Author: Edgar Tavakalian

In the basement of the Hairenik Association in Watertown, Massachusetts, more than a century of history lies safely tucked away. Here, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Bureau keeps the party’s archives, with material spanning from its founding in 1890 until 1992. George Aghjayan, who has been director of the archives since 2017, guided me through a tour of the ARF Archives, some new acquisitions and ongoing projects. 

History permeates every level of the Hairenik building. Prior to the descent to the basement, a part of the archives is stored on the first floor, which houses the Armenian Weekly office. In a small storage room, four-page spreads, entirely in Armenian, are bound into massive tomes by year, dating as early as 1899. Their digitized versions are available in the Hairenik Digital Archives collection. As the books grow older, the pages grow yellower and more delicate, the covers loose and faded, until they are too risky to flip through for fear of damage. Those nine decades of storytelling rest next to the computers housing the stories of today. The 90th anniversary of the Armenian Weekly is approaching next year, along with the 125th anniversary of the Hairenik newspaper, and decades from now, this week’s paper may sit on those big shelves in a tome, waiting to be rediscovered.

The Spirit of Armenia painting by Haroutiun (Harry) Shahbegian in the offices of the Hairenik and Armenian Weekly

The first floor also houses a painting revering Armenian history and culture: Spirit of Armenia, painted by Haroutiun (Harry) Shahbegian. Shahbegian was born in 1889 in Kharpert and fled to America at age 17 after the Turks issued papers to have him hanged. The family he left behind did not survive the Genocide. He volunteered as a Freedom Fighter during the Genocide and was well regarded by the generals for his skill. He married and had three children, to whom he passed down his Armenian values. 

Spirit of Armenia represents Shahbegian’s love of Armenian history and culture, as well as his belief in Armenian independence. The piece was completed on May 28, 1963, on the 45th anniversary of Armenian independence, and honors those who aided the Armenian cause. Depicted are Armenian Kings, President Woodrow Wilson and the founders of the ARF. Shahbegian also paints Soghomon Tehlirian, a personal friend of Shahbegian’s whose impacts on Armenian history have recently been expanded upon in the ARF Archives. Though self-taught, Shahbegian’s work reflects the memories of his homeland and his dreams of Armenia’s independence, and it watches over the staff of the Armenian Weekly as they write for and about the Armenian people. 

Down in the basement, every piece of paper from 1890 to 1926 has been cataloged, microfilmed and organized into 27 chronological volumes of catalogs. The documents from 1926 to 1940 are organized by theme or subject, and materials after 1940 are split into 225 cataloged boxes. “The archives also include the archives of the First Republic of Armenia, including the 1918 Declaration of Independence, and continuing past the fall of the Republic to the Diplomatic Mission in France and the Paris Peace Conference,” Aghjayan shared while he and his colleague Mary Choloyan were busy cataloging documents in the archive.

Margaret DerManouelian’s passport page 2

The archive’s current project reflects the time after the Republic fell, when Armenia’s government was acting in exile, and Armenians had no citizenship in any country, similar to other post-WWI refugees. The League of Nations, an international organization resolving post-war disputes, created the Nansen passport in 1922 to aid refugees, but Armenians were not added to the program until 1924 and could not travel. In response, they applied to the Diplomatic Mission in France. Aghjayan’s grandmother “came to the United States in 1928 on a passport issued by the Republic of Armenia in 1928. There had been no Republic of Armenia for eight years at that point, but the United States Government still recognized and honored that passport, and she was able to enter the U.S. on it.”

The archives hold 20,000 of these passport applications. Each one features “a photograph of the person, their name, where and when they were born, the father’s name and the mother’s maiden name,” Aghjayan said. Also collected are letters attached to the applications and some actual passports, stamped and signed in swooping cursive on large stationary sheets, edges perforated as they were torn out of a register book. These applications are a significant acquisition. They may be the only pages containing so much genealogical information about these Armenian communities. Aghjayan’s team hopes to have the passport applications entirely cataloged and available online by the end of the year. The first 2,000 are already accessible on the ARF Archives website, arfarchives.org.

Alongside the passports, Aghjayan’s team is completing high-resolution scans of thousands of historical photographs, housed in over 30 boxes. They span a wide range of themes and years, and they are being cataloged and uploaded to the ARF Archives website. 

With the archive’s current work explained, it was time to venture into the vault for a peek at the passports and alternate acquisitions. Beyond the basement’s working room lies a large vault. Stepping up into the sealed, temperature-controlled gray room, rows of ceiling-high shelves boast small charcoal boxes. Walking across the room is like a chronological walk through history, each row of shelves preserving a different block of years. Here lie some of the ARF’s great treasures. 

The vault stores letters to the editors of Hairenik’s monthly magazine, which ran from 1922 to 1970, including content that was never published; private papers from influential Armenian figures; and copies of a book celebrating the 100th anniversary of the ARF, filled with photographs and history. 

