Day to remember

Sun-Sentinel.com, FL
April 23 2006

Day to remember

Anna Topalian
Delray Beach
Posted April 23 2006

April 24 marks the 91st anniversary of the Armenian genocide
perpetrated by the Turks in 1915. They massacred 1.5 million
Armenians and drove thousands into the deserts to die. Women were
raped, men were killed, children were left without food or water.

The Armenian intelligensia were systematically killed. The Turks’
plan was to annihilate the Christian Armenian population of eastern
Turkey. Armenia was the first nation to adopt Christianity in A.D.
301.

This was man’s inhumanity to man. We shall never forget.

ANKARA: 1915 and Today

New Anatolian, Turkey
April 20 2006

1915 and Today
Yavuz Baydar

[email protected] April 2006

There we are, again. As April 24, day of commemoration of the
Armenian Tragedy approaches, nothing new on the Turkish front.

Well, some things are different than, say, 1999.

A couple of days ago, a book printed by Mr Ragýp Zarakolu of Belge
Publishers, landed on my desk: the first Turkish translation of
“Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story”. A key – and for the official Turkish
line, disputable – document for all research around the terrible
events in Asia Minor in 1915-16.

Along with “The Blue Book” (Bryce/Toynbee), almost all basic sources
of information that defend the “genocide” thesis are now published in
Turkey. More is certainly to come.

This is good news, for the sake of more intensive debates and
learning.

Turkish opinion, as it widely deserves in a country with a free press
and open debate despite some obstacles, is being fed by variety and
diversity of opinion on the touchy subject. Interest for finding out
“what really took place in those tumultous years” is particularly
high amongst the younger segments in society.

Books by Dadrian, Balakian and numerous other Armenian scholars and
reasearchers are now freely avaliable in the bookstores of Istanbul,
Adana, Edirne, Kayseri etc. People buy and read them.

Despite loud protests in the public sphere, I believe most of the
intellectuals are content with the level of debate that is only
getting better and better. Different approach from the government,
based on respect for free circulation of ideas, is helping a lot.
Press is feeling free to give, albeit occasionally, space to
“dissent”.

All this is not without headaches, one must add. Mr Zarakolu is
facing sentences of 7.5 and 13,5 years for publishing two books: Dora
Sakayan’s “Memoirs of an Armenian Physician” and George Jerjian’s
“Truth Shall Set Us Free”. He was in a new court session recently and
an “expert report” was demanded for evaluaion of the the Jerjian’s
book and the prosesutor’s own assessment was deemed sufficient for
the other one.

This may sound alarming to some, raising concerns that nothing has
changed. It should not. Are we still in an era of deep taboo on the
subject? Absolutely not.
It would please some, perhaps, but it is not.

Actually, such trials, with the pattern almost always pointing out to
acquittals, are in quantity getting less and less. As long as the EU
process is unharmed, it is fair to look into the future – in terms of
free speech – with growing optimism.

What we should be worried about is the current political sphere.

Historic research may be continuing; a new conference on Ottoman
Armenians in Kayseri’s Erciyas University between April 20-22 may
have shown us that the interest for the subject is on the rise for
younger generation of scholars; articles and interviews with experts
in Turkish press may even increase in the future, but the apparent
immobility of Ankara on how to tackle the international press for,
let alone any sort of “recognition”, confrontation with the past is
alarming.

Because the clock is ticking and certainly the time appears not to be
on “official line’s” side.

I am faced by the insistent question every time I meet foreigners –
journalists, NGO folks, diplomats, politicians: “Why is it that” they
ask, “the governments continue with the denial?”

For me the response is easy, and I do hope every time I tell my take
on it, that it will be easily comprehended (often it is not):
Democracies certainly develop with enlarged freedom, pluralism and
accumulation of all sorts of information. Only then can the citizen
be ready to look at the past without prejudice, cliche, and
distortion.

If the majority of the society has been kept away from any sort of
past (national) wrongdoings by total cover up or disinformation,
confrontations with them can be utterly traumatic.

Therefore, in order to avoid reactions based on emotions rather than
reason, it is wise to remain patient. Only more and more information
and education can help.

