Armenian foreign trade balance negative in first quarter

ARMENIAN FOREIGN TRADE BALANCE NEGATIVE IN FIRST QUARTER

Armenpress

YEREVAN, MAY 4, ARMENPRESS: Armenian foreign trade in the first quarter
of 2005 amounted to $566.4 million. The exports were $194.95 million,
while the imports stood at $371.5 million.

The trade balance was negative-$176.5 million, not counting the
humanitarian aid it was $165 million. The national statistical
committee said exports rose by 28.4 percent and imports by 27.9
percent against same time span of last year.

Armenian customs service said 1.415.5 tons of humanitarian assistance
arrived in Armenia in the first quarter worth $11.5 million. Thirty-two
percent of the aid were machines, equipment, 27 percent chemical goods.

Head Of Garni Community Destroys “Symphony Of Stones”

HEAD OF GARNI COMMUNITY DESTROYS “SYMPHONY OF STONES”

YEREVAN, MAY 2. ARMINFO. Armenia loses an unique and picturesque
monument of its nature – “The symphony of stones” located close to the
1th century pagan temple of Garni in the gorge of Azat river. Some
local residents, with approval of rural administration were engaged
in truly vandalism, “felling” magnificent basalt broadstones created
by nature itself as building materials.

“Head of rural administration is responsible for any actions”, Chief
of territorial administration department of the Kotayk region Stepan
Ghazaryan stated ARMINFO. The same response was also received from
Armenian Ministry of nature protection. Ministry’s press-secretary
Artsrun Pepanyan informed that territory does not a nature-conservative
so “Ministry does not have a legal right to punish anybody”. It is
not known if government interferes in this deal, however, it is a
fact that vandals had already not left “a stone standing”.

As ARMINFO leaks out, basalt broadstones finished by nature within
hundreds of years became necessary for rural “businessmen” for
sale. These broadstones as perfect by their form that they will be
used in construction without any additional processing. According to
unspecified information, “legal” permission of cut off the stones
was given by the head of Garni’s rural community Ashot Vardanyan
himself. He refuses to answer on journalists’ phone calls.

ANKARA: Number of Armenians Immigrated per Turkish Official Docs

Zaman, Turkey
May 1 2005

Number of Armenians Immigrated according to Turkish Official
Documents
Published: Sunday 01, 2005
zaman.com

Documents released by the Turkish General Staff refute the
allegations by the Armenian Diaspora that about 1.5 million Armenians
were subjected to so-called genocide during the late Ottoman Empire.

Documents released by the General Staff prove that 413,000 out of
about 987,000 Armenians lived in the Ottoman territory at that time
were sent to the Syrian region.

Professor Hikmet Ozdemir, who is conducting researche on the Armenian
issue at the Turkish Institute of History (TTK), announced that a
notebook, which includes numbers regarding Armenians immigrated in
1915 and was thought to belong to Talat Pasha, Minister of the
Interior under the Young Turks regime in the Ottoman State, might
belong to a civil servant, who worked at the “Immigrants Commission”
of the time.

Die turkische Gesellschaft weigert sich standhaft, die Verbrechen…

Taz, die tageszeitung
28. April 2005

Gefährliche Verdrängung;
Die türkische Gesellschaft weigert sich standhaft, die Verbrechen an
den Armeniern anzuerkennen. Auf die Türken in Deutschland hat das
katastrophale Auswirkungen

von ZAFER SENOCAK

Die türkische Gesellschaft weigert sich standhaft, die Verbrechen an
den Armeniern anzuerkennen. Auf die Türken in Deutschland hat das
katastrophale Auswirkungen

Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg standen die Deutschen nicht nur vor den
Trümmern ihres zerstückelten Landes. Sie standen auch angesichts der
Verbrechen der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft vor dem moralischen
Ruin sowie vor einer Schuldfrage, die nach einer relativ kurzen Phase
der Verdrängung zu einer beispiellosen historischen Aufarbeitung
geführt hat.

