Author: Chavushian

Double murder in Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic
31.01.2010 17:56 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Double murder occurred in the village of Garkhun,
Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic. Mosque mullah was refused a license
in Garkhun village mosque. A conflict broke, resulting in murder of
Sharur region’s ahong, Gaji Akhper and Siyagut village mullah,
Gazanfar Guliyev.

Murder suspect was taken under arrest. Criminal investigation was
initiated in accordance with art. 120 (premeditated murder) of
Criminal Code, APA reported.

US SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN TO ALARM AZERBAIJAN

Panorama.am
15:57 29/01/2010

The US Senate has backed legislation allowing President Barack Obama
to extend sanctions against Iran. The new sanctions would target
those who export fuel to Iran. The Senate bill targets non-Iranian
companies that export fuel to Iran or help expand Tehran’s oil refining
capacities by denying them US loans and other financial assistance.
Azerbaijan~Rs state oil company (SOCAR) is deeply alarmed by the bill
as Azerbaijan has provided gas to Iran in the previous year and the
sides have agreements to cooperate in 2010 also.

RUSSIAN AND JAPANESE EXECUTIVES AT DAVOS
By Ian Bremmer

Foreign Policy
Friday, January 29, 2010 – 11:34 AM

I’m seeing a lot of Russians in Davos this year, but surprisingly
little Russia. It’s hard to say if it’s a conscious decision by
the Russian government, but if so, it strikes me as a pretty sound
strategy. After all, Russia as a topic generally comes across as
a negative in global circles–revisionist geopolitics, resource
nationalism, and strongly authoritarian (albeit charismatic, in a
fashion) domestic leadership. Instead, there are a healthy number of
Russian executives going about their business, presenting on panels
along with colleagues from other countries, and generally integrating
well. It’s probably their best Davos in a good long while.

The Russians have nothing on the Japanese execs, who are here in
serious force. Though absolutely none of whom are actually talking
about Japan. Indeed, the only attendee I could find giving a bullish
Japan story is Pepsi CEO Indra Nooyi, who apparently is making
money there cans over fist. For everyone else, it’s a story of a
dwindling population and flat consumption, but world-class technology,
strong regulatory structure, and top-notch management. Japan’s model
apparently is to become a bigger Singapore.

Speaking of Singapore, a sad piece of trivia I just heard: after
lots of lobbying and prodding, an Armenian friend of mine (full
disclosure: my mum’s also Armenian) recently got Singaporean minister
and mentor Lee Kuan Yew to spend three days in Armenia. But the
Armenian government initially didn’t want to meet with him because
they didn’t know who he was. Land-locked, no resources to speak of,
and apparently they don’t read the paper. Oy.

Ian Bremmer will be blogging from Davos this week sending reports
and commentary from inside the World Economic Forum.

DECISION TO SLEDGE – MOST CRUCIAL AT SOCHI MEETING: GIRAGOSIAN

News.am
14:32 / 01/28/2010

OSCE Minsk Group acknowledged that the only way of achieving progress
in Karabakh peace process is NKR’s participation in the talks, the
director of the Armenian Center for National and International Studies
(ACNIS) Richard Giragosian told NEWS.am. The expert commented on
rumors that in Madrid Principles preamble the necessity of Karabakh
participation is outlined.

According to him, Azerbaijan could do nothing but agree with this.

"Looking at Azerbaijan’s diplomacy we see it is idle, as Azerbaijan is
a champion of threat-making. However, the more it threatens with war,
the stronger laughter it induces as a result," he state, adding that
"the preamble is just a preface to a letter of minor importance."

According to Giragosian, Azerbaijan simply wanted to show that they
agree with something, that is why they agreed with preamble. The only
practical decision made in Sochi was "to drink tea or coffee or what
chair to sit on." Another crucial decision was sledging. "Nothing
was reached over other issues," Giragosian concluded.

AGREEMENT ON CSTO RRF TO BE SUBMITTED TO RA NA FOR RATIFICATION IN FEBRUARY

PanARMENIAN.Net
26.01.2010 17:50 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Agreement on CSTO Rapid Reaction Force will be
submitted to the RA National Assembly for ratification in February,
chairman of the parliamentary committee on defense, national security
and internal affairs Hrayr Karapetyan said.

"Armenia is a an active member of the Collective Security Treaty
Organization," he said. As to relations with NATO, Mr. Karapetyan
said they are successfully developing.