In the current climate, given the level of ignorance and
defensiveness, any subject matter of this sort can be turned into a
tool for violent ultranationalism and populism, which is naturally a
nightmare for a seemingly reformist government.

At this very point, I tend to get the following reaction from our
foreign friends: “Well, still, the leadership must act, because time
is working against Turkey..”

I tell them, simply, that they are forgetting a fundamental element
of democracy:

That a consensus on “acceptance” must form, rise and come from within
the conscience of the people, that it must move from the bottom to
the decision makers. You can not simply impose something “unknown”
without seeking understanding from the citizens, majority of whom are
totally ignorant on or indifferent to the matter. Otherwise you risk
being compared to a dictator.

So, let the Turkish society define its own pace with reaching the
truth and some sort of conclusion by itself. It will and must take
time, yes, but still, as long as the pace is forward, in better
conditions becoming a democracy, every citizen will have an idea of
the real picture of 1915.

No matter what the denialists say or the staunch Armenian diaspora
say, we are not finished with the subject: Research is still going
on, there are chapters in late Ottoman history that we should analyse
and understand, we must continue to demand that all archives
(Armenian, Turkish, Russian, German) must be fully and
unconditionally be opened, and Turks and Armenians of different
professions must seek a wider dialogue with each other.

I have studied the subject and read everything within my reach for
the past 25 years and I still feel very agnostic about the
definition. And my desire to learn more is certainly stronger than
reaching a personally premature verdict.

Definition of 1915 has often damaged any further civilised
conversation.

Limiting the discussion to “is this a genocide or not?” phrase will
never help; it is a trap, a fruitless path that leads nowhere.
Neither are declarations of genocide by parliaments here and there.
Have those parliaments been equally courageous to look at their own
national crimes of humanity in the past? Most of them did not.

Hence, it paves way for all the further debate on hypocricy. No good
either.

Something horrendous happened in 1915. It was a human tragedy of
enormous dimensions. We know who the responsible were. They were
responsible for dragging the country into the World War, and they
were responsible for sending tens of thousands of (mainly Muslim)
young men of Anatolia to their death on Sarýkamiþ Mountains, as they
were responsible of sending Ottoman Armenians to their tragic fate,
they were responsible for killing the democracy after 1908 by
frightening people to silence, having the voices of dissent killed.

Those responsible had nothing to do with the Turkish Republic that
followed the Ottoman Empire. Nor could they find any remorse or
shelter from the founders of the republic. The remnants of the worst
criminals linked with 1915 in Turkey were eliminated by Ataturk
himself.

Yes, Turkey will have to face its past; as much as Germany will have
to face its pats genocide of Herero people in Africa early 1900’s
(which was, despite other claims, the first genocide of last
century), as much as the USA must face its past acts of genocide
against the indians; as much as France must face its past crimes of
humanity against the Algerian civilians etc etc.

And also, let us not forget that the people of today had nothing to
do with those crimes. Reconciliation with the past hast to take
special care not to hurt feelings of them. Understanding is a more
laborious process than dealing with emotions.

–Boundary_(ID_EOfjULRWvDabj827Aph9aQ)- –

Karabakh Conflict Must Be Resolved According To Self-DeterminationPr

KARABAKH CONFLICT MUST BE RESOLVED ACCORDING TO SELF-DETERMINATION PRINCIPLE

Yerevan, April 19. ArmInfo. The international community should
accept the position of the Armenian side that the Karabakh
problem should be resolved in accordance with the principle of a
nation’s self-determination, says the co-chair of the Armenia-EU
inter-parliamentary cooperation commission Marie-Anne Isler Beguin.

Beguin says that Azerbaijan should recognize the right of the Karabakh
people to self-determination as this is a primary principle in the
international law. Beguin also notes the importance of the problem of
refugees. Refugees should be taken back to the seven districts around
Karabakh. The Karabakh conflict should be resolved in the accordance
with two principles: the right of a nation to self-determination
and the respect of the rights of national minorities. The return of
refugees is exactly the latter principle.

Beguin also notes the necessity of early resolution of the Karabakh
conflict and says that the EU will support the sides in the matter.

She regrets that the EU special representative to Armenia has no
specific directives for the Karabakh conflict settlement. She says that
the international community has undertaken to resolve the conflict as
soon as possible. She notes that the two peoples should be prepared
for compromises. Beguin regrets that the Armenian and Azeri presidents
failed to agree in Rambouillet but hopes that they will agree soon.