Was aber passiert, wenn sich statt einer Erinnerungskultur eine
Kultur des Verdrängens und Verleugnens etabliert? Wie können sich
zwei Gesellschaften, die eine in der Kultur der Erinnerung zu Hause,
die andere aber in der Kultur der Verdrängung, miteinander
verständigen?

Der gegenwärtige Streit um die armenischen Opfer türkischer
Vertreibung und Vernichtung aus dem Jahr 1915 verdeutlicht die
Unmöglichkeit einer solchen Verständigung. Viele türkische
Persönlichkeiten und Verbände in Deutschland reagieren auf den
Völkermordvorwurf nach alten Mustern der Verdrängung. Sie ist so weit
internalisiert, dass ihre Aufgabe einer Selbstaufgabe gleichkäme.

Dies kann keine Ausgangsposition sein, weder, um mit der deutschen
Gesellschaft ins Gespräch zu kommen, die dieses problematische
Kapitel der türkischen Geschichte immer offener diskutiert, noch mit
den Nachfahren der Opfer, die sich seit Jahrzehnten um die
Anerkennung ihres Leids bemühen.

Allein dieser Umstand ist schon ein ungeheuerlicher Vorgang. Man
stelle sich einmal vor: Die eigene Familie wird vertrieben, die
meisten Familienmitglieder verlieren während dieser Vertreibung ihr
Leben, werden regelrecht massakriert, die Davongekommen und ihre
Nachkommen aber müssen sich seit Jahrzehnten darum bemühen, dass der
Rest der Menschheit, geschweige denn das Volk der Täter, das Leid und
Unrecht, das ihnen widerfahren ist, anerkennt. Der Vorwurf der
türkischen Seite gegen die armenische Diaspora, diese handle
überzogen nationalistisch, ist infam, solange die offizielle Türkei
keinen Finger rührt, um diesen Menschen und ihren persönlichen
Geschichten entgegenzukommen.

Dieses Entgegenkommen kann weder durch eine gesellschaftliche
Diskussion um die Vorgänge in Anatolien im Jahre 1915 noch durch
Parlamentsdebatten ersetzt werden, schon gar nicht durch einen
internationalen Historikerstreit. Schon die Forderung, die Historiker
mögen sich mit dem Thema auseinander setzen, verrät Kälte und
Distanz, die Teil des Problems und nicht seine Lösung sind. Die
Archive seien offen, heißt es, als könne historische Wahrheit
lediglich über Archive erschlossen werden. Historische Wahrheit ist
keine naturwissenschaftliche Größe, die man mit einer mathematischen
Formel erschließen kann. Sie versteckt sich in den Erinnerungen jedes
einzelnen Menschen. Werden diese Erinnerungen einem permanenten
Prozess der Verdrängung ausgesetzt, gibt es keine Wahrheit, sondern
nur Lüge und Fälschung.

Die türkische Gesellschaft wird sich im 21. Jahrhundert dieses
morsche Fundament des Verleugnens und der kruden Geschichtsfälschung
nicht mehr leisten können, wenn sie in den Kreis europäischer Völker
aufgenommen werden will. Sie kann nicht von ihnen fordern, die eigene
Geschichte aufzuarbeiten, während die Türken nur an jene Version
glauben wollen, die sie selbst gefälscht haben.

Doch was in den letzten Wochen fast alle türkischen Medien auch in
Deutschland an den Tag legen, verheißt nichts Gutes. Statt einer
ernsthaften Auseinandersetzung mit dem Thema geht es wohl darum,
Kapital aus der Leidensgeschichte der Armenier zu schlagen, denn sie
eignet sich bestens, nationale türkische Gefühle auszubeuten. Wenn
dies allerdings in Deutschland geschieht, ist das nicht nur
gefährlich, sondern unerträglich.

