Author: Emil Lazarian

“I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this small tribe of unimportant people, whose wars have all been fought and lost, whose structures have crumbled, literature is unread, music is unheard, and prayers are no more answered. Go ahead, destroy Armenia . See if you can do it. Send them into the desert without bread or water. Burn their homes and churches. Then see if they will not laugh, sing and pray again. For when two of them meet anywhere in the world, see if they will not create a New Armenia.” - WS

Armenia Tightens Border Control Measures for EEU Goods: A New Chapter in Trade Regulations

Emil Lazarian
Feb 9 2024
Mazhar Abbas
In a significant shift, the State Revenue Committee (SRC) of Armenia has announced stringent border control measures for goods imported from the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) member states. The new regulations, effective immediately, target shipments that have undergone unloading, reloading, or other cargo operations in third countries during transit.

The SRC's decision marks a stark departure from previous practices, where such goods were still classified as EEU goods, and violations were met with warnings. However, the observed decline in discipline among carriers and the subsequent abuse of these lenient regulations have prompted the SRC to reevaluate its stance.

Under the new rules, goods will no longer be recognized as imported from an EEU member country if they have been subjected to cargo operations in third countries without the customs authority's permission. This policy holds true, except in cases of accidents or force majeure.

The ramifications of this policy change are far-reaching. Goods that do not match their transit declarations while being transported from an EEU country will now be treated and cleared as products of a third country. If these goods are not correctly formalized as third-country products, their importation will be banned.

Despite these stringent measures, entrepreneurs are not left without recourse. They will still have the opportunity to present other evidence to prove the EEU status of their products.

The SRC's decision to tighten border control measures is a clear indication of its commitment to maintaining regulatory discipline and preventing abuse of the system. This move is expected to foster a more transparent and accountable trading environment, ultimately benefiting both Armenia and its EEU partners.

https://bnnbreaking.com/world/eurasia/armenia-tightens-border-control-measures-for-eeu-goods-a-new-chapter-in-trade-regulations

Armenia’s biggest winter festival welcomes everyone on 24 February – with EU support

Emil Lazarian
Feb 9 2024

The latest edition of Armenia’s biggest winter festival -46°C, supported by the European Union, is scheduled to take place this year on 24 February.

The festival will take place in Amasia, one of Shirak’s northern settlements.

The event provides an opportunity to plunge into winter adventures, go skiing, snowboarding, sledging and feel the pleasant winter atmosphere.

The festival is implemented with the support of the Tourism Committee of the Republic of Armenia and supported by the EU-funded LEAD4Shirak programme.

Find out more

Press release

https://euneighbourseast.eu/news/latest-news/armenias-biggest-winter-festival-welcomes-everyone-on-24-february-with-eu-support/

Armenia Reaffirms Commitment to Chemical Weapons Convention in Meeting with OPCW Director General

Emil Lazarian
Feb 9 2024
Momen Zellmi

The Hague, a city steeped in history and diplomacy, played host to an important meeting on February 8. Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan sat down with Fernando Arias, the Director General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), to discuss the partnership between Armenia and the OPCW.

Minister Mirzoyan took the opportunity to underscore Armenia's unwavering commitment to the Chemical Weapons Convention. He highlighted the significant legislative reforms that have been implemented in Armenia since it became a signatory to the convention. These reforms, he emphasized, are not just on paper but are being actively enforced, reflecting the country's seriousness in upholding the principles of the convention.

Fernando Arias, for his part, briefed Minister Mirzoyan on the challenges faced by the OPCW in the current global scenario. Recent developments, he noted, have made the execution of the organization's mandate under the convention increasingly complex. However, he also expressed confidence in the resilience of the OPCW and its member states, emphasizing their collective determination to overcome these hurdles.

The meeting concluded with an exchange of views on the ongoing efforts by the OPCW and its member states towards disarmament and non-proliferation. In a world where the threat of chemical weapons looms large, these efforts take on a renewed urgency. Both Minister Mirzoyan and Director General Arias acknowledged the importance of sustained cooperation and collaboration in achieving these goals.

As the sun set over The Hague, it cast a warm glow on the meeting that had just concluded. The discussions held within those walls served as a reminder of the enduring commitment to a world free from the scourge of chemical weapons. It was a meeting marked by frank dialogue, mutual respect, and a shared vision for a safer, more secure future.

In the grand scheme of international diplomacy, this meeting might seem like a small step. But in the realm of disarmament and non-proliferation, every step counts. And as Armenia continues to walk this path alongside the OPCW, it carries with it the hope for a brighter tomorrow.

South Caucasus Turns Away From Russia Toward Middle East

Emil Lazarian
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Feb 8 2024
Rapid geopolitical change is curtailing Russian power in the South Caucasus, boosting the influence of Middle Eastern countries and bookending the region’s “post-Soviet” history.
Emil
Avdaliani

The South Caucasus is undergoing a geopolitical transformation. The war in Ukraine and the effective resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan mean that the region is entering a new age. Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia have gradually become more confident on the world stage, with each trying to limit its dependence on Russia by diversifying its foreign policy.