Serge Sargsyan: Armenia does not develop its relations with NATO att

Serge Sargsyan: Armenia does not develop its relations with NATO at the expense of Armenian-Russian cooperation

ArmRadio.am
20.04.2006 14:08

“Armenia does not develop its relations with NATO at the expense of
Armenian-Russian cooperation,” RA Defense Minister Serge Sargsyan
declared in his interview to “Krasnaya Gazeta” newspaper. According
to him, Armenian-Russian cooperation can only expand in all directions.

“However, we understand that we should learn about the experience of
development of Armed Forces in other countries,” the Minister added.

Turning to the military and technical cooperation between Armenia and
Russia, the Defense Minister emphasized the importance of permanent
development of these relations. In his words, the 102nd Russian
military base has a special role in Armenian-Russian relations.

Trouble In Turkey; Fear Prevails After Priest’s Murder

TROUBLE IN TURKEY; FEAR PREVAILS AFTER PRIEST’S MURDER
by Annette Grossbongardt
Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan

Spiegel Online, Germany
12. April 2006

() Christians are a vanishing minority in predominately Muslim
Turkey. The murder of a priest in February shows that the situation
has become precarious — both for Catholics and for Turkey’s EU bid.;
http:/ ,1518,411043,00.html

Father Pierre Brunissen is deeply immersed in thought as he bumps along
in the night bus along the Black Sea coast from Samsun to Trabzon in
northern Turkey. There is, on this trip, little for the priest to be
happy about. He is hurrying to a Christian congregation in Trabzon —
a city of 250,000 Muslims — which boasts barely a dozen members. And
he is needed because the former priest in Trabzon, Father Andrea
Santoro, was murdered in his church.

It’s a church which is now casting about for a caretaker. In the
vicarage, which gives off a distinct air of neglect, a small plastic
tree left over from Christmas gathers dust in the visiting room.

Because no one volunteered to replace the murdered priest, the
75-year-old Father Pierre was instructed to travel the 250 kilometers
by bus from Samsun to Trabzon once a month to look after things in
the city’s tiny congregation.

The Catholic Santa Maria Church was founded by Capuchin monks
150 years ago. Santoro had the church restored, and now colorful
ornaments and images of the saints once again grace the building’s
walls and ceilings. But in early February, Santoro was shot dead by
two gunshots while he was praying in the last pew of the church. The
first shot penetrated his lung and the second went straight to his
heart. In the dark wood of the pew, a splintered mark made by one
of the bullets can still be seen. On this day, Father Pierre will
celebrate the first mass in the church since Santoro’s murder, but
the church bells remain silent — there is nobody there to ring them.

0,1020,610038,00.jpg right

Christians are a tiny, tolerated minority in Turkey, a country which
is 99 percent Muslim, and the Catholic priest is wary of being too
conspicuous. He even advises the members of his congregation in
Samsun not to wear any visible symbols of their faith, such as a
cross dangling on the outside of a blouse or shirt.

“Murdered priests aren’t good for Trabzon”

“We have nothing against Christians,” says Volkan Canalioglu, the mayor
of Trabzon. “On the contrary, we respect other religions; after all,
Turkey is home to many cultures.” A giant Turkish flag hangs in his
office, and he is a member of the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet
Halk Partisi or CHP) founded by Kemal Atatuerk, which promotes the
secular legacy of the founder of the modern Turkish state. “You will
find no one in Trabzon who approves of this horrible deed.”

The vice president of the local soccer team, Trabzonspor, is also upset
about the incident. “We were playing a match in Ankara when the murder
happened. We won the match, but we couldn’t really enjoy our victory,”
says Hasim Sayitoglu. “Headlines about murdered priests aren’t good
for Trabzon or for us.” Sayitoglu grew up not far from the Santa
Maria Church, although he says he doesn’t know a single Christian.