Die Diffamierung kritischer Stimmen durch diese Presseorgane hat
inzwischen jede journalistische Räson verloren und das Ausmaß einer
Kampagne angenommen. Wieder einmal wird deutlich: Den meisten
türkischen Politikern und ihren Handlangern sind die eigentlichen
Belange der Türken im Ausland vollkommen gleichgültig. Sie sehen in
den Türken im Ausland eine Manövriermasse für die eigenen Positionen,
egal wie haltbar sie sind. Sie sehen in ihnen Bauernopfer, die man
hin und her schiebt, um sie bei Gelegenheit fallen zu lassen. Die
nationalistisch aufgeladene Masse lässt das scheinbar mit sich
machen. Nicht ihre Integration in die deutsche Gesellschaft, nicht
ihre Etablierung und die anstehende kosmopolitische Orientierung,
nein, allein die nationalistische Gesinnung ist von Belang.

Das ist ein unerträglicher Zustand, der, sollte er anhalten, nichts
Gutes für das deutsch-türkische Verhältnis verheißt. Die Akzeptanz
der Türken in Deutschland durch die Einheimischen ist bereits sehr
gering. Die Folgen einer weiteren Entfremdung können kaum abgeschätzt
werden.

Vernünftige Stimmen in Deutschland, die noch zur rationalen Analyse
der Lage fähig sind, fehlen nicht gänzlich. So hat sich der Türkische
Bund in Berlin-Brandenburg (TBB) nicht von der nationalistischen
Welle mitreißen lassen. Das ist außerordentlich zu begrüßen, auch
wenn zu befürchten ist, dass die nun gegen diese Organisation
laufende Kampagne erheblichen Flurschaden in der türkischen
Bevölkerung anrichten wird. Die Instrumentalisierung des Völkermords
zu welchen Zwecken auch immer ist moralisch verwerflich und wirft
einen dunklen Schatten auf die Betreiber solcher Interessen. Das
trifft vor allem auf jene Politiker zu, die das so genannte gesunde
Empfinden der türkischen Gesellschaft, zu dem die Leugnung und
Verdrängung des Völkermordes gehören, bedienen.

Diese Instrumentalisierung aber ist nicht nur moralisch verwerflich,
sie deformiert auch diejenigen, die sie betreiben. Sie treten somit
in die Fußstapfen der Täter. Ebenso ist eine Gesellschaft, die ein
Verbrechen eines solches Ausmaßes verdrängt, Schuld und Verantwortung
hartnäckig verweigert, in keiner Weise vor Wiederholungen gefeit. Die
Lynchstimmung, die in den letzten Wochen auf den Straßen der Türkei
gegen Andersdenkende und Minderheiten aufgekommen ist, weckt nicht –
wie zu erwarten wäre – schlimme Erinnerungen, weil solche
Erinnerungen vorsätzlich aus dem Gedächtnis gelöscht worden sind.

All diese Vorgänge belegen nur eins: Die Dimension und Wirkung des
Völkermordes an den Armeniern ist von den Türken nicht begriffen
worden. Es fehlt nicht nur an rationaler Analyse, es fehlt auch an
einer mitfühlenden Seelenlage und einem Bewusstsein für
Verantwortung, die manche Diskussion vollkommen überflüssig machen
würden. Etwa, ob man die Vorgänge nun Völkermord oder Massaker und
Vertreibung nennt. Ein Begriffsstreit kann kein Opfer aus dem
Gedächtnis der Geschichte löschen. Eine Gesellschaft, die sich nicht
erinnern will, bleibt den Fehlern der Vergangenheit verhaftet. Dieses
Urteil ist viel schlimmer als jede Verurteilung, die irgendein
Parlament aussprechen kann.

BAKU: PACE calls on Armenian president to accept Turkey’s proposal

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
April 30 2005

PACE calls on Armenian president to accept Turkey’s proposal

AssA-Irada 30/04/2005 21:25

97 members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
(PACE) have sent an appeal to Armenian President Robert Kocharian
calling on him to accept Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan’s proposal to study the so-called `genocide of Armenians’
documents.

