Venice Commission delivers opinion on Article 300.1 of Armenia’s Criminal Code

Panorama, Armenia

The Venice Commission adopted on Thursday an amicus curiae brief relating to Article 300.1 of Armenia’s Criminal Code which penalizes overthrowing the constitutional order requested by the country’s Constitutional Court.

For the amicus curiae brief, the Constitutional Court of Armenia has asked the Venice Commission five specific questions:

1) Do the offences against the constitutional order prescribed in the criminal laws of the member States of the Venice Commission contain references to constitutions or their specific articles?

2) How are the concepts of constitutional order, overthrow of the constitutional order, usurpation of power described in the relevant legal acts of the member States of the Venice Commission and, in particular, in criminal laws, and are there judicial interpretations of these concepts?

3) Which are the European standards for the requirement of certainty of a criminal law?

4) Do the legislations of the member States of the Venice Commission stipulate a similar offence to the one prescribed in Article 300.1 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Armenia?

5) If so, which is the best practice from the perspective of legal certainty?

The Venice Commission’s secretariat has received information from most of the members of the Venice Commission with respect to the above-mentioned questions. As the material received is not comprehensive and shows significant differences in the issues addressed and the detail provided, the conclusions drawn can only be tentative.

According to the commission, when it comes to dealing with offences against the constitutional order (or its equivalent), national constitutions and legislation tend to vary among Venice Commission member states. In countries in which offences against the constitutional order – described as such – exist in the criminal law, an explicit reference to specific articles of the constitution seems to be lacking.

On the other hand, a number of constitutions explicitly refer to the duty of respecting the constitutional order, however while some define it

Nonetheless, the conclusion may be drawn that most (if not all because the terms used slightly differ as seen above) of the criminal law provisions implicitly refer to the constitution by citing certain constitutional principles, such as sovereignty, territorial integrity, principle of democracy, or by referring to certain constitutional institutions, such as parliament, institutions/government organs established by the constitution. By means of such references, criminal law provisions indirectly refer to the respective articles of the constitution that specify these principles or establish and govern these institution, the amicus curiae brief states.

In most member states, statutory provisions do not provide any legal definition of the concept of “constitutional order” or what would constitute “overthrowing the constitutional order” or the “usurpation of power”.

In conclusion, member states, for the most part, report that the statutory provisions governing these concepts have not been applied to this day. Therefore, there seems to be no common best practice as to the factual circumstances.

With respect to the prohibition of retroactivity of criminal laws and the requirement of providing sufficiently clear and precise definitions of criminal acts in laws, criticisms of imprecisions regarding the concepts of constitutional order and the overthrowing of the constitutional order might be appeased in the knowledge that there seems to be a convergence among the member states of the Venice Commission to leave these concepts undefined or imprecise. Hence, no conclusion can be drawn with respect to what constitutes a best practice from the perspective of legal certainty.

Nevertheless, in view of this principle and the principle of proportionality, it seems only reasonable to expect that the more broadly the statutory provision is worded, the more consideration should be given to the individual freedoms and basic rights of the accused. Such a provision should be interpreted narrowly, taking into account the principle in dubio pro reo, the amicus curiae brief concludes.

The Venice Commission says it remains at the disposal of the Armenian Constitutional Court for further assistance in this matter.

Armenia extends coronavirus-related state of emergency until July 13

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 11:17,

YEREVAN, JUNE 12, ARMENPRESS. Armenia extended the coronavirus-related state of emergency for another month.

The respective decision was adopted today, on June 12, at an emergency Cabinet meeting.

Minister of Justice Rustam Badasyan said according to the decision the state of emergency will be extended until July 13, 17:00.

Armenia declared a 30-day state of emergency on March 16 to battle the spread of coronavirus which was effective until April 14. On April 14 the government made a decision to extend the state of emergency until May 14. On May 14 the state of emergency was again extended for another 30 days, until June 12.

According to the latest data, the number of confirmed coronavirus cases in Armenia has reached 15,281, out of which 5,639 patients have already recovered. The number of active cases stands at 9,298. The death toll has risen to 258.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 09-06-20

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 17:37, 9 June, 2020

YEREVAN, 9 JUNE, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 9 June, USD exchange rate down by 0.19 drams to 481.23 drams. EUR exchange rate down by 1.52 drams to 542.15 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate down by 0.07 drams to 6.99 drams. GBP exchange rate down by 1.78 drams to 608.37 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 96.47 drams to 26152.93 drams. Silver price up by 0.67 drams to 272.77 drams. Platinum price up by 227.05 drams to 12965.45 drams.

