Canceled Extra Meeting Of Turkish And Cyprus FMs

EU CANCELED EXTRA MEETING OF TURKISH AND CYPRUS FMS

PanARMENIAN.Net
02.11.2006 17:44 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The EU today canceled the talks between Turkish and
Cyprus FMs scheduled Sunday. The extra meeting in Helsinki was to be
held to prevent failure of the talks on Turkey’s accession to the EU.

Mikko Norros, who is Speaker during Finnish presidency at the EU,
stated that the meeting will not be held as "gathering everyone at
the same table is impossible," reports RFE/RL. Next week the European
Commission will publish the basic report on the reforms implemented
in Turkey, which according to informed sources, will be extremely
critical.

Arbiters Of Morality

ARBITERS OF MORALITY
Vinay Lal

Times of India, India
Nov 2 2006

The French have long believed in themselves as one of the supreme
arbiters of the moral history of humanity, as exercising a unique
civilising mission on less fortunate parts of the world, and the
ardour with which they cling to an exalted vision of themselves as
moral legislators has clearly not diminished over the years.

On October 12, the French assembly approved legislation that would make
it a crime in France to deny that the mass killings of Armenians which
took place between 1915-17 in Ottoman Turkey constitute ‘genocide’.

The senate vote is still awaited, but following in the wake of
legislation from 2001 under which the mass killings of Armenians
are recognised as genocide, the present legislation seems headed
for approval.

France has nearly 5,00,000 Armenians, more than any other country in
western Europe, and it would be idle to pretend that politicians do
not court minorities.

However, Turks too number over 3,00,000 in France, and one can be
certain that the recent legislation will aggravate their mood of
discontent.

Whatever the appeals to the Armenian-French constituency, this
legislation must clearly be located within the vortex of a more
complex geopolitics.

Among the considerations that weigh most heavily, one must number the
strained relations between Turkey and the European Union, suspected
alienation of Muslim minorities from the dominant European cultures
amidst which they find themselves, growing tensions within the Muslim
ummah, and the wave of Islamophobia which has swept Europe.

The Bill will doubtless convey to Turks the message that they have
not yet attained that state of enlightenment which might warrant
their admission into the EU.

Among the critics of the French legislation is the Turkish writer
Orhan Pamuk, who admitted in an interview that Turkey should be held
responsible for the genocide.

He was put on trial for insulting the nation and denigrating
"Turkishness", but immense pressure, largely from the EU, contributed
to his acquittal by the court.

It is altogether likely that the Bill may have been partly motivated
by the desire to strengthen the hand of Turkish secularists and
‘moderate Muslims’, such as Pamuk, who are viewed as being locked in
battle with Muslim extremists and nationalist hardliners.

Pamuk nonetheless has criticised the French legislation as an attempt
to stifle freedom of speech and as a betrayal of the ideals championed
by France.

In Pamuk’s critique, framed very much by the parameters of western
liberal thought, when two or more interpretations vie for attention
the more sound position always prevails.

In 1972, France passed a law which makes it a crime to deny the
Holocaust. Though the Holocaust is far from being the only genocide
in a violence-filled century, it occupies in the West a singular
status as furnishing the paradigmatic instance of genocide and crimes
against humanity.

The obsession with the Holocaust has, so to speak, obscured the
recognition of other equally horrific atrocities. Socialist legislator
Christophe Masse, in his defence of the Bill, described it as helping
to "ease the unhealthy rivalry that exists among victims of genocides
and that is fuelled by their inequality before the law".

Ironically, this, the only defence of the legislation of any merit
that one might invoke, is also the one that will be categorically
rejected in Europe and the Anglo-American world, and even adduced as
an expression of support for anti-Semitism.

Whatever else might be permitted in the West, any interpretation of the
Holocaust which merely questions its canonical status as the ultimate
form of victimhood opens itself to vicious attack and ridicule.

That a genocide of Armenians took place under Ottoman Turks is beyond
question. Succeeding Turkish governments have not only fudged the
numbers, but claim, astoundingly, that Armenians died mainly on
account of war, disease, and hunger.