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is a security
grouping comprising the former Soviet republics of Armenia, Belarus,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. The
rapid-reaction force agreement was signed by the leaders of all CSTO
member states in the Kremlin on February 4, 2009.

TOURISTS RETURN TO AN ANCIENT CROSSROADS IN SYRIA
By Lionel Beehner

Saudi Gazette
Jan 26, 2010

TRAVEL

TO shouts of "yella-yella" – move along! – the driver of a donkey
lugging a wagon overstuffed with pistachios parted the throngs of
shoppers in Aleppo’s medieval souk. It was the middle of Ramadan, just
hours before the Iftar and the market’s serpentine rows of squat stalls
were filled with black-veiled women and keffiyeh-clad men, sniffing
the handmade olive soaps and stocking up on spices. But there was
another kind of shopper blocking the donkey’s path: Western tourists.

Not that Aleppo is any stranger to outsiders – T. E. Lawrence, Agatha
Christie and Charles Lindbergh all made this city in northern Syria
their stomping ground at one point.

Yet, as tensions between Damascus and Washington begin to ease, a new
wave of visitors is rediscovering this ancient trading center, eager to
take advantage of its low prices, spicy cuisine and maze-like bazaar.

In September, tourism in Syria was up by more than a third from
the same month a year earlier, and the recent loosening of visa
restrictions with Turkey means that Aleppo is being flooded with
traders and tourists from across the border.

"The whole infrastructure of tourism is improving dramatically,"
said Joshua Landis, an American professor and Mideast expert who runs
a popular blog called Syria Comment (joshualandis.com/blog).

"The spate of new boutique hotels and restaurants has shown the
moneymaking potential of Aleppo’s Old City. But the pitch is to go now,
before the masses arrive."

What makes Aleppo unique is its blend of Ottoman, Armenian, Jewish and
French influences, owing to its historic position at the crossroads
of empires. Bright-green domed mosques rub shoulders with Armenian
cathedrals, Maronite churches and even a synagogue. Its setting amid
rolling plains dotted with olive groves and the ruins of dead cities
calls to mind a scene out of "One Thousand and One Nights."

Aleppo may also boast the Arab world’s most impressive souk, a
sprawling network of noisy corridors and cramped stalls where, for the
past seven centuries, every kind of spice, sweet, soap, silk, dried
fruit, carpet, metal, jewelry and water pipe imaginable has been sold.

If you’ve ever wondered what a slab of camel meat looks or smells like,
just wander through the butcher section. And unlike bazaars in Istanbul
or Cairo, Aleppo’s functions as an actual market, not a tourist trap.

The souk is a city unto itself. Old looms turn yarn into
splashy-colored textiles, parrots squawk in cages and pictures of
Presidents Bashar (current) and Hafez (former) al-Assad are everywhere.

A buffet of scents – the sweet perfume of smoke, the laurel-like
smell of olive soap – follows visitors. Sure, the incessant barking
of "Welcome!" and "Where you from?" gets old quickly, but a few
shopkeepers at least throw in some humor. "Very expensive. Very bad
quality," one beckoned to me with a wink.

The best time to visit Aleppo’s Old City may be in early morning, when
the stalls are shuttered and their inlaid, ornately carved wooden doors
become visible. At this hour, the city’s ruddy cobblestone streets go
silent, save for the Arabic pop music blaring from a nearby barbershop,
and the floral patterns of the enclosed balconies come into focus.

After the obligatory visit to the Grand Mosque, peek into any of the
black-and-white stone archways to check out the courtyards of Aleppo’s
khans (inns), full of jasmine and citrus trees. Or climb the stone
bridge to the citadel, an imposing hilltop fortress completed in the
13th century.

Buried within its ruins are a palace, hammam (bathhouse), temple,
dungeon and two mosques. But the best reason to visit is the view of
Aleppo’s minaret-dotted skyline.

Afterward, men can head to the restored Hammam el Nahasin for a
relaxing massage or steam bath. Or, for a nice chaser, swing by the
all-night juice stand on Bab al-Faraj square.

The square is mostly noted for its clock tower and the charmless
Sheraton Hotel in the middle of it. In a travesty of 1970s-era
Soviet-style urban planning, large swaths of the Old City were leveled
to make room for wider, car-friendlier avenues. In the mid-1980s,
the Syrian government reversed course and invited the German aid
agency GTZ to rehabilitate its historic buildings.

The center of town is divided into three main parts: New City, Old
City and Al-Jdeida, the old Christian quarter.