Armenian PM sacks army, police and security chiefs over COVID-19 curbs

Reuters
June 8 2020

YEREVAN (Reuters) – Armenia’s prime minister sacked the heads of the army, police and national security service on Monday, saying they had set a bad example over coronavirus restrictions.

Nikol Pashinyan did not spell out what they had done, but the announcement came after a newspaper said the army’s Chief of the General Staff, Artak Davtyan, had held a party for his son’s wedding on Sunday at a time when mass gatherings are banned.

“It’s the high-ranking officials who must show the importance of following anti-epidemic rules with their own example … However, sometimes the opposite happens,” Pashinyan said at a meeting, after announcing the sackings on Facebook.

The newspaper, Hraparak, posted a video online showing the entrance to Davtyan’s house, with cars parked outside and the sound of music in the background.

The report did say who else was at the party and did not mention the chief of police, Arman Sargsyan, or National Security Service chief, Eduard Martirosyan, who were also dismissed.

Davtyan told Armenpress news agency on Monday that the event had been for his son’s wedding, but said he had not broken any rules.

“I didn’t violate anything,” he was quoted as saying. “I just want to remind you that everyone has a right to private life.”

There was no immediate comment from Sargsyan or Martirosyan.

Armenia, the worst-affected country in the South Caucasus region, has registered 13,325 infections and 211 deaths as of Monday.

It extended a state of emergency for one month on May 14 after the number of new daily infections began rising at the end of April. Big gatherings are prohibited and masks are mandatory in public places.

Pashinyan said on Monday he and his whole family had recovered from COVID-19, a week after saying they had tested positive.

Reporting by Nvard Hovhannisyan; Writing by Margarita Antidze; Editing by Andrew Heavens

Armenia police chief: Actions of policemen detaining person without face mask lawful

News.am, Armenia
June 5 2020

18:05, 05.06.2020
                  

Turkey: Free Rights Defender Following European Court Ruling

https://urldefense.com/v3/__https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/06/02/turkey-free-rights-defender-following-european-court-ruling*__;Iw!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!4EbQ9ACwXHMDjjKzVSFsZ00MaJ2qL4Oaqy6d2w4Nh1iwNDdT4oSsXRWGOkhL_A$
 

June 2, 2020 3:54PM EDT



Council of Europe Ministers Should Urge Osman Kavala’s Release

(Strasbourg) – The Council of Europe Committee of Ministers should
issue a decision at its June 4, 2020 meeting directing Turkey to
release human rights defender Osman Kavala and drop all charges
against him, Human Rights Watch, the International Commission of
Jurists, and the Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project said
today.

The three groups have submitted a detailed submission to the Council
of Europe’s Committee of Ministers, which oversees enforcement of
European Court of Human Rights judgments. The groups outlined how
Turkey continues to violate Kavala’s rights by flouting a landmark
judgment, that became final on May 11 requiring his immediate release.

“The European Court ruled that Kavala’s detention is unlawful, and
their binding judgment requires Turkey to release him immediately,”
said Emma Sinclair-Webb, Turkey director at Human Rights Watch. “The
Committee of Ministers, at its June 4 meeting, should press Turkey to
comply and issue a clear message that no Council of Europe member
state should be silencing human rights defenders.”

The judgment is particularly significant because it is the first final
ruling against Turkey in which the court determined that in
interfering with an individual’s rights Turkey acted in bad faith and
out of political motivations, violating Art. 18 of the European
Convention on Human Rights. The court said that by detaining Kavala
since November 2017 and prosecuting him, the Turkish authorities had
“pursued an ulterior purpose, namely to silence him as human rights
defender.”

The European Court judgment in Kavala v. Turkey (Application no.
28749/18) found violations of Art. 5(1) (right to liberty and
security), Art. 5(4) (right to a speedy decision on the lawfulness of
detention), and the rarely used Art. 18 (limitation on use of
restrictions on rights), taken together with Art. 5(1). It required
Turkey to release Kavala and said that any continuation of his
detention would prolong the violations and breach the obligation to
abide by the judgment in accordance with Art. 46(1) of the European
Convention on Human Rights.

A court ordered Kavala’s detention on November 1, 2017 on bogus
allegations that he used the 2013 Istanbul Gezi Park protests as a
pretext for an attempted coup, and that he was involved in the July
15, 2016 attempted military coup. On February 18, 2020, Kavala and his
eight co-defendants were acquitted on charges of “attempting to
overthrow the government by force and violence” in the Gezi Park
trial.