Georgia has boosted relations with the European Union, China, and—to some extent—the United States, while Azerbaijan has sought closer ties with Turkey, Israel, Central Asia, and a number of European countries. Having gone through the traumatic loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia has pushed for closer engagement with the EU, rapprochement with Turkey, and even military links with India and some European states.

Instead of an arena for competition between Russia and the West, the South Caucasus has turned into a highly congested geopolitical space, with up to six major powers vying for influence. We are not, however, just witnessing the end of the post-Soviet period. We are witnessing the end of exclusive Russian influence in the South Caucasus, which has been the status quo for almost two hundred years.

The decline of Russian power has led to the reemergence of close links between the South Caucasus and the broader Middle East. Indeed, geography favors such a connection. Russia lies across the formidable Caucasus mountains, and Middle Eastern states have long regarded the South Caucasus as a natural continuation of their own territories.

The deepening ties are visible in growing trade, investment, energy infrastructure, and railways that link the South Caucasus to two large neighboring powers: Turkey and Iran.

Turkey is a key ally of Azerbaijan, and also enjoys close links with Georgia, while Armenia has Iran’s backing. In particular, Turkey has been pushing for the development of east-west connectivity that cuts through the traditional Russia-sponsored north-south infrastructure. The successful completion of the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway is one example; another is the push by Baku and Ankara to open a new route via Armenia’s southernmost province of Syunik.

Iran, too, has scored significant victories. In October, it inked a deal with Baku on a new transit corridor linking Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhchivan via Iranian territory. Tehran has also advanced work on the International North-South Transport Corridor, which runs from southern Iran to Russia via Azerbaijan and the Caspian Sea. Other initiatives involve the development of roads through Armenia, which could provide solid links between Iran and Georgia’s Black Sea ports of Poti and Batumi.

Energy infrastructure in the South Caucasus, too, is increasingly tied to the Middle East. Azerbaijan has become one of Turkey’s major gas suppliers, covering about 16 percent of the country’s needs in 2022, while Iran and Armenia have agreed to extend their gas trade agreement through 2030.

The civil war in Syria showed how political and military developments in the Middle East impact the South Caucasus. For instance, residents of the Pankisi Gorge in Georgia volunteered to fight with radical Islamist groups in Syria and Iraq, sparking fears of terrorism spreading. Syria is also one of few countries that has recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. And the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War of 2020 allegedly saw Syrian soldiers fighting for Azerbaijan.

Even beyond security, Armenia and Georgia have built robust relations with other prominent Middle Eastern countries. Saudi Arabia recently agreed to establish diplomatic relations with Armenia, which has also expanded its ties with other Gulf states. Similar trends are visible in Georgia’s relations with nations like Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Jordan.

Other actors like Israel are also playing an increasingly active role. Israel’s relations with Azerbaijan are especially noteworthy, with the two states enjoying close military ties. Azerbaijan used high-tech Israeli weaponry to devastating effect in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, and, more recently, in September 2023, when it reclaimed full control over the disputed region. Azerbaijan is also a major supplier of oil to Israel, meeting as much as 40 percent of the country’s demand.

Azerbaijan’s links with the Middle East mean that flare-ups between Israel and Iran could have local consequences. Iran has expressed concern about Israel allegedly using Azerbaijan for espionage activities, and Azerbaijan was one of just a few Muslim countries not to condemn Israel’s military operation in Gaza, sparking anger in Tehran.

With an end to Russian dominance in the South Caucasus, it’s clear that the region is growing closer to the Middle East. Historically speaking, this is actually a return to normal practice, with Middle Eastern powers traditionally the most influential in the region. For Iran and Turkey, Russian hegemony was always an aberration.

The process could yield benefits for the West. After all, shifting tectonic plates create opportunities for multiple actors to project power. But the EU and United States are limited by geographical distance, and the absence of significant economic levers. Turkey and Iran are both nearby, and eager to accrue more influence in the South Caucasus.

By:
  • Emil Avdaliani

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

Armenia’s Humanitarian Aid Landscape: A Tale of International Support and Decline

Emil Lazarian
Feb 8 2024
Mazhar Abbas

In 2023, Armenia witnessed a significant influx of humanitarian aid, totaling $35.6 million. The United States led the charge as the largest donor, contributing over $8.1 million, followed closely by Italy and Switzerland, with $3.8 million and $2.8 million, respectively. This outpouring of support, however, came with a stark contrast; the volume of humanitarian aid decreased by 58.8% compared to the previous year.

Delving deeper into the data, Germany, China, and France emerged as notable contributors, offering $2.1 million, $1.8 million, and $1.3 million in aid, respectively. When analyzing the regional distribution, it became clear that European Union (EU) countries played a pivotal role, accounting for 46.8% of the total humanitarian assistance. The United States followed suit, providing 22.8% of the aid.