Trabzon, an ancient trading city that now hopes to develop a
thriving local tourist industry, places little value on its Byzantine
heritage. There are many churches and monasteries dating from centuries
of Byzantine Christian rule, although most have since been converted
into mosques. During the great population exchange between Turkey and
Greece in 1923, almost 1.5 million Orthodox Christians were expelled
from Asia Minor and replaced by 356,000 Muslims from Greece. As a
result of the mass murder and expulsion of the Armenians in World
War I, the country had already lost almost a million Christians. The
result was an almost entirely Muslim state.

Turkey is still home to about 100,000 Christians. Their status is
one of the barometers being used to determine Turkey’s suitability
for European Union membership, making the murder of Father Santoro
especially inconvenient for the administration in Ankara, which is
rooted in Islam but is doing its utmost to portray Turkey as tolerant
and liberal-minded. “The gunshots were not just aimed at Santoro,
but also at the atmosphere of stability Turkey enjoys today,” says
Interior Minister Abduelkadir Aksu. Foreign Minister Abdullah Guel
describes the murder as an “isolated case.”

But isolated cases have been on the rise in Turkey.

Churches have few rights

Recently a young man attacked a monk and a priest with a kebab knife
in a Catholic monastery in Mersin, a small city on the Mediterranean.

“We are no longer safe here,” says the Vicar Apostolic for Anatolia,
Luigi Padovese. “Until now, Mersin was one of our most peaceful
congregations.” Nowadays, the bishop never travels without bodyguards,
a precaution the interior ministry has practically forced him to
accept.

Shortly after the murder in Trabzon, nationalist youth attacked a
Catholic priest in Izmir. They grabbed him by the neck and shouted:
“We will kill you!” and “Allahu akbar! God is great!” The priest
barely made it to safety. After the incident, police officers were
routinely posted in front of the church in Izmir, a measure that had
already been taken in other cities.

Turkey’s Christian minorities had hoped that reforms introduced by
the administration of Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan — as part of
its effort to gain EU membership — would not just lead to a few
improvements, but to complete religious freedom. Although Christians
are permitted to practice their faith freely, in many cases their
churches have practically no rights and often have no claim to the
property they stand on.

When Bishop Padovese requested work permits for two church employees
in Trabzon, the interior ministry denied his request, arguing that
because a Catholic Church doesn’t exist in Turkey, it cannot file
requests. “That’s the paradox,” says Padovese, “We are here, but
legally we don’t exist.” It was not until recently that pastors, who
were previously registered as consular employees, have been allowed
to register as members of their own profession.

“The basic level of anti-Christian sentiment has increased,” says
Felix Koerner, a German Jesuit whom the Vatican sent to Ankara to
encourage a Christian-Islamic dialogue. Turkey’s efforts to enter the
EU have triggered nationalist counter-reactions, says Koerner. “Even
in educated circles, people are saying that Turkish unity and national
sovereignty are in danger.”

Risking physical attack

Conspiracy theories have likewise been making the rounds in Turkey
for some time, producing a climate in which Christians distributing
the New Testament risk being physically attacked. In a sermon against
missionaries it distributed last year, the state religious authority
rails against what it calls “modern crusades,” claiming that their
goal is to “turn our young people away from the Islamic faith.”

Priests have been accused of seducing women in their churches or
encouraging young people to engage in sinful acts. Father Pierre
has already won four court cases for libel against defendants
who had spread rumors that he routinely watches porno films with
young people. To protect himself, he now maintains the best possible
relations with the local Turkish hierarchy, routinely paying visits to
the chief of police, the governor and the mufti. “It helps,” he says.

Sixteen-year-old Oguz, Andrea Santoros’s suspected murderer, is
currently being held under high security at the Trabzon prison. Four
bodyguards have been assigned to the boy to prevent him from harming
himself or being silenced by others. He has refused to make any
statements.

Was Oguz truly trying to avenge the humiliation of Muslims who saw
the Danish cartoon controversy as an affront to their prophet, as
his family claims? Or was the murder the work of the Mafia, which
was incensed over the church’s practice of giving shelter to Russian
prostitutes? Or perhaps the boy, apparently a loner, was a willing
tool for nationalist extremists.

According to his family, Oguz, a high-school student, had recently
become “very religious.” “He prayed five times a day,” says his brother
Alpaznar. His father, who runs a dental laboratory in Trabzon, claims
that he first heard about the Muhammad cartoons from his son. “He
was very upset, but I told him that it was none of his concern.”

