Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Shows Chinese Military Needs Better Counter-strategy: Report

Republic World
Dec 13 2020
Written By

Bhavya Sukheja

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is a reminder to the Chinese military that they need to carefully consider counter-strategy as wars of the 21st century will be different from the battles of the past. While citing an article published by a firm that supplies military equipment to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the South China Morning Post (SCMP) reported that an alarming lesson from the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, which concerns drones’ transformation of battlefields, shows that China needs a better counter-strategy. It is worth noting that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is the first in which drones deployed by one side turned the tide in the Azerbaijan-Armenia war. 

According to reports, the ‘Naval and Merchant Ships’ article reviewed how the Armenian army was overwhelmed by enemy drones. Even though Armenia is superior to Azerbaijan in terms of conventional ground forces, the article noted that the Armenian army was easy prey for armed drones, especially Bayraktar TB2 drones that mounted precise attacks against targets in trenches and moving vehicles. The drones were also used for reconnaissance operations, which helped Azerbaijan to force an Armenian surrender within six weeks. 

READ: Flamethrower Drone Incinerates Wasp Nests In China

The article read, “In case of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the ‘shield’ to counter drones was not used effectively. Although each side hit large numbers of enemy drones, neither had the capabilities to stop incoming drones from inflicting damage”. 

It added, “Our military has a large number of drones of various types and is also facing the threat of advanced enemy drones.. compare with the drones we saw in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the drone threat confronting us is more technologically advanced, harder to detect and defend”. 

READ: Indian Navy Finalises Procurement Of Anti-drone Systems

Further, the article went on to suggest PLA that they should increase its awareness of the threat from drones and incorporate it into its training and strategy. It also suggested the Chinese army of building a multilayer detection network with anti-drone radars, blind compensation radars, radio detection stations and other infrared or acoustic measures in a bid to seamlessly monitor incoming drones in multiple locations in a wide range. Apart from detection, the article also recommended tactics such as electronic jamming, using LD2000 ground-based anti-aircraft defence weapons and scattering fake objects. 

According to ANI, China is known for its use of drones in the military as well as in surveillance over Uyghurs. They are reportedly developing new drones with greater capabilities in terms of speed, altitude, endurance and autonomy. Moreover, China has also developed a new low-cost “suicide drone” that can be launched from a light tactical vehicle or helicopter in a swarm to attack a target. 

BBC correspondent describes staying safe, finding journalistic camaraderie during Nagorno-Karabakh’s 6-week war

CPJ: Committee to Protect Journalists
Dec 9 2020

By Elena Rodina, Europe and Central Asia Research Associate on December 9, 2020 1:15 PM EST

Journalists who covered the recent six-week-long conflict between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces in the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh faced violence to get the story of the region’s latest bloody chapter to the world. At least six journalists were injured in shelling attacks in Nagorno-Karabakh and two were assaulted when a mob descended on a broadcaster in Armenia to oppose its reporting on the November 9 peace treaty, as CPJ documented. CPJ issued safety advice for journalists covering the conflict.

Nagorno-Karabakh, located within Azerbaijan’s borders, has been under the control of ethnic Armenian forces since a 1994 truce. Fighting again broke out on September 27, with hundreds and possibly thousands killed, according to reports. In the November 9 peace treaty, Armenia ceded certain territories to Azerbaijan.

BBC Russia correspondent Marina Katayeva covered the most intense weeks of fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh. She spoke to CPJ via messaging app on November 8 from Yerevan, the Armenian capital, just after she left the conflict zone, and again on November 12, also from Yerevan, about the challenges of working in war, safety measures for reporters, and the importance of journalistic camaraderie. For security reasons, Katayeva writes under a pseudonym, which CPJ has also used in this interview. The interview has been edited for length and clarity. 

Had you covered conflict before, and how did you decide to cover Nagorno-Karabakh? 

I have never covered conflicts before, and my decision to go to Nagorno-Karabakh was dictated by my desire to go into the field, given that for half a year before that I had worked from home [due to COVID-19]. I wanted to finally see people, not just write articles based on phone interviews. Plus, I had been in Armenia before and knew the region.