10 Turkish, 10 Russian, 8 Azerbaijani, and 4 Georgian MPs signed the
appeal.

Erdogan forwarded a letter to the Armenian President several days ago
proposing to set up a joint commission and draw historians to look
into the 1915 developments in the Ottoman Empire. Kocharian, in his
reply on April 27, rejected the proposal.

ANKARA: Turkish-Armenian journalist on trial for insulting Turkey

Turkish-Armenian journalist goes on trial on charges of insulting Turks

AP Worldstream
Apr 29, 2005

SELCAN HACAOGLU

A trial has begun for a Turkish-Armenian journalist charged with
insulting Turks in remarks at a human rights conference three years
ago, the journalist said Friday.

Hrant Dink, 51, said he did not attend the opening of the trial
Thursday in the southern city of Sanliurfa, where the conference was
held in 2002.

Dink, editor of the bilingual Turkish-Armenian newspaper Agos, could
face up to three years in prison if convicted. The trial was adjourned
until July 7.

The case highlights challenges still facing Turkey as it tries to
carry out reforms ahead of negotiations on membership in the European
Union. The government has promised to lift restrictions on freedom of
expression, and it’s also under pressure to grant more rights to its
ethnic Kurdish minority and other communities.

In his remarks to the conference, Dink criticized Turkey’s national
anthem and an oath taken by school children, which he said reinforce
Turkish dominance over the country’s minorities.

Children open each school day by saying, “Happy is the one who says,
‘I am a Turk.'”

“I was asked about what I feel about the oath taken by school children
and I said I don’t feel like a Turk and that I am a citizen of Turkey
but Armenian,” Dink said in a telephone interview. “I also said I
don’t like the line of the national anthem which says ‘smile upon my
heroic race.’ The emphasis on race is discrimination.”

Dink, a member of Istanbul’s Armenian Christian community, also
angered nationalists by publishing claims that Sabiha Gokcen _ the
adopted daughter of modern Turkey’s founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk _
could have been Armenian. Gokcen was Turkey’s first woman war pilot
and is a national icon.

Meanwhile, Turkey’s prime minister said his country might establish
political relations with Armenia if the two sides agree to jointly
research the killings of Armenian’s during World War I, which
Armenians say was a genocide, the Milliyet newspaper reported Friday.

Turkey has been opening up on the subject under pressure from the
European Union ahead of membership talks.

Armenians say 1.5 million of their people were killed as the Ottoman
Empire forced them from eastern Turkey between 1915-1923 in a
deliberate campaign of genocide.

Turkey denies a genocide was committed, saying the death count is
inflated and insisting that Armenians were killed or displaced as the
Ottoman Empire tried to secure its border with Russia and stop attacks
by Armenian militants.

Turkey PM: political relations could be established with Armenia

Report: Turkey’s premier says political relations could be established with
Armenia

AP Worldstream
Apr 29, 2005

Turkey’s prime minister said his country could establish political
relations with Armenia if the two sides agree to jointly research the
killings of Armenians during World War I, which Armenians say was a
genocide, a newspaper reported Friday.

Turkey has no diplomatic ties with Armenia. But Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan told the daily Milliyet that Turkey might establish
political ties if Armenia agreed to his proposal.

“Political relations might be established on one side and studies
(about killings) can continue on the other side,” Milliyet quoted
Erdogan as saying.

Turkey has been opening up on the subject under pressure from the
European Union ahead of negotiations on membership in the bloc.

Earlier this month, Erdogan sent a letter to Armenian President Robert
Kocharian inviting Armenia to set up a joint research
committee. Kocharian reportedly responded by saying ties should be
formed first, according to Turkish newspapers.

Armenians say some 1.5 million of their people were killed as the
Ottoman Empire forced them from eastern Turkey between 1915 and 1923
in a deliberate campaign of genocide.

Turkey denies a genocide was committed, saying the death count is
inflated and insisting that Armenians were killed or displaced as the
Ottoman Empire tried to secure its border with Russia and stop attacks
by Armenian militants.