The father, pale and bald, is constantly jumping up from his chair,
nervously rubbing his hands. He doesn’t have a photo of his son,
holding up a newspaper clipping instead. “I feel bad for the boy,”
he says, sounding almost as if “the boy” weren’t his own child.

Closed for a month

Oguz apparently spent most of his time in an Internet cafe in a
small shopping center in downtown Trabzon. “He was especially fond of
strategy games,” says the owner, Senol Sahin, adding that the boy had
recently become very aggressive. “He would send me e-mails in which he
used vile language. I even hit him once for doing it.” Sahin believes
the boy is “easily influenced.”

On the morning of the murder, Oguz apparently came home and asked for
directions to the Santa Maria Church. Then, according to his father,
he left the house with his younger brother. The murderer must have
known his way around, because the churchyard one passes through to
reach the church lies in the middle of a group of buildings, and is
in full view of half a dozen apartments, many displaying the Turkish
flag in their windows.

The priest’s young Italian housekeeper, startled by the shots, claims
that she saw a silhouette, and that it was that of a man, not a boy.

The church remained closed for one month. Meanwhile, Bishop Padovese
has sent two lay assistants and a visiting Polish pastor to Trabzon,
so that the church can be kept open at least two or three times a
week for the few Christians who still live in Trabzon.

www.spiegel.de/international/spiegel/0

“INTAS – South Caucasus – 2006” Seminar To Start In Tbilisi

“INTAS – SOUTH CAUCASUS – 2006” SEMINAR TO START IN TBILISI

ArmRadio.am
19.04.2006 11:47

Seminar on “INTAS – South Caucasus – 2006, scientific cooperation
and joint contests” will start in Tbilisi.

The prospects of cooperation opportunities for scientific cooperation
between Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia will be discussed. Views will
be exchanged on elaboration of a joint policy for development in the
sphere of science and technology.

Egoyan does Beckett, and sees a lot of himself

Globe and Mail, Canada
April 15 2006

Egoyan does Beckett, and sees a lot of himself

At a Dublin festival marking the 100th birthday of the Irish
playwright, the director marvels at their many affinities
HADANI DITMARS

Special to The Globe and Mail

DUBLIN — At Dublin’s famous Gate Theatre, Atom Egoyan is pacing
nervously in the lobby, waiting for the curtain to rise on his new
production of Samuel Beckett’s Eh Joe.

“This place,” he says, in mild awe of the 78-year-old theatre whose
artistic director, Michael Colgan, staged all 19 of Beckett’s plays
in the early nineties, “is a shrine.”

The lobby is full of photos of Beckett himself, as well as
productions of Waiting for Godot and Endgame. It is also packed with
serious theatre-going Dubliners, here for the Beckett Centenary
Festival (on until May 6) which has turned the entire city into a
living memorial to the celebrated, Nobel Prize-winning Irish writer.

Given the show’s glowing reviews in The Guardian and the Irish
Independent, Egoyan’s anxiety, however modest, is a little
unexpected. But tonight is the first time Beckett’s nephew Edward,
executor of his estate, will see the show, and Egoyan has flown in
especially from an Italian press trip promoting his latest film,
Where the Truth Lies.

The Beckett estate keeps a close watch on what is produced in the
playwright’s name. It had already given a nod to Egoyan’s film
version of Krapp’s Last Tape — produced with RTE (Irish television)
in 2000 — and it had approved his ingenious new version of Eh Joe,
adapted for the stage from the original 1966 television production,
about a middle-aged man haunted by regret and pursued by a camera.
Still, it’s easy to see that Edward Beckett’s opinion of the actual
production means the world to Egoyan.

After Beckett approaches the director in the lobby to say hello,
Egoyan practically winces. “Wow,” he says, “this is so intimidating.”

Egoyan has won the Order of Canada and been knighted by the French
government with the Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres. So why is this
one-act play so important to him?

“I’m very excited about it because it is the most succinct expression
of ideas I’ve been working on for a long time, presented with the
finest actors available,” says Beckett, referring to Penelope Wilton
and Michael Gambon. Adds the director, who says he has idolized the
playwright since his teenage years, “To be doing a Beckett play here
at the Gate, it’s a really privileged opportunity.”