Intriguingly, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries contributed a mere 0.1%, raising questions about the regional dynamics at play. This disparity in contributions paints a complex picture of the global response to Armenia's humanitarian needs.

The 58.8% decrease in aid from 2022 to 2023 is a striking figure, prompting reflection on the shifting priorities and challenges within the international humanitarian landscape. As the world grapples with numerous crises, the allocation of resources becomes an increasingly delicate balancing act.

For Armenia, the implications of this decline are far-reaching. While the country received substantial support in 2023, the reduction in aid could potentially impact the ongoing efforts to address pressing humanitarian concerns.

As the world turns its attention to Armenia's humanitarian situation, the importance of international cooperation and understanding cannot be overstated. The intricate tapestry of aid, woven together by diverse countries and regions, serves as a testament to the power of global solidarity.

In the face of adversity, Armenia continues to navigate the complexities of humanitarian aid, forging a path forward with the support of the international community. As the world watches and responds, the story of Armenia's resilience unfolds, illuminating the enduring power of hope and unity in the face of challenge.

As we move further into 2024, the global audience remains captivated by the evolving narrative of Armenia's humanitarian journey. With each twist and turn, the world is reminded of the vital role that international aid plays in shaping the future of nations and the lives of those who call them home.

ARMENIA: Appeal court upholds conscientious objector’s jail term

Emil Lazarian
Feb 8 2024
8 February 2024
Felix Corley, Forum 18

On 7 February, Yerevan's Criminal Court of Appeal rejected 20-year-old Baptist conscientious objector Davit Nazaretyan's appeal against a two-year jail term imposed in October 2023 for refusing military service. The judges ignored European Court of Human Rights judgments, including against Armenia. Nazaretyan's applications for alternative civilian service were repeatedly denied. He is considering a further appeal and will not be required to go to jail until any further appeal is heard. The last known jailed conscientious objector was freed in 2021.

On 7 February, a panel of three judges at Yerevan's Criminal Court of Appeal rejected Davit Nazaretyan's appeal against his two-year jail term imposed in October 2023 for refusing military service on grounds of conscience. He is considering a further appeal to the Cassation Court in Yerevan. The 20-year-old Baptist will not be required to go to jail until any further appeal is heard.

Davit Nazaretyan
Davit Nazaretyan

Nazaretyan is the only conscientious objector known to be currently facing jail under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 ("Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription").

Despite Baptist conscientious objector Nazaretyan's repeated requests from June 2022 onwards for alternative civilian service, officials of the Conscription Service and of the Alternative Service Commission refused his application. On 25 October 2023, Yerevan's Kentron District Court handed him a two-year jail term for "Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription" (see below).

"The Criminal Court of Appeal left last October's decision unchanged," Nazaretyan's pastor Mikhail Shubin told Forum 18 from Yerevan after the 7 February 2024 hearing. "He has one month to appeal. When he gets the decision in writing he will decide whether to appeal further" (see below)

Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation in Yerevan attended the appeal hearing. "This is very, very sad," she told Forum 18 from Yerevan after the decision was announced. She said Nazaretyan was "very sincere" in setting out his position in court. "Davit set out very clearly that he does not consider himself guilty of any crime, that he has been in the church since childhood and that he is ready to perform alternative service" (see below).

"I am a Christian and I read the Bible," Nazaretyan told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 7 November 2023. "Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill and he followed this also. We have to love one another, even our enemies, and not kill people." He added that Jesus Christ also instructed his followers not to swear oaths. "If I was given alternative civilian service now, I would do it" (see below).

"The judges seemed to be prejudiced against the religious community," Sarsgsyan said of the appeal hearing. "The court didn't take into consideration any of Davit's arguments about his right to alternative service, the decisions in similar cases of the European Court of Human Rights or anything else" (see below).

Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation noted that the prosecution did not attend the 7 February 2024 hearing. "The Court in its questioning of Davit stressed the expert opinion of the Theology Faculty of Yerevan State University, treating its opinion with some respect." The Theology Faculty, led by an Armenian Apostolic Church Bishop, claimed that: "The creed of the Baptist Church and the analysis of the presented case materials allow us to state that Nazaretyan's freedom of thought, conscience and religion would not be restricted by military service" (see below).

Nazaretyan's Baptist pastor strongly disputes this claim by another religious community about his and his Church's beliefs (see below).

Bishop Anushavan and a lecturer at the Theology Faculty repeatedly did not respond to Forum 18's requests in November 2023 and on 8 February 2024 for comment. So Forum 18 was unable to find out why they offer views on beliefs they do not understand, and why they also offer views on a legally binding human rights obligation – the freedom of thought, conscience and belief – which they also do not understand (see below).

Forum 18 asked the three Appeal Court judges – Marine Melkonyan, Armen Bektashyan and Anna Matevosyan – on the afternoon of 8 February why they had not taken their decision in Nazaretyan's case in the light of the jurisprudence (including in Armenian cases) of the European Court of Human Rights on the right to conscientious objection to military service, as part of the right to freedom of religion or belief. Forum 18 has not yet received any reply (see below).