In Turkey, the admission of an Armenian genocide can lead to criminal
prosecution. However, not only is there overwhelming evidence to
establish that the death of Armenians was the consequence of a
deliberate policy, but the Turkish government at the conclusion of
WWI itself court-martialled the Young Turks by whose orders a genocide
was perpetrated.

As Peter Balakian has so amply demonstrated, the government-appointed
commission of inquiry gathered insurmountable evidence of the massacres
and it became part of the official record.

If the Turkish government of that day set an example to the world in
creating the model for war crimes trials, the present government has
unfortunately chosen to make a foolish spectacle of itself by its
denial of the genocide. But what of France?

The history of French colonial rule in Algeria, Indo-China, Haiti,
the Ivory Coast, Congo Brazzaville, and elsewhere is littered with
corpses of colonised people.

The assassinations of Algerians settled in France remain unpunished
more than four decades after Algeria’s declaration of independence, and
it is no more shocking that the French National Assembly in February
2005 passed a law requiring schoolchildren to be taught "the positive
role of the French presence overseas, notably in North Africa".

As the unrest of recent years suggests, France’s treatment of its
own North African minorities leaves much to be desired.

If France wished to be daring, it might consider enacting legislation
that would make it an offence to deny French colonial atrocities.

That is exceedingly unlikely. Colonising nations can be stripped of
their colonial possessions, but they find it exceedingly difficult
to shed their past and their habits of evasion of responsibility.

The passage of the recent legislation on the Armenian question, far
from signifying any enlightened view, is the most decisive indicator
of France’s inability to own up to its wretched colonial past.

The writer teaches history at UCLA.

how/282560.cms

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articles

Democratic Party To Advertise Its Manifesto To Win Voters

DEMOCRATIC PARTY TO ADVERTISE ITS MANIFESTO TO WIN VOTERS

Armenpress
Nov 01 2006

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS: The leader of a tiny opposition party
said today it will advertise its own manifesto to win the support
of voters in 2007 parliamentary elections, but will not decline a
cooperation offer from a like-minded party.

Aram G. Sarkisian, head of the Democratic Party of Armenia, told a news
conference today that his party will not strike alliances with other
forces because ‘they are set up to pursue quite different issues."

Sarkisian said his party will work to form what he termed ‘the third
force’ as opposed to the Republican Party of prime minister Andranik
Margarian and the Prosperous Armenia party of a parliament member
and a millionaire businessman Gagik Tsarukian.

French Genocide Bill Complicates Turkey’s EU Bid

FRENCH GENOCIDE BILL COMPLICATES TURKEY’S EU BID
By Scott Peterson

The Daily Star, Lebanon
Oct 31 2006

By a wide margin, the French Parliament voted earlier this month to
make it a criminal act to deny an Armenian genocide at the hands of
Ottoman Turks, enraging Turkey and further deepening its suspicion
of the European Union.

Muslim Turkey – which has sought for decades to join the EU and is
now in membership negotiations – vowed retaliation against France
that could disrupt billions of dollars in trade, even as both sides
explore the limits of free speech.

The vote came the same day that Orhan Pamuk, the celebrated Turkish
novelist, was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Charges of
"denigrating Turkishness" against Pamuk – brought after he publicly
spoke of the killing of 1 million Armenians during World War I, and
30,000 Kurds – were dropped earlier this year in a case seen as a
test of Turkey’s commitment to EU-driven reforms.

The two events get at the heart of contradictions in modern Turkey,
where democratic and West-leaning EU aspirations often clash with
history. The staunchly secular state – a full member of the NATO
military alliance – casts itself as an indispensable bridge between
East and West, but has yet to be accepted as such by Europe.

Many Turks see the genocide vote – a hot-button issue – as just one
more obstacle to keep them out of the 25-member EU club.

"Turks find it very hard to swallow this; even Francophile Turks
educated there are turning their backs on France," says Sami Kohen,
a foreign affairs columnist for Milliyet newspaper. "A lot of us
fear this will further encourage critics of the EU [who] will say:
‘Enough is enough; we should give up on this EU.’"