Those ideas, says Egoyan, involve the pondering of a number of
questions. Among them: “How do we construct personality? What is the
nature of a dramatic presentation? How do we know when something is
real? How do we access our own experience of what it means to be
ourselves?

“Ultimately,” he says, “all my work is about the inherent mystery of
any meeting between two people.”

In the case of Eh Joe, those two people are a solitary man onstage,
and the haunting voice of a woman. But for Egoyan — who, like
Beckett, celebrates the Irish philosopher George Berkeley’s concept
of esse is percipi, that “to be is to be perceived” — the perception
of the audience is almost a third entity that makes for a “a rich
alchemy.”

Adding to this richness in Egoyan’s current production is the
delicate textural quality created by a scrim between the audience and
the actor. An offstage projector projects Gambon’s image onto the
scrim, so that every movement in the actor’s face, every subtle
nuance, is writ large. But rather than distancing the audience from
the actor, the effect is one of profound intimacy. The experience is
gripping.

Beckett’s poetic language is delivered in the form of a long, lilting
monologue by the prerecorded voice of Wilton, who may or may not be a
former love of Joe. Or is she an inner demon he is exorcising? As the
voice describes the lyrical suicide of a young woman Joe once loved,
the camera inches closer to Gambon’s face in nine tightly
choreographed, almost imperceptibly subtle movements.

Intriguingly, while Gambon’s face is remarkably expressive, it’s his
hands that one notices the most. At the beginning of the play, they
tenderly caress windows and doors, searching for some kind of escape
from Joe’s inner solitude, in an almost filmic gesture. At the very
end, they rise dramatically to touch the actor’s face, in a final act
of self-recognition.

As the curtain rises, the packed house applauds its approval. The
no-nonsense Dubliners — wearing jeans and lacking pretense, and
evidently feeling as great a sense of ownership of Beckett as does
his estate — appear to have embraced Egoyan’s take on their bard.

Later, over drinks, as actors like Charles Dance discuss the previous
evening’s performance of Endgame, and artistic director Colgan holds
a rather jovial court, Egoyan delightedly receives a thumbs-up from
Edward Beckett. (The next night Bono, who has lately taken to writing
editorials on Beckett in the Irish press, will make a surprise
appearance and tell Egoyan that his production “really got me inside
Joe’s head.”)

With all that Egoyan has on at the moment — including an upcoming
production of part of the Ring cycle for the Canadian Opera Company,
a book on actress Claudia Cardinale with an Italian publisher, the
debut of a camcorder documentary, Citadel (which he made with wife,
Arsinée Khanjian, about her return to Lebanon), as well as his
ongoing visual-installation projects, the latest with Turkish artist
Kutlug Ataman — his seeming obsession with an old Beckett TV play
may seem incongruous.

But in some ways, he says, the play is a “pure distillation” of all
his work to date. Indeed, his background in theatre (he was at
Toronto’s Tarragon in the eighties), his film projects and his
installation pieces all come together in Eh Joe. According to Egoyan,
Beckett’s explicit stage directions and visual sensibility were
decidedly “filmic.” He even recounts that Beckett once wrote to famed
Russian filmmaker Sergei Eisenstein, asking to apprentice with him.

In terms of the difference in genres, Egoyan says he is excited by
the spontaneity of live theatre and the “magical process of
incarnation — what an actor does when they allow another character
to enter their soul.”

For Colgan, Egoyan, whom he sees as a fellow “Beckett devotee,” was a
natural choice for Eh Joe. “Like Beckett, he has so much integrity
and so much dedication,” says Colgan. “His ego doesn’t get in the way
of the work.”

The two men first met at a theatre festival in Toronto in 1998, when
Colgan was on tour with Waiting for Godot and Egoyan was directing
his opera Elsewhereless. While the opera was not a huge critical
success in Canada, Colgan was impressed enough by it to ask Egoyan to
direct the RTE production of Krapp’s Last Tape, one of a series of
plays he was filming.

With the experience of filming 1999’s Felicia’s Journey still fresh,
Egoyan was soon bitten by the Dublin bug. “There’s something about
this city,” he muses, “so many of the writers I adore are from here:
Swift, Beckett, Joyce. It’s inspirational.”