Aghjayan stopped near the entrance to the vault to point out an unassuming box. Inside lies a collection donated by the grandson of Manoug Hampartsumian, the editor of the Hairenik newspaper from 1914-1916, with documents detailing his life and work. Several of the correspondences are on Hairenik letterhead from the time. The collection also contains letters from his time at Anatolia College in Merzifon, including correspondences to the woman he would later marry while she was at Euphrates College. An active member of the party, Hampartsumian wrote several political letters in the 1920s and 1930s. He was later appointed as a delegate to the World Congress in the 1950s, from which the archive retains his postcards detailing his journey through France, Switzerland, and Cairo, Egypt. The collection is a portrait of his life as conveyed through postage. 

The scrapbook about Soghomon Tehlirian acquired by director George Aghjayan for the ARF Archives

Additionally, Aghjayan recently purchased a scrapbook compiled by someone in Germany during the trial of Soghomon Tehlirian. Tehlirian was found not guilty and freed after assassinating Talaat Pasha, the former Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, in Berlin in 1921. The scrapbook contains news clippings detailing the assassination and trial. It is believed that Shahbegian, the artist behind Spirit of Armenia, gave Tehlirian the Luger pistol used to assassinate Talaat. Tehlirian’s story and his friend Shahbegian’s painting are now housed under the same roof. 

Last, Aghjayan presented a metal box donated by the Mike Mugerditch Paloulian family of Worcester. The tarnished box is small enough to fit in the palm of a hand, with a keyhole in the center. The rest of the center plate is engraved with the ARF name and logo. This box was used for collecting money to buy bullets. There is a hole to insert bills on the left side and a coin slot on the right. Among boxes of paper records, this box is a unique artifact addition to an archive dedicated to preserving Armenian history.

Metal box used to collection donations for bullets (Donated by the Mike Mugerditch Paloulian family of Worcester)

The ARF Archives are ever-expanding. The next addition is a recent acquisition of Hunchak material, expected to arrive soon. After that, the Archives will continue to collect and preserve Armenian culture. 

Consider supporting the archives and its projects preserving history through a donation. Please reach out if you have any ARF documents or photographs that you would like to share.

The socio-economic crisis was one of the causes of the disintegration of centralized governments in Syria and Iraq in 2011 and the emergence of radical militants in rural areas. These militants were motivated by anger towards the urban elite, who for decades neglected rural areas. As civil wars and political instability hit Syria and Iraq, many young rural people were recruited by these groups, who were financed by regional countries or non-state actors. In 2013, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) was founded with the aim to establish an Islamic kingdom (caliphate) in the region. ISIS was a transnational militant Islamist terrorist group that by 2014 had occupied huge areas in Iraq and Syria and declared its “Islamic Caliphate.” Its militants were responsible for the Yezidi genocide that took place in August 2014 in Northern Iraq and the killing and deportation of thousands of Christians and Muslims. After the dissolution of ISIS in late 2019, the movement went underground, yet today it is taking advantage of the financial crisis in Syria and making a comeback.

The emergence of ISIS was one of the main reasons that Russia directly intervened in the Syrian conflict. As many ISIS recruits were from the North Caucasus, Russia was concerned about the return of radical militants to the Caucasus. Iran had similar concerns then about the expansion of ISIS to its borders and created pro-Iranian militias to fight these terrorist groups. Meanwhile Turkey, taking advantage of the battles between ISIS and Kurdish militants in Northern Syria, pushed its military expansion to contain and prevent the establishment of any Kurdish political entity near its southern border. What could happen to the region if ISIS re-emerges, and what will be its impact on developments in the South Caucasus? 

Socio-Economic Crisis in Syria

According to Syrian political economy expert Joseph Daher, the “currency devaluation and inflation in Syria have triggered a devastating cost of living crisis.” Faced with severe inflation, the Syrian Central Bank devalued the official exchange rate in July for the third time in 2023, from 6,532 Syrian lira to 8,542 Syrian lira to the USD. In the black market, it is traded for 13,000 Syrian lira. This depreciation caused panic in local markets, with rising prices forcing many shops to close to prevent further losses. 

This economic crisis has not just hit the government-controlled areas. A similar crisis is unfolding under the Kurdish and rebel-held zones. In the northeast, the Kurdish-controlled Autonomous Administration announced that by the end of July, it will pay the salaries of its employees according to the USD exchange rate. In the northwest, the “Syrian Salvation Government,” which is controlled by Hayaat Tahrir al-Sham (former Jubhat al Nusra/al Qaida), has permitted the use of USD in trade, as the Turkish lira, which was previously used as the main currency for trade, is facing a new collapse. 

Observers and local analysts argue that this may trigger a new wave of the emergence of terrorist movements, drawing in young people frustrated by the crisis. 

The first photos of Armenian Genocide Memorial Church in Der Zor blown up by ISIS emerged on Sept. 24, 2014.

Is ISIS Making a Comeback?

A few weeks ago, I met an old friend who is a Kurdish official from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party (PUK) based in Sulaymaniyah in northern Iraq. The official said that in recent months there have been very active ISIS activities in Iraq near the Syrian border. Civilians are forbidden from visiting certain zones in Iraq due to security concerns. On the other hand, pro-Iranian militias are refusing to merge with the army, creating parallel security institutions. The inability to merge all the remaining militias within the army is hindering the establishment of a strong and centralized security institution to contain the emergence of terrorist groups. Furthermore, underground militant groups affiliated with ISIS may reemerge, as they are profiting from illegal smuggling near the Iraqi-Syrian border.