Turkish lawmakers Wednesday proposed a counter-bill that would
recognize an "Algerian genocide" carried out by colonial French forces
in 1945. Turkish columnists are also raising France’s considerable
role in Rwanda’s 1994 genocide, as they seek to even the moral
playing field.

Analysts say the French vote is likely to embolden Turkish nationalists
and those who oppose EU membership for Turkey. Recent polls show
that Turkish support for joining the EU has dropped from nearly 70
to around 50 percent now.

To become law, the bill must pass the French Senate, which is not
certain, and be signed by President Jacques Chirac. Punishment would
include a one-year prison term, and a $56,500 fine, the same penalty
now on French books for denying the Holocaust.

One Turkish newspaper headline took aim at France’s reputation as
the home of human rights and justice. It read: "Libert~N, ~Ngalit~N,
stupidit~N."

"French-Turkish relations, which have developed over centuries …

have been dealt a blow today as a result of the irresponsible false
claims of French politicians who do not see the political consequences
of their actions," Turkey’s Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul said in
a statement.

"If this bill is passed, Turkey will not lose anything but France
will lose Turkey," Gul had warned before the vote. "[France] will
turn into a country that jails people who express their views."

The vote has become a political issue in France, where a majority is
against Turkey’s membership in the EU, where 400,000 ethnic Armenians
live, and where presidential elections are to be held in six months.

French exports to Turkey in 2005 totaled $5 billion.

During a visit to Armenia earlier this month, Chirac stated that Turkey
should not be allowed to join the EU unless it officially accepts that
the death of more than 1 million Armenians, which took place in the
last years of the Ottoman Empire, constitutes a "genocide." Though
the French government said it opposed the legislation as "unnecessary
and untimely," Chirac says Turkey must recognize the genocide before
it joins the EU.

But while EU officials have been at pains to note that no such genocide
criterion applies to Turkey, the sentiment matches widening unease
in Europe over Turkey’s EU application. Such fears in France are
believed to be one reason the French last year rejected the proposed
EU constitution.

"France has done its best to hamper Turkey’s relations with the EU"
and has been seeking "a kind of vengeance" against Turkey since the
EU constitution failure, says Seyfi Tashan, director of the Turkish
Foreign Policy Institute in Ankara, Turkey’s capital. "So politically,
the more damage they do to Turkey, the better."

Armenians say that 1.5 million died in 1915 in the first systematic
genocide of the 20th century, though historians often count 1
million. Turkey officially argues that some 300,000 Armenians died
in a partisan conflict that took just as many Turkish lives, when
Armenians sided with invading Russian armies during World War I.

While Turkey has declared that it would open its files to historians,
a host of Turkish writers and academics who have challenged official
versions of events, sometimes using the word "genocide," have been
charged with insulting the state by hard-line prosecutors.

Treading that line has been Pamuk, whose novels have dug into Turkey’s
imperial past to explore the contradictions and dilemmas of modern
Turkey. The Nobel citation praised the work: "In the quest for the
melancholic soul of his native city, [Pamuk] has discovered new symbols
for the clash and interlacing of cultures." In February 2005, Pamuk
told a Swiss newspaper that "30,000 Kurds and a million Armenians
were killed in these lands and nobody but me dares to talk about it."

"What I said is not an insult, it is the truth," Pamuk said during
his trial. "But what if it is wrong? Right or wrong, do people not
have the right express their ideas peacefully?"