Aleppan cuisine reflects the city’s diverse history. It is not
uncommon to order a half-dozen dishes in one sitting from as many
culinary influences, which might include mezze, or appetizer dishes,
of pureed dips with walnuts and hot peppers and main courses of soujouk
(peppery sausage) and kibbeh (minced lamb).

And a new wave of Aleppan restaurants is laying claim to rooftops and
courtyards across town, while merchants’ houses from the Ottoman era
are being converted into trendy boutique hotels.

"Before, you had the government-run hotel on the square, and
that was it," said Thomas Pritzkat, project manager of the Aleppo
Urban Development Project. "Now people are buying up old homes and
transforming them into hotels and restaurants."

For tasty tabbouleh salad smothered in parsley on an Oriental-themed
rooftop, try Al-Hareer Restaurant. Another Aleppo mainstay is Sissi
House, which can feel a bit stuffy – French-only menus, no prices
listed – but whose lamb kebob lathered in tangy cherry sauce is worth
the visit.

"Aleppo has a rich mix of cultures," said Karam Artin, 20, an
interior design student who was singing at a newly opened karaoke bar
bedecked in red velvet. "In a few years, this city will be swarming
with tourists, and, hopefully, even more American visitors." – New
York Times

ARMENIAN DELEGATION RESERVES VOTING RIGHT IN PACE

News.am
18:46 / 01/25/2010

Though the composition of Armenian delegation to PACE was not approved
at winter session, it reserved voting right, said head of delegation
in PACE David Harutyunyan on Jan.25.

According to him, Armenian delegation members reserve right for
voting as well as sit on a session before the discussion on commission
procedures on January 28, 2010.

RA delegation composition was changed on January 15, when RA Parliament
Speaker Hovik Abrahamyan de-listed oppositional Heritage party member
Zaruhi Postanjyan and ordered not send or cover her business trip
expenses.

WPS Agency, Russia
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
January 20, 2010 Wednesday

THERE IS A STALEMATE SITUATION IN THE CAUCASIAN FRONTS, SO FAR

by Alexander Khramchikhin

NOT A SINGLE CAUCASIAN CONFLICT WILL BE RESOLVED BY A PEACEFUL WAY,
THE ONLY WAY TO RESOLVE THEM IS MILITARY; At present, the Caucasus is
probably a unique region. Four countries – Russia, Azerbaijan, Armenia
and Georgia – belong to it. There are also two "partially recognized"
states (Abkhazia and South Ossetia) and one "absolutely unrecognized"
state (Nagorno-Karabakh). All of them are in condition of "cold" war
among each other.

At present, the Caucasus is probably a unique region. Four countries –
Russia, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia – belong to it. There are also
two "partially recognized" states (Abkhazia and South Ossetia) and one
"absolutely unrecognized" state (Nagorno-Karabakh). All of them are in
condition of "cold" war among each other.

The matter of balance of forces in the region is very vital.

Acquisitions and losses

After breakup of the USSR Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and
self-proclaimed Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh mostly
received "their own" share of the former Soviet army each.

Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and
Kazakhstan received quotas for armament and military hardware under
the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty (CFE) having divided the
Soviet quota. Thus, each country of Transcaucasia was permitted to
have 220 tanks, 220 fighting armored vehicles (including 135 armored
infantry vehicles), 285 artillery systems, 100 combat airplanes and 50
strike helicopters.

In reality after breakup of the USSR Azerbaijan received 436 tanks,
558 fighting infantry vehicles, 389 armored personnel carriers, 388
artillery systems, 63 airplanes and eight helicopters. At the
beginning of 1993, Armenia had only 77 tanks, 150 fighting infantry
vehicles, 39 armored personnel carriers, 160 artillery systems, three
airplanes and 13 helicopters. Along with this, the armed forces of
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic became a "gray zone." Nagorno-Karabakh
received a certain part of military hardware of the Soviet army
(although a small one) in the form of the 366th mechanized infantry
regiment. Armenia handed a certain quantity of military hardware that
was not registered over to Nagorno-Karabakh.

Despite that the strength of the armed forces of Nagorno-Karabakh was
unknown for sure, there was no doubt that by the beginning of the
Nagorno-Karabakh war the army of Azerbaijan had a very significant
superiority over the armed forces of Armenia and the autonomous
republic that declared independence.

In any case, significant superiority did not help Azerbaijan and it
was seriously defeated in that war.