Vahe Sarkisyan, head of Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office, defended the decision to bring the criminal case against Nazaretyan. "We have to respond if documents are sent to us," he told Forum 18. "But it was the court which took the decision [to sentence him], not the Prosecutor's Office." He refused to answer any other questions by phone (see below).

Vardan Astsatryan of the government's Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs, who sits on the Alternative Service Commission, rejected suggestions that the Alternative Service Commission discriminated against conscientious objectors who are not Jehovah's Witnesses. "We gave alternative service to a Molokan about five years ago," he claimed to Forum 18 (see below).

Forum 18 asked the office of the Human Rights Defender Anahit Manasyan on 7 February about Nazaretyan's case and what it is doing (if anything) to support him and others who cannot perform military service on grounds of conscience. An official said an appropriate colleague would respond with a comment. Forum 18 has received no reply (see below).

The last known convicted conscientious objector, Maksim Telegin, a Molokan from Yerevan who had been refused alternative civilian service, was freed early from his one-year jail term in 2021 after three months. Jehovah's Witnesses told Forum 18 that their young men do not have problems opting for alternative civilian service (see below).

Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation noted that Astsatryan of the Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs is the only Commission member with expertise in the area of freedom of religion or belief. "So the Commission seems to follow his recommendation in each case. My experience suggests that government officials – except those who deal with human rights professionally – are not well educated in human rights issues, and often lead by their own perceptions and biases when dealing with matters related to minority rights," Sargsyan noted (see below).

All men in Armenia are subject to conscription between the ages of 18 and 27. Deferments are available in strictly limited circumstances. Military service lasts for 24 months. Those subject to conscription can apply for service without weapons within the armed forces, which lasts 30 months, or for alternative civilian service, which lasts 36 months.

For many years, Armenia jailed those unable to perform military service on grounds of conscience, despite a commitment to the Council of Europe to introduce a civilian alternative to military service by January 2004. In May 2013, amendments to the 2003 Alternative Service Law and to the 2003 Law on Implementing the Criminal Code were passed, and a fully civilian alternative service was created. By November 2013, the authorities had freed all the then-jailed jailed conscientious objectors. All were Jehovah's Witnesses.

Jehovah's Witnesses told Forum 18 on 6 February 2024 that their young men do not have problems opting for alternative civilian service. Since 2013 hundreds of their young men have undertaken alternative civilian service.

The United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee has stated in its General Comment 22 that conscientious objection to military service comes under International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Article 18 ("Freedom of thought, conscience and religion"). General Comment 22 notes that if a religion or belief is official or followed by a majority of the population this "shall not result in any impairment of the enjoyment of any of the rights under the Covenant .. nor in any discrimination against adherents to other religions or non-believers."

In relation to conscientious objection to military service, General Comment 22 also states among other things: "there shall be no differentiation among conscientious objectors on the basis of the nature of their particular beliefs; likewise, there shall be no discrimination against conscientious objectors because they have failed to perform military service."

This has been reinforced by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) recognising "the right of everyone to have conscientious objection to military service as a legitimate exercise of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion". The OHCHR has also noted in its Conscientious Objection to Military Service guide that ICCPR Article 18 is "a non-derogable right .. even during times of a public emergency threatening the life of the nation".

In 2022 the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention stated (WGAD-HRC50) that "the right to conscientious objection to military service is part of the absolutely protected right to hold a belief under article 18 (1) of the Covenant, which cannot be restricted by States". The Working Group also stated: "States should refrain from imprisoning individuals solely on the basis of their conscientious objection to military service, and should release those that have been so imprisoned."

Various judgments (including against Armenia) of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg have also defined states' obligations to respect and implement the right to conscientious objection to military service, as part of the right to freedom of religion or belief.

Isabella Sargsyan, 5 October 2023
OSCE/Piotr Dziubak [CC BY-ND 2.0 Deed]

Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation questions whether the Alternative Service Commission is competent to evaluate who should or should not be given alternative civilian service. "It is meant to be a public body, but in reality it is a fully government body, staffed mainly with deputy ministers not always knowledgeable or sensitive to human rights and minority issues," she told Forum 18 in November 2023.

Sargsyan noted that Vardan Astsatryan of the Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs is the only Commission member with expertise in the area of freedom of religion or belief.

"So the Commission seems to follow his recommendation in each case. My experience suggests that government officials – except those who deal with human rights professionally – are not well educated in human rights issues, and often lead by their own perceptions and biases when dealing with matters related to minority rights," Sargsyan noted.

Davit Nazaretyan appeal hearing, Criminal Court of Appeal, Yerevan, 7 February 2024
Isabella Sargsyan

Davit Nazaretyan submitted his appeal against his two-year jail term imposed in October 2023 for refusing military service on grounds of conscience to Yerevan's Criminal Court of Appeal. On 7 February 2024, a panel of three judges – Marine Melkonyan, Armen Bektashyan and Anna Matevosyan – rejected Nazaretyan's appeal.