Scott Peterson is a staff writer for the Christian Science Monitor,
where this article originally appeared. THE DAILY STAR publishes this
in collaboration with the Common Ground News Service.

http://www.dailystar.com.lb

Gazprom To Increase Its Authorized Capital In Armrusgazprom By 118 M

GAZPROM TO INCREASE ITS AUTHORIZED CAPITAL IN ARMRUSGAZPROM BY 118 MILLION DOLLARS

Noyan Tapan
Oct 31 2006

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 31, NOYAN TAPAN. The Russian company Gazprom will
increase its authorized capital in ArmRusgazprom (thus increasing
its stake to 58%) through additional issue of shares of 118 million
dollars. Karen Karapetian, Chairman of the ArmRusgazprom Board,
Executive Director of the company, stated this at the October 31
press conference. At present, the Armenian government and Gazprom
own 45% of ArmRusgazprom shares each, and Itera owns the remaining
10% of shares. It was noted that ArmRusgazprom’s authorized capital
currently makes 280 million USD, with the Armenian government’s
capital and that of Gazprom making 126 million dollar each. Karen
Karapetian did not rule out that the 5th power unit of the Hrazdan
Thermal Power Plant will be transferred to ArmRusgazprom’s balance,
as a result of which the authorized capital of Gazprom will increase.

Eurocommission Intends To Criticize Turkey

EUROCOMMISSION INTENDS TO CRITICIZE TURKEY

PanARMENIAN.Net
31.10.2006 17:16 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ November 8 the European Commission report on progress
made by Turkey on the way to EU accession will be presented. The
document is expected to be critical of Turkish authorities for not
ensuring freedom of expression as well as failing to end torture of
prisoners and establish control of the society over the army.

Besides, the Eurocommission is going to demand more effective struggle
against corruption from Ankra, ensuring greater independence of
judicial bodies and protection of national minority rights. The
Eurocommission also criticizes the refusal of Turkish authorities to
open ports of Northern Cyprus for ships of Greek Cyprus, which enters
the EU in May 2004.

Thereupon, Cyprus authorities have already proposed suspending talks on
Turkey’s accession to the EU if Ankara does not agree to concessions.

The EU counts on specific guarantees by Turkish authorities that the
holding of the reforms that Brussels is demanding will be irreversible
and complete. The Eurocommission has already warned that in other
case the talks will be stopped on the spot.

According to European political scientists, the talks on Turkey’s
membership will last not less than 10-15 years, reports RIA Novosti.

In Singer Lusine Ordukhanian’s Words, Armenian Art Enjoys Stunning R

IN SINGER LUSINE ORDUKHANIAN’S WORDS, ARMENIAN ART ENJOYS STUNNING RECEPTION IN SLOVAKIA

Noyan Tapan
Armenians Today
Oct 26 2006

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 26, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. "Our concerts were
held in Bratislava with great succees, stunningly well," soloist of
the Yerevan Al.Spendiarian Opera and Ballet National Theater, soprano
Lusine Ordukhanian mentioned in the interview with the Noyan Tapan
correspondent. She performed concerts with tenor of the same theater
Artak Kirakosian from September 26 to October 3 in Bratislava. In
L.Ordukhanian’s words, the Armenian audience does not often show
such reception. "It is not like this in Armenia as we lay ourselves
out but they remain dissatisfied with everything, and they estimate
the art there. I have never seen such a reception," the singer said,
mentioning that there were mainly Slovaks present at the concerts taken
place in Bratislava. In her words, the first and second concerts took
place in Bratislava, and the second was held in Prague. By the way,
the Armenian Culture Days opened in Slovakia just with their concert
at the "Ararat" club. L.Ordukhanian also informed that they got the
invitation and financing for performing concerts in Slovakia from Ashot
Grigorian, the Chairman of the Armenian community of Slovakia. "There
was a preliminary agreement with the RA Ministry of Culture concerning
showing assistance in the issue of travel expenses as well, what did
not manage because of the Hungarian community’s refusal to assist
concerts," the singer stated and added that their pianist was not able
to participate in the concert for that reason. A.Grigorian’s wife,
famous pianist Hasmik Gabrielian saved the situation. She accompanied
during all the concerts. The singer also stated that A.Grigorian
envisages again to invite them to Slovakia, and the directors of the
Philharmonic of Slovakia and the Opera Theater must listen to them
during those concerts. "It would be better that the Ambassador of
Armenia is present at the next concerts as well. That he is not only
present but also participates or at least does not hinder as he did
this time," Lusine Ordukhanian said.