Armenia confessed that it lost 52 T-72 tanks, 54 fighting infantry
vehicles, six guns and mortars. Naturally, it remained unknown what
and how much Nagorno-Karabakh lost. Losses of Azerbaijan amounted to
186 tanks (160 T-72s and 26 T-55s), 111 fighting infantry vehicles,
eight armored personnel carriers, seven self-propelled artillery
mounts, 47 guns and mortars, five multiple rocket launcher systems,
14-16 airplanes, five or six helicopters. Azerbaijan also wrote off 43
tanks (including 18 T-72s), 83 fighting infantry vehicles, 31 armored
personnel carriers, one self-propelled artillery mount, 42 guns and
mortars and eight multiple rocket launcher systems.

Revanche is unlikely

Naturally, after the end of the war Armenia and Azerbaijan were
actively arming themselves.

Due to the oil revenues the military budget of Azerbaijan is threefold
bigger than the Armenian one.

Azerbaijan was the only of the 30 CFE participants that exceeded the
framework of the quotas very much in two classes of military hardware
at once: tanks (there were 381 of them as of January 1 of 2009) and
artillery systems (404). Baku also declares that its armed forces have
181 fighting armored vehicles, 75 combat airplanes and 15 strike
helicopters. Incidentally, the air force of Azerbaijan is growing very
rapidly: in 2003 it had 54 airplanes. For example, 14 MiG-29s were
bought in Ukraine recently, although one of them crashed.

With regard to Armenia, judging by the data that it provides in
accordance with the CFE its armed forces remain stable for many years.
As of January 1 of 2009, Yerevan reported that it had 110 tanks, 140
fighting armored vehicles, 239 artillery systems, 16 airplanes and
eight helicopters.

According to the Azerbaijan, the army of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic has
316 tanks, 324 fighting armored vehicles and 332 artillery systems.
However, these figures look incredible.

Azerbaijan achieved almost 300% superiority over Armenia in tanks and
almost 400% superiority in combat airplanes. In any case, the armed
forces of Nagorno-Karabakh are not taken into account. Hence, if there
is an advantage of Azerbaijan on the ground it is very insignificant.
The quality of armament is similar: the armed forces of the parties
are armed almost exclusively with Soviet hardware. Hence, Azerbaijani
potential is absolutely insufficient for successful offensive.

In the air Azerbaijan has an indisputable superiority. Armenia has one
MiG-25 airplane. Azerbaijan has 32 MiG-25 airplanes. Along with this,
the benefit from them is only a little bigger than the benefit from
one Armenian airplane. MiG-25 is simply unsuitable for fulfillment of
tactical tasks.

Along with this, attack airplanes Su-25 act perfectly above the
battlefield. Azerbaijan and Armenia have 15 such airplanes each. For
attacking of ground targets Azerbaijan also has five frontline bombers
Su-24 and the same quantity of old but food attack airplanes Su-17.
Azerbaijan also has almost 100% superiority in strike helicopters: 15
helicopters against eight (naturally, these are Mi-24 in both
countries). Five MiG-21s, old but quite fit for this theater of combat
operations, as well as 13 new MiG-29s will be suitable for
maneuverable battles.

In any case, the might of Azerbaijani air force is not as big as to
change the course of war on the ground (it is possible to suspect that
the level of pilots training in Azerbaijan is not the best in the
world). Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh also have air defense systems
that can be very efficient in mountains.

That is why it is possible to say with assurance that chances of
Azerbaijan for military revanche are quite illusory now.

Before and after August of 2008

Recently, the center for analysis of strategies and technologies
released a collection of articles entitled "Tanks of August" and
describing the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 in detail.

The book denied the myth that before the war the Georgian army was
armed with American weapons and at expense of America that was very
popular in Russia. Specialists knew well and for a long time that
Georgia almost had no American weapons and had almost only Soviet
models of armament and military hardware. The foreign military aid
amounted to less than 1% of the military budget of the country.

By the beginning of the war, the ground forces of Georgia had 247
tanks (191 T-72, 56 T-55), 165 fighting infantry vehicles, 152 armored
personnel carriers (including 86 MTLB), 44 self-propelled artillery
systems, 123 towed guns, 55 antitank guns, up to 400 mortars, 28
multiple rocket launcher systems, 15 air defense systems Shilka, 45
air defense guns. The air force and air defense forces included 12
attack airplanes Su-25 (including two Su-25UBs), eight combat
helicopters Mi-24, 32 transport helicopters (18 Mi-8, 2 Mi-14, 6
UÃ?-1Ã?, 6 Bell-212), 10 training airplanes L-39Ã`, two battalions of air
defense missile systems S-125 and Buk-M1 each, 18 air defense systems
Osa-AKM, several Israeli air defense missile systems Spider. Just
compare: at the beginning of 1993 the former Soviet republic had 108
tanks, 121 fighting combat vehicles, 17 artillery systems, four
airplanes and the same quantity of helicopters.