Les Armeniens de Jerusalem commemorent le =?UNKNOWN?Q?90=E8?=anniver

Agence France Presse
25 avril 2005 lundi

Les Arméniens de Jérusalem commémorent le 90è anniversaire des massacres

JERUSALEM 25 avr

Environ un millier d’Arméniens ont marché à travers Jérusalem lundi
pour commémorer le 90ème anniversaire du massacre de centaines de
milliers d’Arméniens par l’empire ottoman.

L’assemblée a assisté à un service religieux en la cathédrale
Saint-Jean de la Ville Sainte, avant de gagner le cimetière arménien
au son des tambours et en priant pour les disparus.

Les massacres, déclenchés en 1915 et qui allaient se poursuivre
jusqu’en 1917, ont fait entre 250.000 et 500.000 morts selon les
Turcs et 1,5 million selon les Arméniens.

Les participants, pour la plupart vêtus de noir, ont défilé en
arborant le drapeau rouge, bleu et orange de l’Arménie et des
portraits en noir et blanc, ont constaté les correspondants de l’AFP.

Certaines pancartes proclamaient: “Les Arméniens réclament justice” ,
“Turquie, coupable de génocide” ou “Turquie, ton passé te hante”.

Le patriarche arménien Torkom Manougian a dirigé plusieurs prières
alors que des couronnes étaient déposées au pied du mémorial situé
dans l’enceinte du cimetière.

“Après 90 ans de déni de la part des Turcs, la question du génocide
arménien est inscrite à l’ordre du jour international. La position de
la Turquie est devenue très instable”, a fait valoir le responsable
de la communauté arménienne, Serob Sahagian, s’adressant à la foule.

La marche avait dû être retardée d’une journée en raison de la Pque
juive célébrée dimanche, a expliqué un proviseur en retraite, venu de
Galilée.

“Chacun de nous ici a un grand-père ou une grand-mère, un oncle ou
une tante, qui ont été tués. Je suis un réfugié dans ce pays et je ne
suis pas sûr de pouvoir un jour retourner dans mon village en
Turquie”, a confié Georgette Abakian.

Forgotten People: Internally Displaced from Abkhazia

Reuters AlertNet, UK
April 26 2005

Forgotten People: Internally Displaced from Abkhazia

Source: NGO latest
Yodit Fitigu

Refugees International – USA
Website:
Contact: Yodit Fitigu [email protected] or 202-828-0110

Forgotten People: Internally Displaced from Abkhazia Why are they
forgotten?

An estimated 300,000 people were displaced as a result of Georgia¡¦s
wars against two separatist military campaigns, one in the Black Sea
region of Abkhazia in the northwest and the other in northeast region
of South Ossetia. The war over Abkhazian autonomy between 1992 and
1994 led to the displacement of approximately 240,000 people, mainly
ethnic Georgians. More than 10 years after the cessation of armed
conflict, the majority of the displaced remain trapped. Although a
limited number of displaced populations near the border were able to
return to home, the political stalemate between the de facto
government of Abkhazia and Georgia has kept the majority of the
displaced in a state of constant limbo.

For years, resolving the issue of internal displaced persons (IDPs)
was held hostage to the territorial disputes between Abkhazian and
Georgian officials. For the Georgian government, the ¡§IDP question¡¨
was inextricably tied to Georgia¡¦s ¡§territorial integrity;¡¨
regaining Abkhazia would mean return for the displaced. Both
authorities continue to depend on the international community to find
a solution.

With the end of armed conflict in the early 1990s, the international
community began relief efforts. A shift in assistance occurred during
the mid to late-1990s, when international donors began focusing on
development programs. However, lack of humanitarian assistance
remains a concern for displaced people. Unable to return home, many
are left in destitute conditions in the urban centers of Georgia.
Living below Georgia¡¦s subsistence level without adequate food,
access to health services, and shelter, the majority of IDPs in
Georgia are among the poorest and most vulnerable.