Russian Expert Suggests Resolving The Karabakh Conflict At The Expen

RUSSIAN EXPERT SUGGESTS RESOLVING THE KARABAKH CONFLICT AT THE EXPENSE OF GEORGIA

ArmRadio.am
25.10.2006 12:26

Head of the Caucasus Department of the CIS Institute of Russia
Mikhail Alexandrov considers that the best way of resolving the
Karabakh conflict is the transfer of Georgian regions inhabited by
Azeris to Azerbaijan. Mikhail Alexandrov said this in an interview
with Strana.ru, Mediamax agency reports.

"Since there is a region in Georgia, mainly inhabited by Azeris, we
can think about transferring it to Azerbaijan. Instead, Azerbaijan will
refuse from Nagorno Karabakh. Such development of events is possible in
case of disintegration of the central authority of Georgia and collapse
of the country. It is not ruled out in the light of Saakashvili’s
current policy. The policy of pressuring ethnic minorities,
confrontation with Russia, conservation of internal discrepancies
can lead to this kind of collapse. In this case the establishment of
peace in Georgia can become the priority of CIS peacekeeping forces,
and in the course of this action decisions will be taken on secession
of some regions of Georgia inhabited by ethnic minorities," Head of
the Caucasus Department of Russia’s CIS Institute declared.

La Turquie confrontee a son deni – Le genocide armenien de 1915

La Turquie confrontée à son déni
Le génocide arménien de 1915
Guy Taillefer

Le Devoir
Édition du samedi 14 et du dimanche 15 octobre 2006

Dans la controverse, l’Assemblée nationale française a voté,
jeudi, une loi criminalisant le déni du génocide arménien de 1915.
Le même jour, le prix Nobel de littérature était attribué à
l’écrivain turc Orhan Pamuk, honni en Turquie par les
ultranationalistes pour avoir pris la défense des minorités kurde et
arménienne. Une «convergence constructive», plaide l’historien
Frank Chalk, de l’université Concordia, prenant le contre-pied du
tollé ambiant.

=0DImmense malaise autour de la proposition de loi française
pénalisant la négation du génocide arménien, considérée de
tous bords comme une atteinte à la liberté d’expression et un pavé
dans la mare de l’épineux débat autour de la démocratisation de la
Turquie et des conditions de son adhésion à l’Union européenne.

S’agissant d’épingler la Turquie pour avoir toujours refusé de
reconnaître la nature génocidaire des massacres commis contre les
Arméniens, qui auraient fait 1,5 millions de morts pendant la
Première Guerre mondiale, le texte a été qualifié par plusieurs
de «contre-productive» en ce qu’il risque surtout d’attiser la
réaction de l’opposition ultranationaliste et anti-européenne parmi
les Turcs.

Une vingtaine de pays, dont le Canada, ont à ce jour officiellement
reconnu que les événements de 1915 constituaient un génocide. La
proposition de loi française fait un pas de plus en criminalisant la
négation de ce génocide, de la même manière que nier l’existence
de l’Holocauste constitue un crime en France.

Une initiative «inopportune», a déploré le gouvernement
français. Un sentiment relayé par l’UE, dont le commissaire à
l’élargissement Olli Rehn avait mis en garde Paris, lundi dernier,
contre l’adoption d’une loi aux «effets contraires à ceux
recherchés» et qui, nuisible au dialogue, «mettrait en danger les
efforts de tous ceux qui, en Turquie, veulent ouvrir un débat
sérieux et honnête, sans tabous, sur cette question».
Le malaise est d’autant plus grand que la proposition de loi, qui vise
à rendre les négationnistes passibles d’un an de prison et d’une
amende de 45 000 euros, répond en France à des considérations
électorales à l’horizon des scrutins du printemps 2007. La
proposition de loi, qui a du reste peu de chances d’être entérinée
par le Sénat, est le fait du Parti socialiste, défenseur historique
de la diaspora arménienne du pays, mais a également reçu l’appui
de ceux, à droite, qui cherchent à faire dérailler la candidature
turque à l’UE.
=0D«En instrumentalisant une question grave à des fins petitement
électoralistes, déplore André Lecours, politologue à
l’université Concordia, une partie de la classe politique française
cherche ainsi à se mettre au diapason des réticences de l’opinion
publique à l’égard de la Turquie musulmane et du processus
d’élargissement européen.» Ajouté aux froideurs allemandes, cela
n’augure rien de bon, à son avis, pour l’avenir des négociations
d’intégration.
Atteinte à la liberté d’expression