Can you describe your daily routine while covering the conflict? 

My workdays are almost never the same. Planning is almost impossible because the situation is changing daily. But there are some rituals that I start every day with: checking social networks, calling people in the conflict zone whom I want to feature in an article. If the situation hasn’t evolved overnight, I proceed with what I planned for that day – meeting with people, recording interviews. If the road back to the hotel from the location takes a long time, I write the article while still in the car, using the Notes app on my phone. 

What do you do to make sure you’re protected? 

In our team, everyone has a bulletproof vest and a helmet, and we also brought those for our driver-interpreter. The main protocol is to not take these off if we hear shots or explosions and wear them in the zones where shelling can potentially start. When planning a trip to an area where the conflict is ongoing, we try to find a hotel with a basement. In Stepanakert [the de-facto capital of Nagorno-Karabakh] a couple of times we went to bed fully clothed in case of the nighttime shelling. 

How do you find out about safety concerns in a particular area? 

You can only learn about safety by calling a specific village or a city where you are going to and by asking the locals. Unfortunately, this doesn’t always work. Shelling can start at any moment; it can catch you in the beginning of your visit or toward its end. Also, you cannot rely entirely upon the local peoples’ safety evaluations, simply because they do not always consider the situation around them dangerous. To any question about safety they would answer that “Everything is good, there is no danger.” And then they would proceed to tell you how the day before a shell had landed in their yard and got stuck in the ground next to an apple tree, unexploded. 

What is the most difficult part of covering Nagorno-Karabakh?

As in all conflict zones, the main difficulty is staying safe. It is impossible to guarantee full safety or predict anything here. There is also a question of difference of opinions. It is almost impossible to hear an alternative point of view on the events; it is natural and common for all the war zones, especially when the conflict has to do with the land or the integrity of a state. 

You are covering this conflict during a global pandemic. How do you and your team protect yourselves from the virus? 

Almost no one thinks about COVID-19 in the immediate proximity to the conflict zone – people who spend nights hiding in basements have different priorities. On the other hand, in Yerevan the rules are very strict: you are obliged to wear a mask in every store or closed space. Police can stop you on the street and ask you to put on a mask. I am going with the flow, so I am not wearing a mask in the conflict zone and I put it on when I leave it.  

How has working in Nagorno-Karabakh impacted you personally? 

I was most touched by a story of a refugee who had a birthday while he was staying in one of the hotels in Goris [a town in southern Armenia close to the Nagorno-Karabakh border]. The owner of the hotel decided to prepare a surprise for him, having learned that he would be turning 65 years old. She ordered a cake with candles, and when all the refugees gathered together for dinner, she turned the light off in the dining room and brought out that cake, playing loud music. While everyone around was applauding and congratulating him, the man looked at the cake with an empty stare, and all he could say was “Thank you.” Later I spoke with him and his wife, and learned that their sons were at war, and they came from Hadrut [the site of heavy fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh] leaving all their possessions behind, having the time to only grab their documents. 

In the duration of the whole work trip to Karabakh, my dominant emotion was sadness. I felt bad for the people who lose their houses, who must spend their days, sometimes weeks hiding in basements. I was sad that the war became routine for them, and that they organized their daily lives with a potential bombing in mind. The saddest thing is not that people complain or cry — I have almost never seen it here — but that they keep quiet or tell me that they are “doing just fine.” 

When you are covering a conflict for so long, does the sense of danger eventually diminish? 

Some people say that the feeling of danger changes with time, but not for me. Perhaps this is because during this trip I have been responsible not only for myself, but our whole journalistic team. I would not risk their safety, no matter how important of a story I had to cover. 

Do journalists covering Nagorno-Karabakh help each other and share information and resources?

Journalists are friendly with each other. Almost everyone crosses each other’s paths in the hotels of Goris or in Karabakh itself, and many get acquainted in the basements in Stepanakert. In these places people forget about competition and try to help each other. Of course, we are all looking for unique characters, unusual stories, and exclusive shots. But there is no animosity among journalists here. 