Despite a rhetorical commitment during the Rose Revolution to
resolving the displacement issues, the government of Georgia neglects
the displaced because its priority is economic development pending an
overall political resolution of the status of the Abkhazia region.
For international donor governments, the displaced are invisible.
Their needs do not rise to the level of other displaced persons, and
the absence of on-going armed conflict makes the situation relatively
easy to ignore.

Historical Background Civil unrest and internal wars erupted
throughout the Soviet Republics during the break-up of the Soviet
Union. In 1991, the southern Caucasus nation of Georgia was thrown

into two separatist wars that caused massive displacement in the
Black Sea region of Abkhazia and in South Ossetia in northeast
Georgia.

As in many separatist wars throughout the world, ethno-political
conflict became a significant contributor to internal displacement.
During the Abkhazian separatist war, ethnicity became the vehicle for
power and a weapon for the removal of entire groups of people.

In the Soviet Union, conflict fueled by identity politics had its
roots in the imperial national-building project. Similar to European
colonial ambitions in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, Imperial
Russia brought its nationalization project to the Caucasus. Conquest
of the Caucasus brought about policies of Russification, in which
aspects of Russian national identity, such as language, religion, and
customs, were imposed on the conquered people as the superior
national identity. Rather than forging a unified Russian national
identity, however, existing boundaries became solidified, further
fueling indigenous consciousness throughout the Caucasus. This has
been witnessed in several republics that later became independent
nations.

These processes intensified through the Soviet policy of population
relocation where various ethnic groups in the Caucasus were forcibly
relocated in the effort to suppress indigenous nationalism. For
example, Ossetians were strategically relocated to two areas regarded
by Soviet Union as most rebellious: Muslin Ingushetia, bordering
Chechnya, and in northern Georgia. In the Abkhazian region, Russians
and Armenians were resettled among the Greeks, Georgians, ethnic
Abkhazians, and others who were earlier settlers during the Ottoman
Empire. In the same manner, Russians were resettled throughout the
Soviet Republics in the attempts to Russify the local population.

The political and economic favoring of one group over another at
different points in history helped to crystallize differences.
Russia¡¦s attempt to maintain power produced competition for scarce
resources and group rivalries over the region. In the Abkhazian
region, as in other Soviet Republics, Soviet policies contributed to
the tension between the various ethnic groups. When an ethnic group
was rising to a certain level of power and influence over their
population, Russia would pump economic and social benefits to another
group. In the mid-1930s, Russia¡¦s farm collectives attracted more
central Georgians to the Abkhazian region, creating competition for
labor among indigenous Georgians as well as other ethnic groups
within Abkhazia. As the Georgian population began to grow within
Abkhazia and Soviet power tightened over the region, ethnic politics
intensified.

At the same time, in an effort to reject Russia¡¦s cultural and
political domination, a nationalist campaign for independence was
underway throughout Georgia and the other nations in the Caucasus. In
Abkhazia, this drive for national Georgian unity was perceived by
many other ethnic groups as a drive to Georgianize the region. In
effect it created the fear of cultural absorption among non-Georgian
groups, particularly ethnic Abkhazians. While they had previously
rejected Russification, ethnic Abkhazians preferred unification with
Russia over identification with the Georgian nation. This resulted in
the emergence of competing forms of nationalism and power between
Abkhazians and ethnic Georgians.

In 1992, Abkhaz separatists and Georgian national army began a war
that lasted two years, with sporadic violence continuing until 1999,
displacing all ethnic groups within Abkhazia. Both militaries were
responsible for targeting the other¡¦s ethnic population by burning
villages and destroying buildings and farm land. According to the
Soviet government census of 1989, the pre-war population in Abkhazia
was 525,000, 45% of which were classified as ethnic Georgians and 18%
classified as ethnic Abkhazians. Post-war Abkhazia is 80-90% ethnic
Abkhazian with the rest comprised of a mixed Abkhaz-Georgian
population and some 30,000 Georgians on the border who return for
harvesting during times of security.