He also sees some parallels between the Armenian and Irish experience
(even noting an uncanny resemblance between the Armenian and Celtic
crosses). In fact, it was during the filming of Felicia’s Journey
that Egoyan had an epiphany of sorts that inspired his film Ararat.
“It was the scene when Felicia’s father is taking her through the
ruined castle in County Cork, and he says, ‘You must never forget
1916 [the Irish uprising against British rule].’ I thought
immediately of 1915 [the year of the Armenian genocide] and wondered
why I could be so involved in one history and not with my own.”

Coincidentally, the day after Egoyan’s Eh Joe wins the approval of
Beckett’s nephew, three days before the 90th anniversary of the 1916
uprising, and on Beckett’s 100th birthday, Egoyan learns that Turkish
television will finally be showing Ararat on the same day.

Still reeling from the excitement of the Gate’s birthday tribute to
Beckett, Egoyan says, “I can’t quite believe that I’m here. I just
keep thinking about being a teenager in Victoria, devouring Beckett
at the library.

“But Beckett is still so important, so relevant today,” he continues.
“He took postwar French existentialism and married it to Irish
tradition in a wonderful way. His work is austere and rigorous but
it’s full of affection for the human condition. Beckett is about
despair, but also about transcending despair — not through anything
esoteric or spiritual, but through pure humanity.”

Greek-Armenians stage anti-Turk march over WWI massacre

Agence France Presse — English
April 15, 2006 Saturday 2:00 PM GMT

Greek-Armenians stage anti-Turk march over WWI massacre

ATHENS, April 15 2006

Around 300 Greeks of Armenian descent marched on the Turkish embassy
in Athens on Saturday to mark the 91st anniversary of massacres
allegedly committed against their kin by the Ottoman Empire during
World War I.

Waving Armenian flags and chanting anti-Turkish slogans, the marchers
sent a delegation to deliver a message of protest to the Turkish
ambassador but were denied access to the embassy, organisers said.

The message warned Ankara that “the gates of Europe, which it so
greatly desires to cross, will remain closed” if it continues to
refuse to recognise the 1915-17 massacre.

Turkey is seeking to join the European Union, of which Greece is a
member.

The peaceful demonstration, which included both toddlers and elderly
people, momentarily soured when a group of protestors started burning
a Turkish flag. That prompted riot police guarding the embassy to
intervene with truncheons.

The marchers later dispersed without further incident.

Armenians say up to 1.5 million of their kinsmen were slaughtered in
an orchestrated genocide in the final years of the Ottoman Empire.

Ankara denies the attacks amounted to genocide but the Armenian view
has been endorsed by countries such as Greece, France and Russia.

These three countries recognise April 24 as a day of rememberance for
the Armenian genocide, as does the European Parliament — the EU’s
direclty-elected assembly — and the United Nations Sub-Commission on
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities.

Turkey categorically rejects claims of genocide. It argues that
300,000 Armenians and at least as many Turks died in civil strife
when Armenians began fighting for independence in eastern Anatolia
and sided with Russian troops invading the crumbling Ottoman Empire.

Fassier: There Will Be No War Between Parties Of Karabakh Conflict

FASSIER: THERE WILL BE NO WAR BETWEEN PARTIES OF KARABAKH CONFLICT

PanARMENIAN.Net
14.04.2006 02:33 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ OSCE Minsk Group co-chair countries are convinced
the Nagorno Karabakh conflict cannot be solved by force, OSCE MG
French Co-Chair Bernard Fassier stated in Yerevan. In his words,
there will be no war between the parties to conflict in any conditions.

“A war will be a catastrophe to all parties to conflict and the region
as a whole. War means new victims, destruction, refugees, unnecessary
and unjustified expenses, which can be spent on peaceful development
of the region. War is the worst script, at which there are no winners,”
the French diplomat underscored.

Bernard Fassier said the OSCE MG officially calls the parties to
conflict to arrive at a peace accord, in spite of past losses. “It
should not be specified who attacked the first, who seized something
or lost it.

If we give hope to both parties for continuation of the peace talks,
this means we have found new principles of settlement. These are not
new talks, these are new principles,” the French Co-Chair remarked.