Despite the fact that in March 2019, ISIS lost the last territory it held in Syria to the Kurdish fighters allied with the U.S., sleeper cells continue to carry out deadly attacks against both Kurdish fighters and government forces. These cells are active in the desert province of Deir ez Zor bordering Iraq. The province is divided into two zones: the northern zone is administered by the Kurds with the presence of U.S. troops, while the southern zone is governed by the Syrian government and the presence of Russian soldiers and Iranian-affiliated fighters. 

On August 11, ISIS militants ambushed a bus carrying Syrian soldiers in the above-mentioned desert province, killing at least 20 and wounding others. The group named Abu Hafs al-Hashimi al-Qurashi as its new leader this month. Abu Hafs al Hashimi is a militant and the fifth and current caliph of ISIS. He was named as caliph on August 3, 2023, in an audio message by the spokesperson of ISIS, Abu Huthaifa al-Ansari. The announcement came four months after the killing of his predecessor Abu al-Hussein al-Husseini al-Qurashi in northwestern Syria by fighters loyal to Turkey. Little is known about Abu Hafs al Hashimi, but Western media reports have mentioned that he played a key role in the Yezidi genocide and spent time in a U.S.-run prison, while Syrian media say that he is local from Deir ez Zor desert, where local Sunni tribes live. 

ISIS has also intensified its activities by freeing ISIS members from jail and forming contacts with ideologically similar movements such as the “Guardians of Religion,” who have their stronghold in the mountains of Idlib bordering Turkey. 

The Political and Regional/International Implications of ISIS’s Revival

The political situation in Syria is also feeding the re-emergence of ISIS. Politically, Syria is becoming a new battleground between Russia and the U.S. Moscow is concerned that the U.S. may open a new front in Syria against Russia to deviate the Kremlin’s military attention from Ukraine. On the other hand, according to political analyst Maria Maalouf, there is a growing political consensus in Washington that “Russia and Iran are aiming to kick the U.S. troops from Syria”. In June 2023, the Washington Post published a “leaked classified intelligence document” according to which “Iran and its allies are building and training forces to use more powerful armor-piercing roadside bombs intended specifically to target U.S. military vehicles and kill U.S. personnel” in Syria. 

At present, the strategic military balance in Syria between the U.S. and Russia favors Moscow. The number of American troops there is around 900, most of whom are contractors, while Russia has at least 6,000 soldiers, including Wagner fighters. Russia and Iran (through its militias such as Hezbollah) control vast areas of Syria, which they administer jointly with the Syrian government. Meanwhile, the U.S. operates in northeastern Syria under the Kurdish administration, and Turkey operates in northwestern Syria, mainly in Idlib.

Iranians and Russians have concerns about the presence of the U.S. troops not just for geopolitical but also for geo-economic reasons. During my visit to the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, many Iranian experts raised concerns that one of the key obstacles to linking the Levant to the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is the presence of U.S. troops and their control of key strategic roads connecting Iraq to Syria. For Iran, connecting Tehran to Baghdad and then to Damascus via future railways requires the removal of U.S. troops so that Iran and Russia can have highway access to the Eastern Mediterranean.

By connecting key players in a geopolitically and geo-economically strategic region, the Russian-backed INSTC and the Iranian-backed Tehran-Baghdad-Damascus railway have the potential to promote regional interconnectivity and defuse political tensions between regional states. The recent Iranian-Saudi and Syrian-Saudi rapprochement and negotiations show that the region is heading towards a “shy” collaborative mood, actively seeking economic development and openness instead of conflict. 

In the meantime, conflicts between the Kurds and the Turkish army could jeopardize stability. Recently, the Turkish army has escalated its military operations against Kurdish militias (mainly YPG in northeastern Syria and PKK in northern Iraq). According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, there have been more than 665 Turkish airstrikes and drone strikes in northern Iraq and Syria in the first half of 2023. Most of these targets were Kurdish officials and fighters. 

It is important for the U.S. to de-escalate tensions between the Kurds and the Turks and cut the road that connects the Syrian-Iraqi border where Iranian militias are in control. 

Impact on South Caucasus

The socio-economic situation and the political atmosphere in Syria and Iraq can create the grounds for the re-emergence of ISIS and radical groups to launch attacks against government positions. These groups can also be used by international and regional actors to push their agendas and contain their rivals. Turkey’s intensified attacks against the Kurds could give a green light to Russia and Iran to minimize U.S. influence in northeastern Syria. Amid this complex situation, another volatile region may be affected by instability in Syria – the South Caucasus. 

A new wave of terrorism and instability in Syria will have repercussions in the South Caucasus, where the possibility of a new round of clashes around Artsakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan increases amid Azerbaijan’s ongoing blockade of the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor and the humanitarian catastrophe in Artsakh. Baku may take advantage of the new developments in Syria and the shift of attention of the regional actors Russia, Turkey and Iran from the South Caucasus to launch a new escalation.