But Kavala was not released, and a court detained him again
immediately on the charge of “attempting to overthrow the constitution
by force and violence” because of an ongoing 2016 coup-related
investigation against him. Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had
publicly criticized his acquittal just before he was detained again.
Weeks later a court ordered his detention a second time on another
charge (“espionage”) but relying on the same evidence and
investigation file.

“The sequence of court orders prolonging his detention and the lack of
objective deliberation as to the lawfulness of any deprivation of
liberty indicates that decisions have been guided by political
considerations and there has been a concerted official effort to
prevent Kavala’s release,” said Róisín Pillay, director of the Europe
and Central Asia Programme of the International Commission of Jurists.
“Since the European Court’s judgment, Turkey has continued to violate
Kavala’s human rights.”

The targeted harassment in Turkey of rights defenders is part of a
wider trend of arbitrary detentions and abusive prosecutions of
journalists, elected politicians, lawyers, and other perceived
government critics.

This trend has been well documented in many reports by the Council of
Europe, the European Union, and human rights organizations.

“The campaign of persecution against Osman Kavala and the failure to
release him and drop all charges have perpetuated a chilling
environment for all human rights defenders in Turkey,” said Ayşe
Bingöl Demir, co-director of the Turkey Human Rights Litigation
Support Project.

The three organizations made detailed recommendations to the Committee
of Ministers, urging it to:

    Call on the government of Turkey to ensure the immediate release
of Osman Kavala as required by the European Court’s judgment,
stressing that the judgment clearly applies to his ongoing detention
and persecution;

    Place the Kavala v. Turkey judgment under “enhanced procedures”
and treat it as a leading case under Art. 18 of the European
Convention;

    Recognize that Kavala’s continuing detention violates Art. 46 of
the Convention, concerning the binding nature of final judgments of
the European Court, and that a failure to release Kavala may trigger
an Art. 46(4) procedure (infringement proceedings);

    Emphasize to the Government of Turkey that Kavala’s release is of
added urgency in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, which increases
the risk to his health in detention; and

    Ask the Government of Turkey to drop all charges under which
Kavala has been investigated and detained to silence him, in
conformity with the Court’s findings that his rights have been
violated and that his exercise of rights to freedom of expression,
assembly, and association was wrongfully used as evidence to
incriminate him.

The groups also identified the general measures that Turkey needs to
take to carry out the judgment to end politically motivated detention
and prosecution of human rights defenders and other perceived
government critics. These measures focus on Turkey’s structural rule
of law problems. They include executive control over Turkey’s
judiciary and prosecutorial authorities, and the evidence of a clear
pattern of direct political interference in court decisions through
frequent public speeches by Turkey’s president and proxies. A pattern
of criminalizing the exercise of Convention-protected rights defines
many of the cases against human rights defenders and other perceived
government critics.

Worldometers: Armenia ranks 7th in world with record one-day spike in coronavirus cases

Panorama, Armenia

Armenia reported a record single-day spike in coronavirus infections with 452 new cases confirmed in the past 24 hours.

According to the fresh figures by Worldometers, Armenia has taken the seventh place in the world with new cases, following Russia, Mexico, Pakistan, Brazil and India.

Armenia ranks 60th in the world with the total number of COVID-19 cases, holding the 35th spot with the number of infections per one million population.

Meanwhile, the county ranks 53rd in the number of deaths per 1 million population with 87 deaths. San Marino, Belgium and Andorra are leading the world with the coronavirus fatalities.

The website constantly provides coronavirus updates based on the data received from different countries. 

Reuters: EBRD Cuts 2020 GDP Forecasts for Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan

Georgia Today

The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has cut its 2020 economic growth forecasts for Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia as they are hit by the coronavirus crisis, but says it expects a recovery in the South Caucasus countries next year, Reuters reports.

Georgia's gross domestic product (GDP) growth is expected to fall 5.5% in 2020, before rebounding to around 5.5% in 2021, the EBRD said, adding that the economy would be severely impacted as transport restrictions hit travel and tourism.

"With tourism receipts normally amounting to nearly one-fifth of GDP, the negative impact will be widespread across many sectors," the bank said in a regional economic prospects report.

“Recovery would depend on a “gradual relaxation of domestic measures to contain the virus and a return to normality during the second half of the year”, the bank said in a regional economic prospects report.

The EBRD had forecast a growth of 4.5% for Georgia's GDP in November 2019.

For Armenia, the EBRD forecast that the economy would shrink 3.5% in 2020, but then expand by 5.5% in 2021.

GDP in oil-rich Azerbaijan is expected to contract by 5% in 2020 amid declining foreign and domestic demand, but should rebound by 3.5% next year, said the EBRD.