Armenians say Turkey is bigger threat than Azerbaijan – survey

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 12:53, 4 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 4, ARMENPRESS. Armenians find Turkey to be a greater threat than Azerbaijan for the security of Armenia, a survey showed.

“We’ve asked citizens what country or countries pose a threat to the security of the Republic of Armenia. 86,5% said Turkey, 70,9% said Azerbaijan,” Arman Navasardyan, the Director of MPG LLC -  a full member of GALLUP International Association in Armenia told a news conference on December 4.

He said that very few respondents mentioned other countries.

The survey also asked the respondents whether or not they believe that today Armenia is safer from an external attack than it was before the Second Nagorno Karabakh War. “15,4% said it is definitely safe, 19,5 said it is rather safe, 18,9% said it is rather not, while 38,2% said it isn’t safe at all,” Navasardyan said. 8,1% of the respondents didn’t give an answer.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

TURKISH press: Turkey’s military to assist Azerbaijan’s army with demining in Nagorno-Karabakh

The Turkish military's demining crews pose for a group photo in Libya, June 25, 2020. (Defense Ministry Handout Photo)

The Turkish military will support the Azerbaijani army in clearing mines in the territories liberated from the Armenian occupation, the Defense Ministry said in a statement Monday.

The ministry said the armed forces will also provide military training for the Azerbaijani army.

The Turkish explosive ordnance disposal (EOD) teams will support the Azerbaijani army by clearing mines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs) in areas liberated from the Armenian occupation, the statement noted.

The Turkish military has been providing similar assistance to the Libyan Army to facilitate the return of civilians in some areas.

Turkish demining experts and Turkish special forces have been working to clear mines and prevent accidental explosions to ensure security and a return to normalcy in areas liberated from the putschist Gen. Khalifa Haftar in Libya.

Relations between the former Soviet republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia have been tense since 1991 when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

When new clashes erupted on Sept. 27, the Armenian Army launched attacks on civilians and Azerbaijani forces and violated several humanitarian cease-fire agreements.

During the 44-day conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages from the Armenian occupation.

On Nov. 10, the two countries signed a Russia-brokered agreement to end fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.

The truce is seen as a victory for Azerbaijan and a defeat for Armenia, whose armed forces have been withdrawing as the agreement specified.

Session of CSTO Council of Defense Ministers held online

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 17:47, 1 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. The session of the Council of Defense Ministers of the CSTO member states was held in a video conference mode on December 1.

Armenia’s Defense Minister Vagharshak Harutyunyan also participated in the online session, the ministry told Armenpress.

During the session the defense ministers exchanged views on international and regional security issues in the CSTO collective security regions.

Armenia’s defense minister briefed his colleagues on the situation in Nagorno Karabakh, specifically stressing the issue of significant cut in timetables of implementation mechanisms of crisis response in the CSTO member states. He highlighted Russia’s efforts aimed at stabilizing the military-political situation in the region, the process and efficiency of the Russian peacekeeping mission in Karabakh, the humanitarian activity, the works on returning the captured citizens, searching for the bodies of the dead and missing in action.

The defense ministers approved the decision of the CSTO collective security council on 2021-2025 military cooperation development plan of the CSTO states.

Other agenda issues were discussed during the session.

The next session is expected to take place in the first half of 2021 in Tajikistan.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Sidelined in Nagorno-Karabakh: EU Suffered Major Strategic Loss in South Caucasus