During the combat operations proper (August 8-12, 2008) losses of
Georgia turned out to be small (about 20 tanks, about 10 fighting
infantry vehicles and armored personnel carriers, up to 20 guns and
mortars and three helicopters). These figures were partially not big
because actions of the Russian armed forces (first of all, aviation)
left much to be desired. For example, the air force of Georgia did not
lose a single airplane (along with this, Russian air defense forces
downed three friendly airplanes). Naturally, the "maritime battle"
during which Russian small missile ship Mirazh allegedly sunk Georgian
missile boat Tbilisi turned out to be a pure myth.

Georgia bore the main losses in military hardware already after the
end of hostilities when Russian forces took Georgian military bases.

Thus, Russian paratroopers occupied the port of Poti where they blew
up six boats left by the "heroic" Georgian sailors including both
missile boats (including Tbilisi). As a result, Georgia had to disband
the navy completely. Tens of units of military hardware including 65
T-72s and approximately 20 fighting infantry vehicles were captured at
the bases in Gori and Senaki. Russian air force failed to kill any
Georgian air defense system, but ground forces captured five air
defense missile systems Osa, two launchers and launch and loading
vehicles of Buk-M1 system and one air defense missile system Spider.

Almost 18 months passed since then. During this time Georgia fully
restored and even increased its pre-war potential. However, it is not
quite clear in what.

According to CFE, as of January 1 of 2009 Georgian armed forces had
137 tanks, 128 fighting armored vehicles, 203 artillery systems, 12
combat airplanes and six strike helicopters. Thus, if the figures of
the pre-war military potential mentioned above are correct, its armed
forces decreased by 110 tanks and 189 fighting armored vehicles (or by
103 vehicles if MTLB is not taken into account). It is not quite clear
where the restoration is. Of course, a year passed since January 1 of
2009 but we did not hear anything about mass purchase of armored
vehicles by Tbilisi (as well as raillery, aviation and air defense
systems).

Personnel of the armed forces of Georgia is oriented at defensive
operations, for instance, combating of tanks. This will possible
hinder the task of a march at Tbilisi for the Russian forces but
offensive potential of the Georgian army is lost now. Georgian
aviation does not pose a serious threat too.

Result of reforming

The military political authorities of Russia drew very original
conclusions from the events of August of 2008 and started establishing
the armed forces for which even a Georgia became a problem now at an
accelerated speed. Brigades appeared instead of divisions in the
framework of the "military reform." As a result, firepower decreased
significantly but mobility did not grow bigger.

There is the fourth military base of the Russian armed forces on the
territory of South Ossetia. Its backbone is composed of the 693rd
mechanized infantry brigade (former 693rd mechanized infantry regiment
of the former 19th mechanized infantry division). It is armed with 41
T-72Bs and 150 BMP-2s. Units of the base are scattered all over the
republic and a part of them is located in North Ossetia.

There is the seventh military base of the Russian armed forces in
Abkhazia. Its backbone is composed of the 131st mechanized infantry
brigade. It has 41 T-90A tanks (there are approximately three hundred
of such tanks in entire Russia) and 150 BTR-80 armored personnel
carriers. Both bases also have two battalions of self-propelled
artillery systems 2S3, one battalion of multiple rocket launcher
systems Grad and air defense systems each. Even a regiment of air
defense missile systems S-300PS was moved from Moscow Region to
Abkhazia.

There are the following mechanized infantry formations remaining on
the territory of Russia within the North Caucasian Military District:
the 17th and the 18th brigades (both on the basis of the former 42nd
mechanized infantry division in Chechnya), the 19th brigade (on the
basis of the former 19th mechanized infantry division in North
Ossetia), the 20th (on the basis of the former 20th mechanized
infantry division in Volgograd; the 19th and 20th mechanized infantry
brigades also received T-90 tanks) and the 205th brigade (in
Budennovsk). There is also the 56th airborne attack brigade. The North
Caucasian Military District also has three mountain brigades: the 33rd
(Dagestan, the 34th (Karachay-Cherkessia) and the eighth (Chechnya).
The eighth brigade was established on the basis of the Tamanskaya
division in Moscow Region. There are also two brigades of special
forces, one missile brigade, one artillery brigade, one rocket
artillery brigade and one air defense missile brigade.