Armenpress: Armenia Security Council head meets with Artsakh President-elect

Armenia Security Council head meets with Artsakh President-elect

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 10:05,

YEREVAN, MAY 12, ARMENPRESS. Secretary of the Security Council Armen Grigoryan has visited Artsakh and met with President-elect Arayik Harutyunyan.

“During a working visit to Artsakh I met with the President-elect of Artsakh Arayik Harutyunyan, we visited the southern regions and discussed a broad scope of issues concerning security, including food security,” Grigoryan said on social media.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Film: Joint Armenian-Azerbaijani documentary on Karabakh released

EurasiaNet.org
Joshua Kucera

   Filming of Parts of a Circle, a groundbreaking documentary about the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict jointly produced by filmmakers on both sides. (photo: Conciliation Resources)

A long-awaited documentary film produced by a mixed Armenian-Azerbaijani team has gotten a partial public release, even as the full film remains under wraps due to the sensitivity of the subject.

Production of the film, Parts of a Circle: History of the Karabakh Conflict, began in 2011. It has been facilitated by a UK-based peacebuilding organization, Conciliation Resources, and filmed, written and edited by a team of veteran journalists and activists from Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan proper.

The full film – in three parts of an hour each – was completed in early 2016. But by that time space for honest discussion about the conflict had shrunk enough so that the producers felt it would be unwise to release the film.

“Even before the 'four-day war' in April of that year we were concerned about the implications of a wide release for some of our partners,” said Laurence Broers, the Caucasus Program Director at Conciliation Resources, referring to the burst of heavy fighting between the two sides that significantly hardened attitudes on both sides.

“Some of the Azerbaijani interviewees in the films had been arrested and tried, including on charges related to peacebuilding work,” Broers told Eurasianet. “We were still thinking these issues through when the four-day war broke out. After that we recognized that the dissemination of the films would need to be low-key and gradual.”

Those films have been shown to invited audiences in the Caucasus and beyond, but have yet to be released publicly.

The producers then began to work on a shorter version, summarizing the entire work and making it easier to consume as a whole. “We felt that was important given the selectivity that is a defining feature of the febrile propaganda war ongoing between the parties,” Broers said.

That 76-minute film was published on the streaming platform Vimeo on May 12. It provides the best documentary treatment to date of the conflict, from its origins in the late 1980s to the impact of Armenia’s 2018 “Velvet Revolution.”

The film is careful, reflecting its production-by-committee origins. Still, it doesn’t shy away from delving into the most sensitive episodes of the conflict like the anti-Armenian pogroms in Sumgait and Baku and the massacre of Azerbaijani civilians in the town of Khojaly.

“[U]nlike many peacebuilding films, Parts of a Circle is not intended to recapture harmonious moments of historical co-existence, vital as these memories are, but to challenge viewers to interrogate their own truths about the past,” Conciliation Resources wrote in a blog post about the film.

That is a task that has become increasingly more difficult, as partisans on both sides have taken more and more uncompromising stances. Conspiracy theories that seek to obfuscate or shift blame for the most notorious episodes of the war have been embraced by governments on both sides.

Even among the producers of Parts of a Circle – part of the tiny minority of Armenians and Azerbaijanis who are interested in reconciliation with the other side – coming up with a common narrative on which all sides could agree was a contentious process.

“Ordinary things, ordinary ideas that you have always taken for granted, suddenly sound totally different when you try to hear how they sound to someone else,” said Ara Shirinyan, an Armenian filmmaker who was one of the contributors, in a short film about the making of Parts of a Circle.

“We discuss, fight, sometimes shout, but in the end we manage to come to a compromise and to a collective decision,” said another of the film’s contributors, Ilham Safarov.

The release of the film was celebrated by analysts of the conflict.

“This is the best documentation of the origins of the conflict,” Olesya Vartanyan, a Tbilisi-based analyst at the International Crisis Group, told Eurasianet. “I hope the film will become broadly seen and many people from younger generations will watch it. I’m not sure it can fundamentally change their mindset, but I would want to maintain hope for this.”

“We've been waiting a long time for this!” tweeted Tom de Waal, an analyst at Carnegie Europe and author of Black Garden, the authoritative book on the conflict. “The release finally of a ground-breaking project, a collaborative joint Armenian-Azerbaijani documentary about the origins and events of the Karabakh conflict. It's compelling viewing, and the making of it is a story in itself.”

What remains to be seen is the reaction more generally around the region. Broers said the group hopes to release the full three-part series “once we've gauged the response to the summary film.”

 

Joshua Kucera is the Turkey/Caucasus editor at Eurasianet, and author of .

https://eurasianet.org/joint-armenian-azerbaijani-documentary-on-karabakh-released