EU Bulletin
Nov 27 2020
Written by @Eubulletin | Friday, November 27th, 2020
zerbaijani troops have moved into the Kalbacar district after it was handed over by Armenia as part of a deal that ended six weeks of fighting over the breakaway Nagorno-Karabakh region. As the second of three districts are about to be handed back under the Russian-brokered deal signed this month between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Brussels has been widely blamed for having done little to prevent this outcome, while Moscow scored yet another strategic victory on the European Union’s eastern periphery. The peace deal, which Russian President Vladimir Putin huddled with the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders, is incredibly short, explicit and to the point. Armenia was spared a total defeat. Azerbaijan did well. And Russia won.
 Armenia agreed to a full retreat after its forces were losing multiple villages a day and were pushed out of Shusha, a strategic town along the corridor connecting Stepanakert, the Nagorno-Karabakh capital, to Armenia. Less obvious are Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s calculations. Backed by Turkey, and on good terms with Moscow, Azerbaijan’s army was advancing fast. Aliyev played his cards well, and pushed with his military to the limit without collapsing the strategic regional equilibrium. Baku demonstrated its military superiority to Yerevan and scored victories which came as a vindication of sorts for the brutal defeat Azerbaijan suffered at the hands of Armenian forces in the 1992-1994 war when it lost Nagorno-Karabakh. And it also managed to make its close ally, Turkey, a party to any future final settlement.
 Having helplessly looked on as Russia invaded Georgia in 2008 and diced up Ukraine in 2014, the EU once again sat on the sidelines, as Putin scored yet another geostrategic victory in the region. With Russian troops now in Nagorno-Karabakh, Putin has made himself the de-facto custodian of the South Caucasus corridor, which links Europe to Central Asia and Iran and is an important transit point for Caspian oil and gas to European and world markets. The corridor has always been a relevant trading throughway for goods coming and going between Europe and Asia. Both Alexander the Great and the Ottomans understood this very well. Putin took note of history and played his cards well.
 With its troops stationed in all three countries in the South Caucasus – Georgia (20% of its sovereign territory is occupied since 2008), Armenia (in bases left over from the collapse of the Soviet Union), and, now, in Azerbaijan, Moscow has, though the latest peace deal, ushered the EU into an era of great-power competition. The United States is a co-chair of Minsk Group, together with France and Russia – an offshoot of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Diplomats have worked hard in the Minsk Group to resolve the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh since 1993, but the governments of the US and France, together with the rest of Europe, were ‘missing in action’ in recent weeks. The EU and US have yielded the initiative to the Kremlin and so today they are on the sidelines, merely observing the dire result. Ultimately, by having long neglected the wider South Caucasus, the EU has conveyed to a potential adversary that it is not even willing to defend its strategic interest.

Government favors gradual lifting of martial law restrictions

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 13:17,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 26, ARMENPRESS. The government is not in favor of a complete abolishment of the martial law, the Deputy Healthcare Minister Anahit Avanesyan told lawmakers.

She said that the martial law was imposed not only by the military situation, but a complex of economic, healthcare and other regulations, and that it should be lifted only gradually.

Meanwhile, the opposition Bright Armenia Party has introduced a motion in parliament requesting to lift the martial law. The Defense and Security Affairs Committee has disapproved the motion.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Speaker of Parliament Ararat Mirzoyan undergoes second surgery

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 15:34,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 18, ARMENPRESS. Speaker of Parliament Ararat Mirzoyan underwent a second surgery today for the injuries he suffered on November 10, when protesters angry over the terms of the Karabakh armistice assaulted him outside the parliament building in Yerevan.

The press service of the parliament told ARMENPRESS that the second surgery was completed successfully Wednesday afternoon.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

20 Russian aircrafts with peacekeepers arrive in Yerevan, Armenia

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 10:22,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 16, ARMENPRESS. Another 18 Il-76 planes and two An-124 Ruslan aircraft of the military transport aviation of the Russian Aerospace Force with equipment and staff of the 15th peacekeeping brigade sent to Armenia to participate in a peacekeeping operation in the Nagorno Karabakh conflict zone have landed at Yerevan’s airfields, the Russian defense ministry said, reports TASS.

The aircraft of the Russian Aerospace Force have delivered to Armenia 58 units of equipment: armored personnel carriers, off-road cargo trucks, tanker trucks, excavators, and other technical equipment.

On November 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a joint statement on a complete ceasefire in Nagorno Karabakh starting from November 10. The Russian leader said the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides would maintain the positions that they had held and Russian peacekeepers would be deployed to the region. Besides, Baku and Yerevan must exchange prisoners and the bodies of those killed. It is planned that in all, 1,960 servicemen with the military equipment will be deployed. The peacekeeping command center was set up in Stepanakert.