While the numbers of displaced people is controversial and disputed
by both sides, some conclusions have been reached. The largest number
of displaced were ethnic Georgians. In addition, between 1992 and
1993 approximately 75,000 Russians and 75,000 Armenians fled to
Russia, while close to15,000 Greeks returned to Greece after
centuries in Abkhazia. Ethnic Abkhazians also became internally
displaced during the prolonged conflict.

Humanitarian conditions

Georgia continues to face enormous political and economic
consequences since the breakup of the Soviet Union. Since the end of
civil war in the mid-1990s, Georgia received relief assistance as
well as aid for development programs. While the shift from relief aid
to development was needed in Georgia, purely humanitarian aid is
still greatly needed for the most vulnerable populations.

Georgia¡¦s high unemployment rate has contributed to the high level
of poverty, with 54% of the population below the poverty line.
Conditions for internally displaced people are more critical in urban
areas. Overall, the unresolved political situation with Abkhazia is
creating a volatile situation for the displaced and for Georgia as a
whole. The longer the political stand-off between Abkhazia and
Georgia persists, the more humanitarian assistance will be needed for
the internally displaced.

In addition, security remains a great concern in the Gali district of
Abkhazia, where approximately 60,000 IDPs have spontaneously returned
to farm their lands. At least half of the returnee population
self-resettled in permanent locations, while another half return
seasonally only for farming purposes. Humanitarian assistance and the
building of infrastructure have been limited due to sporadic
insecurity. However, it remains crucial that humanitarian assistance
reach as many people as possible. It is important to underscore that
tensions between returnees and ethnic Abkhazians will ease as
international donors show financial support for rehabilitation
programs and community-based projects.

The privatization of major hotels in Georgia, spearheaded by the
president of Georgia, Mikhail Saakashvili, had a two-pronged goal: to
increase economic prosperity for Georgia by attracting international
business and to fulfill the national IDP housing law by providing
permanent homes for IDP families from Abkhazia. In practice, however,
the national IDP law, which required the State to provide housing for
all IDPs, has not been implemented.

On Rustaveli Street, rows of theaters and restaurants line the heart
of Tbilisi¡¦s fashionable district. The once glamorous Iveria Hotel
now stands in the center of this district as a visible reminder of
the Abkhaz war and the displaced that were housed there for over 14
years. Through President Saakashvili¡¦s privatization act, the hotel
was sold and IDPs were given approximately $7,000 per hotel room. A
number of problems arose, however. First, most of the hotel rooms
were not shared by one family, but several families. Therefore, the
money had to be divided among two or more families sharing one hotel
room. To complicate matters, IDPs were left on their own to find
housing after the sale. In the capital city of Tbilisi, where 40 % of
IDPs reside, finding an apartment to rent or buy has become
increasingly difficult with soaring housing costs. As a result, many
IDP families have to live in smaller rundown hotels or cooperatives,
often without electricity and running water. Despite the countless
resolutions passed in the Cabinet of Ministers for the economic and
political protection of IDPs, efforts to enforce their civil rights
have been abandoned by the Georgian government and ignored by the
international community.passed in the Cabinet of Ministers for the
economic and political protection of IDPs, efforts to enforce their
civil rights have been abandoned by the Georgian government and
ignored by the international community.

Therefore, Refugees International recommends that:

„X The Government of Georgia and the de-facto Abkhazian officials
continue their dialogue towards reaching a political settlement, a
precondition for finding a solution for the displaced population.

„X The Government of Georgia implement established IDP laws regarding
housing and other issues, and make a greater effort to end
mismanagement and corruption of IDP funds.

„X The European Union get involved in creating conditions for
dialogue between the Georgian government and Abkhazia in order to
find longer-term solutions for the displaced population.

„X Donors pay attention to the extreme poverty of vulnerable groups
by providing humanitarian relief in addition to development aid.

„X Donors support the implementation of relief assistance and
rehabilitation programs among returnee populations in the Gali
region.

Yodit Fitigu is a McCall-Pierpaoli Fellow with Refugees
International.

[ Any views expressed in this article are those of the writer and not
of Reuters. ]

http://www.refugeesinternational.org