Nazaretyan will have one month from receiving the appeal court decision in writing to lodge a further appeal to the Cassation Court in Yerevan. He is considering a further appeal, and will not be required to go to jail until any further appeal is heard.

"The court left last November's decision unchanged," Nazaretyan's pastor Mikhail Shubin told Forum 18 from Yerevan after the hearing. "He has one month to appeal. When he gets the decision in writing he will decide whether to appeal further." The pastor added that about a dozen church members attended the appeal hearing in Nazaretyan's support.

Human rights defender Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation in Yerevan also attended the appeal hearing. "This is very, very sad," she told Forum 18 from Yerevan after the decision was announced. "Davit set out very clearly that he does not consider himself guilty of any crime, that he has been in the church since childhood and that he is ready to perform alternative service. He was very sincere."

Sargsyan said the whole hearing was over in about 40 minutes, including 10 minutes while the judges withdrew to consider their decision. "It was all very rapid. The Judges didn't get into the essence of the case. The judges seemed to be prejudiced against the religious community," she added. "The court didn't take into consideration any of Davit's arguments about his right to alternative service, the decisions in similar cases of the European Court of Human Rights or anything else."

Sargsyan noted that the prosecution did not attend the 7 February 2024 hearing. "The Court in its questioning of Davit stressed the expert opinion of the Theology Faculty of Yerevan State University, treating its opinion with some respect." The Theology Faculty, led by an Armenian Apostolic Church Bishop, claimed that: "The creed of the Baptist Church and the analysis of the presented case materials allow us to state that Nazaretyan's freedom of thought, conscience and religion would not be restricted by military service" (see below).

Nazaretyan's Baptist pastor strongly disputes this claim by another religious community about his and his Church's beliefs (see below).

Forum 18 asked the three Appeal Court judges – Melkonyan, Bektashyan and Matevosyan – on the afternoon of 8 February in writing why they had not taken their decision in Nazaretyan's case in the light of the jurisprudence (including in Armenian cases) of the European Court of Human Rights on the right to conscientious objection to military service, as part of the right to freedom of religion or belief. Forum 18 had received no reply by the end of the working day in Yerevan of 8 February.

Vahe Sarkisyan, head of Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office, would not discuss with Forum 18 why no prosecutor had been sent to the appeal hearing.

Forum 18 asked the office of the Human Rights Defender Anahit Manasyan on 7 February about Nazaretyan's case and what it is doing (if anything) to support him and others who cannot perform military service on grounds of conscience. An official said an appropriate colleague would respond with a comment. Forum 18 had received no reply by the end of the working day in Yerevan of 8 February.

Davit Tigrani Nazaretyan (born 23 July 2003) is the only conscientious objector known to be currently facing jail under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 ("Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription").

The last known convicted conscientious objector, Maksim Mikhaili Telegin (born 15 November 1998), a Molokan from Yerevan who had been refused alternative civilian service in 2016, was jailed for one year by Judge Tatevik Grigoryan at Yerevan City Court on 23 March 2021, according to court records. He was freed early from his jail term after about three months.

Molokans are followers of a Christian church which emerged in the Russian Empire in the late 18th century, and which is often compared to Protestant churches. Molokans conscientiously object to military service in any country they live in.

Telegin had applied for alternative civilian service on 23 August 2016, explaining that he is a Molokan and that his faith does not allow him to take up weapons. The Alternative Service Commission rejected his application, claiming that he "did not justify that his duty to undergo compulsory military service is in serious and weighty conflict with his conscience or deep and true religious belief or other beliefs", according to the 2021 court verdict. The Commission claimed he sought alternative civilian service "for reasons of personal interest or convenience".

Vardan Astsatryan, head of the Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs, was one of the five Commission members who unanimously rejected Telegin's application for alternative civilian service.

On 14 June 2018, the Administrative Court rejected Telegin's challenge to the Alternative Service Commission rejection.

Military prosecutors had already launched a criminal case against Telegin under Article 327, Part 1 of the then Criminal Code. (A new Criminal Code came into force on 1 July 2022.) On 12 July 2019, Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office finally sent the case to court. In 2020 the judge in the case was removed and Judge Grigoryan took over the case.

Telegin set out in court his objection to serving in the military. "Defendant Maksim Telegin testified during the trial that his religion forbids taking up arms and swearing an oath, so he cannot go to military service," the 2021 verdict – seen by Forum 18 – notes. "He himself is guided by the Gospel, where it says that it is forbidden to carry weapons or to take an oath. He stated that since he is a faithful Christian, he cannot violate the message in the Gospel."

Astsatryan of the Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs would not discuss Telegin's case. But he insisted that decisions to accept or reject applications for alternative civilian service are taken by the Alternative Service Commission which listens to the cases presented to it.