In comparison to the pre-reform situation the quantity of military
hardware in the North Caucasian Military District decreased
approximately by 33.33%. In any case, so far this group exceeds the
Georgian armed forces according to its combat potential yet because
Georgia has a long way to go to restore what it has had before the war
and contrary to the Kremlin propaganda NATO is not going to help
Tbilisi.

Moscow can hope only for this because in case of war we will have
practically nothing to reinforce the group of forces in the Caucasus
with. We already concentrated one-fourth of all combined-arms
brigades, 10 of 39, there. In August of 2008, the Russian armed forces
encountered a problem of mobility. It is very difficult to transport
the troops at our huge distances. This problem was solved to a
significant extent by now. No, mobility did not grow. There is simply
nothing to transport. The combined-arms brigades the nearest to the
Caucasus are located in Moscow Region (three) and in Samara Region
(two) now.

Even after the reform superiority of Russia in the air remains
overwhelming. In the North Caucasian Military District we have 76
Su-24s, 73 Su-25s, 42 MiG-29s, 42 Su-27s, 40 Mi-24s and three Mi-28
against 12 Georgian Su-25s and six Mi-24s. Along with this, during the
war in August the air force of Russia did not act very well.

In general, there is a stalemate situation in all Caucasian fronts
now. However, it will not remain such forever. Not a single local
conflict can be resolved by a peaceful way. Practice shows that
military way is the only way to resolve them.

Source: Nezavisimoe Voennoe Obozrenie, No. 1, January 15-21, 2010, p. 1

State Telegraph Agency of the Republic of Azerbaijan
January 22, 2010 Friday

TURKISH PARLIAMENT TO TAKE INTO CONSIDERATION AZERBAIJANI PEOPLE`S
SENSITIVENESS ON PROTOCOLS

Baku 22 January

Turkish Grand National Assembly`s Foreign Affairs Committee will take
into consideration the Azerbaijani people`s sensitiveness while
discussing the protocols signed with Armenia, chair of the Committee
Murat Mercan said.

According to Mercan, Turkish parliamentarians understand their
responsibility before the peoples of Azerbaijan and Turkey.

On the formal ruling handed down by the Armenian Constitutional Court
approving the protocols, Mercan said it contains preconditions and
restrictive provisions which impair the letter and spirit of the
documents.

He noted Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoglu demanded his
Armenian counterpart Edward Nalbandian to make the issue clear and
demonstrate political will.

Mercan added the Armenian Court`s decision had seriously damaged the
process of normalization.

The Turkish parliament does not hurry to include discussion of the
protocols on the agenda, and feels no relevant pressure, Mercan
underlined.

Journal of Turkish Weekly
Jan 23 2010

U.S. National Security Council Spokesman Says President Obama
Considers Relations With Turkey An Important Strategic Partnership

Saturday, 23 January 2010

Mike Hammer, spokesman for the U.S. National Security Council, said,
"the relationship with Turkey was President Barack Obama’s recognition
that it is an important strategic partnership."

Hammer said at a news conference, "the bilateral relationship with
Turkey is the president’s recognition that it’s an important strategic
partnership. Not only is Turkey a NATO ally, but it’s an important
country with great linkages into the Muslim world. And that was a
primary reason why, as part of our first trip to Europe, we stopped in
Turkey."

"And we have been working with the Turkish government to advance that
relationship and to work on a number of issues of common interest.
Here again, it is our interest to further deepen that strategic
partnership, and we hope that, you know, in the coming year you’ll
continue to see even more progress. On occasion, again, we will talk
about some issues where perhaps there are some differences of opinion,
but I think overall the relationship is absolutely excellent. The
president has enjoyed meeting both President Abdullah Gul and Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and I fully anticipate that they will
continue to have contacts," he said.

Replying to a question about the issues which they did not have any
agreement, Hammer told reporters, "I didn’t mean to imply in any way
that there’s tension. It’s just that with a number of countries —
depending on what country you come from, there’s always going to be
some issue that perhaps we don’t see eye to eye or where there’s a bit
of friction. I mean, sometimes human rights issues might come to the
fore."

"In fact, there are more issues that we agree on than we disagree on.
One that I would highlight where we’re working together obviously is
on Turkish-Armenian reconciliation and the efforts that are being put
forward there. And we want to be supportive of that. So And the United
States, you know, in accordance with our values and our principles,
will raise those issues," he added.

Saturday, 23 January 2010

A.A