C’est dans les milieux libéraux de la Turquie que les réactions ont
été les plus torturées, y compris parmi des intellectuels,
journalistes et écrivains qui ont pourtant été poursuivis par la
justice en vertu de l’article 301 du code pénal turc — considérant
comme une «insulte à l’identité turque» l’usage des mots
«génocide arménien».

«Si cette loi passe, j’irai en France et, bien que ce soit contraire
à mes convictions, je dirai que non, il n’y a pas eu de génocide»,
a notamment déclaré Hrant Dink, journaliste arménien de Turquie
où il est poursuivi pour avoir affirmé la réalité du génocide.

Réaction semblable de l’écrivaine Elif Shafak, acquittée fin
septembre d’accusations portées en vertu de l’article 301 pour avoir
évoqué le génocide dans son roman Le Père et le Btard et fait
tenir par ses personnages des propos désobligeants envers les Turcs.

«Je crois à la liberté d’expression, écrivait-elle récemment
dans un commentaire publié par le Turkish Daily News, après son
acquittement. Pas seulement en Turquie, mais partout et tout le temps.
C’est pourquoi il m’est impossible de ne pas m’inquiéter de ce qui se
passe […] en France. Sa "loi du génocide" va tout à fait à
l’encontre de l’esprit […] d’une démocratie ouverte.» Elle nuira,
écrivait-elle, aux efforts pour développer le dialogue entre Turcs
et Arméniens.

Le même article 301 avait également servi, début 2006, au
dépôt de poursuites, finalement abandonnées, contre Orhan Pamuk
qui avait déclaré à un journal suisse que «30 000 Kurdes et un
million d’Arméniens ont été tués dans ces terres». M. Pamuk
n’a pas, sauf erreur, réagi au projet français. Mais il avait
déclaré en 2005 en Allemagne : «L’huile qu’on jette sur le feu
du sentiment anti-turc en Europe donne lieu à un nationalisme
anti-européen aveugle en Turquie.»

Or, estime le journaliste français Gérard Menachemoff, observateur
de la scène turque depuis les années 60, le gouvernement musulman
modéré et pro-européen du premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
qui a chassé les nationalistes du pouvoir en 2002, «a créé des
ouvertures dans la société turque et a réussi à dépasser le
blocage vis-à-vis des Kurdes et des Arméniens», malgré
l’influence militaire et politique ancienne de l’establishment fidèle
à l’idéal républicain de Mustafa Kemal.

Si la législation française «provocatrice» met le gouvernement
Erdogan dans l’embarras, M. Menachemoff croit cependant que cet
establishment nationaliste «mène au fond un combat
d’arrière-garde» et que «la Turquie actuelle est mûre pour
reconnaître le génocide arménien».

Aussi, la loi votée par l’Assemblée nationale, dit-il, est une
«réponse brutale à une attitude absurde de négation» des
dimensions de la tragédie arménienne, mais aussi, par extension, des
droits culturels des Kurdes.

L’historien de Concordia, Frank Chalk, l’un des auteurs de Encyclopedia
of Genocide and Crimes against Humanity, opine : «Que cette loi ait
des incidences électorales ne la discrédite pas. Le déni a été
si vigoureux au cours de l’histoire de la part des autorités turques
qu’elles ont fini par inviter ce genre de réaction.»

Ainsi en va-t-il de la nobélisation de M. Pamuk, estime M. Chalk.
«Le choix du jury traduit le sentiment dans plusieurs parties du monde
que la Turquie est allée trop loin dans la négation de la
réalité historique de l’annihilation intentionnelle du peuple
arménien.»

De l’un à l’autre, croit M. Chalk, il y a «convergence
constructive».