Astsatryan rejected suggestions that the Commission discriminated against conscientious objectors who are not Jehovah's Witnesses. "We gave alternative service to a Molokan about five years ago," he told Forum 18 on 8 February 2024. He was unable to give the young man's name or say exactly when he was given alternative civilian service.

Vahe Sarkisyan, head of Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office, refused to discuss with Forum 18 on 8 February 2024 why his office had brought the criminal case against Telegin.

Davit Nazaretyan (centre) with parents, Gagik Mirzoyan (left), Mikhail Shubin (right), Kentron District Court, Yerevan, 25 October 2023
Davit Nazaretyan

Davit Nazaretyan lives in the capital Yerevan and is a member of a Council of Churches Baptist congregation in Arinj, a town next to Yerevan. The congregation – which chooses not to seek state registration – is led by Pastor Mikhail Shubin.

Despite his repeated requests for alternative civilian service, officials of the Conscription Service and of the Alternative Service Commission refused Nazaretyan's application. On 25 October, Judge Gagik Pogosyan of Yerevan's Kentron District Court handed the 20-year-old a two-year jail term for "Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription".

"Davit asked for alternative civilian service," Baptist Pastor Shubin – who attended the trial and the appeal hearing with other Baptists - told Forum 18. "If the law allows this, why didn't they give it to him? If an individual's conscientious views do not allow him to carry weapons or swear the oath, why didn't they give him alternative service?"

Judge Pogosyan's assistant refused to put Forum 18 through to the Judge to find out why he jailed an individual who could not serve in the military on grounds of conscience and who is ready to perform alternative civilian service. "Everything is written in the verdict," the assistant – who did not give his name – told Forum 18.

"I am a Christian and I read the Bible," Nazaretyan told Forum 18. "Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill and he followed this also. We have to love one another, even our enemies, and not kill people." He added that Jesus Christ also instructed his followers not to swear oaths. "If I was given alternative civilian service now, I would do it."

Forum 18 was unable to ask Serop Armenakyan of Yerevan's No. 2 Regional Division of the Conscription Service why he had refused to accept Nazaretyan's application for alternative civilian service in July 2022. The duty officer told Forum 18 that Armenakyan was out of the office. He insisted that "all here work according to the law". He added that decisions on whether to grant alternative civilian service are taken not by the local office of the Conscription Service but by the Alternative Service Commission.

In early 2023, while the criminal investigation was already underway, officials summoned Nazaretyan to the Alternative Service Commission. This is a state body made up of deputy ministers from a range of ministries, as well as Vardan Astsatryan of the Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs. On 23 January, it accepted all the Jehovah's Witnesses' applications for alternative civilian service, but rejected Nazaretyan's.

Arkady Cherchinyan, head of the Territorial Management and Infrastructure Ministry's Administrative Control Department, who officials said was in charge of alternative service issues at the Ministry, told Forum 18 that he had not participated in the 23 January meetings with applicants for alternative civilian service and refused to discuss anything.

Asked why the Commission rejected Nazaretyan's application, Astsatryan of the Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs said he does not remember the name. "If he has these views he should have presented them," he told Forum 18 in November 2023.

On 8 February 2024, Astsatryan claimed to Forum 18 that the Commission rejected Nazaretyan's application as it had not been convinced by his case. "Why couldn't he present his views convincingly?"

Forum 18 told Astsatryan that in November 2023, Nazaretyan had clearly and logically explained his conscientious reasons why he could not serve in the military and his readiness to perform alternative civilian service. Yet Astsatryan claimed again that Nazaretyan had not been able to explain this to the Commission

Investigator Arsen Topchyan handed documents on Nazaretyan's case to the Theology Faculty of Yerevan State University and asked it to review his religious views. The Theology Faculty is led by Bishop Anushavan Jamkochyan of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

On 17 April 2023 the Faculty claimed that the case materials on Nazaretyan's religious affiliation were allegedly "contradictory". Despite admitting that Nazaretyan regularly attends a Baptist Church with his family, the Theological Faculty claimed: "We conclude from all this that Nazaretyan's religious worldview is either not clearly formed, or he himself does not clearly know what religious affiliation he has. We also do not rule out that his statements are opportunistic."

The Theology Faculty also claimed: "The creed of the Baptist Church and the analysis of the presented case materials allow us to state that Nazaretyan's freedom of thought, conscience and religion would not be restricted by military service."

However, Pastor Shubin says that he and his Church think that decisions on whether or not church members should serve in the military are "a personal decision for each church member based on their conscience", he told Forum 18 in November 2023. "We support Davit in his decision."

Bishop Anushavan and a lecturer at the Theology Faculty repeatedly did not respond to Forum 18's requests in November 2023 and on 8 February 2024 for comment. So Forum 18 was unable to find out why they offer views on beliefs they do not understand, and why they also offer views on a legally binding human rights obligation – the freedom of thought, conscience and belief – which they also do not understand.

Investigator Topchyan confirmed to Forum 18 that he had been the investigator in Nazaretyan's case. But he refused to explain why he handed case materials to and asked for an assessment of Nazaretyan's religious beliefs from the Theology Faculty, which is led by a member of another religious community. It also remains unclear why he sought views on the implementation of Armenia's legally binding human rights obligations from a group which does not understand Armenia's obligations.

As Investigator Topchyan refused to discuss the case in October 2023 and on 8 November 2024 did not answer his phone, Forum 18 was also not able to ask him why he thought Armenia's international human rights obligation to respect the rights of conscientious objectors to military service should not apply in Nazaretyan's case.

Anna Barsegyan of Yerevan Garrison Military Prosecutor's Office, who led the case, including in court, did not in November 2023 answer Forum 18's questions about why she brought the criminal case against Nazaretyan when he cannot serve in the armed forces because of his conscientious beliefs. (END)

https://www.forum18.org/archive.php?article_id=2891

How a 1,600-year-old alphabet shaped Armenian identity

Emil Lazarian
 B   B   C 
UK – Feb 8 2024
By Sugato Mukherjee8th February 2024
The Armenian alphabet is not just a writing system: it's also a numerical system used for mathematical calculations and recording calendar dates, as well as a national point of pride.
I

It was a late autumn morning when we set off from Yerevan, Armenia's capital city. After driving for about half an hour through the Armenian highlands, the driver stopped the car and Sofya Hakobyan, my guide, signalled for me to come out of the vehicle.

On my left, the snow-capped, four-peaked massif of Mount Aragats loomed in the distance, its contours indistinct in the hazy sun. Grassy uplands rolled out from the edges of the highway right up to the base of Armenia's highest mountain. The landscape looked bleak – a sandy-brown stretch of wind-pummelled uplands dotted with withering bushes – but a number of human-sized stone sculptures set on the gentle slopes lent a mysterious touch to the desolate expanse.

"We're at Alphabet Park. This was constructed in 2005 to mark the 1,600th anniversary of our Armenian alphabet," Hakobyan said.

The statues, carved out of faded pink, pastel yellow and light black stone, were etched with flowers and symbols. Some of them were in clusters, others were in solitary stances, and Hakobyan led me to a U-shaped statue with a dainty flourish on the bottom right. "This is our Armenian 'A' in uppercase," she said with a sweeping movement of her hand. "What you see around us are the other letters of our alphabet, which was invented by that man – Mesrop Mashtots – [a little more than] 1,600 years ago.

I followed her gaze to a stately sculpture of a bearded old man. Draped in a flowing robe, the rose-tinted, larger-than-life statue wore the _expression_ of an ascetic: tranquil, and slightly jaded. I remembered the man. Two days ago, I had seen his statue at the entrance of Matenadaran.

Perched on a hill at the northern edge of Mashtots Avenue in Yerevan, the imposing basalt structure of Matenadaran has a fortress-like appearance, but it is actually a scriptorium (a library of ancient manuscripts) that doubles as a research institute. I had tiptoed through the hushed solemnity of the halls that showcased permanent exhibits arranged in thematic divisions, including translated literature, philosophy, theology, trivium and quadrivium with mathematical sciences and humanities, poetry, law, history and the arts.


Emma Horopyan, Matenadaran's head of PR, told me that the manuscript library is one of the world's largest repositories of valuable archival documents and early printed books. A diverse array of medieval manuscripts in languages including Greek, Arabic, Persian, Syriac, Latin, Ethiopian, Georgian and Hebrew have been carefully preserved here.

"This is hallowed ground for us," said Grigor Stepanian.

I'd run into Stepanian while marvelling at a hand-drawn map of the ancient Armenian kingdom in Matenadaran's grand Central Hall, and now the affable architect from Yerevan was walking me around the rectangular facade of the five-storey structure, adorned with statues of medieval philosophers, poets and scholars who have collectively shaped Armenia's literary and cultural legacy. 

"But he remains the most important of them all," Stepanian said.

The immaculately carved stone statue of Mashtots stood at the entrance, his hands raised in the timeless posture of a master elucidating a point to his disciple – a smaller stone statue – listening attentively at his feet.

I was curious to know why Mashtots' invention of the Armenian alphabet is among the most important events in Armenian history. "Mashtots designed the alphabet so that it could be used to translate the Bible into Armenian," Stepanian explained, as we sipped on thick and strong Armenian coffee at a nearby cafe.

In 301 CE, Armenia became the first nation in the world to embrace Christianity as its official religion. But almost for a century after that, the methods of converting its citizens, who had a long nature-worshipping past, were often vicious, Stepanian said. Mashtots was working as a translator in the Armenian royal chancellery in the final years of the 4th Century CE. He had witnessed the coercive and often violent ways to force the people of this Caucasian nation to adopt the state-sponsored faith that was markedly different from their polytheistic belief system.

"What Mashtots did was fairly ingenious," Stepanian said. The linguist understood that his countrymen's aversion to Christianity stemmed from unfamiliarity: the Greek and Syriac translations of the Christian liturgy and theology, including the New Testament, were very foreign to the Armenians, who had been introduced to the Bible and the liturgy orally during religious services held by targmanicks (a term that meant translator and commentator).

Mashtots created his new alphabet in a phonetic style so it was easy for the Armenians to adapt to the written form of a language they were already speaking, Stepanian explained. "The letters were designed in very distinctive shapes, with an independent character, very dissimilar to the lettering of other written languages of the time," he added.

Their language thus gave a new identity to the Armenians.

Over the next 1,500 years, the alphabet would remain a national point of pride at the core of Armenian cultural identity, an emblem of solidarity for the war-torn land that was almost continually ruled and colonised by foreign forces – the Romans, the Byzantines, the Persians and the Ottoman Turks. This almost-continuous and unrelenting saga of oppression and subjugation would finally end in 1991, when the 69-year-old Soviet regime collapsed and Armenia became an independent republic.

"We would have been a lost race without our alphabet," Stepanian said.

Hakobyan agreed. "Our country has been encroached upon, fragmented and plundered, over and over again," she told me as she steered me through the maze of letters laid out amid the wilderness like a giant, haphazard jigsaw puzzle. "But one of the reasons we could hold on was perhaps because we always knew that we have a beautiful language, encased by a beautiful set of letters."

As we walked through Alphabet Park, the mid-morning sun shone bright on the delicate curves of the letters, hand-carved from volcanic tuff rock. Together, Hakobyan told me, the richness and flexibility of this beautiful set of letters has helped sustain an uninterrupted literary tradition since the inception of its written form.

I knew that the aesthetically eloquent shapes of Armenian letters, with their long usage in folk art and calligraphy, have made it onto Unesco's Lists of Intangible Cultural Heritage. But I had no idea that the dainty, artistic designs are also imbued with secret codes and cryptographs, and endowed with hidden properties.

"To start with, the alphabet formed the structure of a complex, but sophisticated numerical system," Hakobyan said, explaining how the Mashtotian letters were also used for mathematical calculations.

As well as being part of the alphabet, all the original 36 letters also have an assigned numerical value based on their order in the alphabet. When arranged in four columns and nine rows, the letters in each column respectively represent digits in singles, tens, hundreds and thousands. They can even be used to determine dates according to the Armenian calendar, Hakobyan said.

We ended up back near the statue of Mesrop Mashtots. Raised on a small mound, the wise old man was looking at his feet, his kind, contemplative gaze remarkably life-like.

It was time to resume our journey. A strong wind blew in over the sun-lit valley and we slowly retraced our steps towards our car parked on the side of the highway. Before getting in, I looked back, thinking about the incredible legacy of this ancient alphabet. Thick puffs of clouds were clambering up the snowy slopes of Mount Aragats. An Armenian family had just arrived at the park. Two young girls, dressed in lemon-yellow jackets, flitted playfully amid the giant letters – a linguistic and cultural legacy they have inherited from a sagacious polymath, whose statue stood just a few metres away from them in the wind-swept landscape.

Armenian Defense Minister visits the northeastern border zone

Emil Lazarian

 20:56, 8 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 8, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Defense Minister Suren Papikyan on February 8 visited the northeastern border zone.

Minister Papikyan, accompanied by the commander of the military unit, Colonel Alexander Tsakanyan, toured the military units and got acquainted with the living and accommodation conditions of the units, the defense ministry said.

The Defense Minister oversaw the organization of service and conducted a meeting with military personnel.

The minister also met with officers, addressed their questions and provide  relevant instructions.

Armenpress: Yerevan to host 2027 Francophonie Sports and Cultural Games

Emil Lazarian

 23:05, 8 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 8, ARMENPRESS. The Standing Council of Francophonie has unanimously decided to grant Yerevan the right to host the 2027 Francophonie Sports and Cultural Games, Chief of Staff of the Prime Minister's Office Arayik Harutyunyan wrote on social media.

"More than fifty delegations, with around four thousand participants, are expected to gather in the capital of Armenia," said  Harutyunyan.

Parliament majority MPs to ask court to grant bail for Synergy boss and employees

Emil Lazarian

 13:09, 6 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 6, ARMENPRESS. Members of Parliament representing the ruling Civil Contract Party will file a motion to court asking to co-sign bail for Synergy International Systems owner Ashot Hovanesian and two of his employees who were arrested last week and placed into pre-trial detention.

The Synergy representatives were arrested along with several economy ministry officials in a corruption investigation concerning a government procurement tender.

Civil Contract faction leader Hayk Konjoryan told reporters the motion will be filed to court on behalf of the entire faction.

“We have some public signals for this, and we also took into account the mitigating circumstances, especially in case of the women, in terms of their children. We’ve discussed this yesterday at the faction’s meeting. We are basically in favor of presenting a motion requesting bail,” Konjoryan said, adding that they haven’t yet collected the signatures.

He said that Speaker Alen Simonyan did not attend the faction meeting where the matter was discussed. One of the arrested suspects is Simonyan’s sister-in-law.