Asbarez: Yerevan’s Response to Aliyev’s Latest Demands Topic of Heated Debate in Parliament

Armenia's Parliament


The opposition forces in Armenia’s parliament on Wednesday questioned Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s response to the latest announcement emanating from Baku, especially the insistence by President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan that without a land “corridor” through Armenia to Nakhichevan he will not open his country’s border with Azerbaijan.

Speaking to lawmakers on Wednesday, Pashinyan reiterated that Aliyev’s remarks aimed to derail the peace process, but when asked by an opposition lawmaker about his government’s peace agenda, the prime minister said that Yerevan will continue to pursue it.

Pashinyan said Armenia announced the peace agenda not appease Azerbaijan, but rather based on Yerevan’s conviction for the need for peace in the region, “of course, with the understanding that peace is not a one-sided process.”

“We have not given up on the peace agenda, we are not giving up and we will not give up. This is a very important fact, because this is our political vision, and we will continue,” said Pashinyan.

He explained that if, for example, Azerbaijan retreats from the peace agenda that should not imply that Armenia should also retreat from it.

“On the contrary, perhaps we need to emphasize more, substantiate more deeply and argue more,”  the prime minister said.

The prime minister was accused by opposition lawmakers of conceding to Azerbaijan and not responding more firmly to Aliyev’s demands, thus endangering Armenia’s legitimacy.

Pashinyan retorted that legitimacy is the political and diplomatic defense strategy of Armenia.

“Legitimacy is and will remain the strategy of our political and diplomatic defense,” said Pashinyan saying that most important aspect of his government’s plan was to ensure the security of Armenia’s legitimate borders.

He also said that his government would consider providing Azerbaijan a land access to Nakhichevan, if such an access was in line with the sovereign laws of Armenia, bringing the example of an agreement between Azerbaijan and Iran, which governs that Azerbaijanis that pass through Iranian territory are subject to that country’s transport and other laws.

“I share the concerns you raised. Moreover, I hope that the purpose of the statements coming from Baku is not to bring the peace process to a dead end. I myself have noted that Armenia and Azerbaijan speak different diplomatic languages. Our task is to align the diplomatic languages of both Armenia and Azerbaijan with legitimacy,” Pashinyan said.

“Since 1991, Azerbaijan has never been ready to concede, not even for a second,” Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said this during Wednesday’s question-and-answer session in the National Assembly, addressing the accusations from the opposition lawmaker Anna Grigoryan regarding concessions.

“He said, ‘Do you want me to give the highest autonomy (to the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh)?’ Within the framework of the Madrid principles, an agreement was reached that this autonomy will be Armenian-Azerbaijani autonomy,” Pashinyan explained.

“Armenia is ready to grant passage under the same conditions as Iran. If the passage through the territory of Armenia is 47 kilometers, it is 49 kilometers through the territory of Iran. If inspection functions can be accepted for 49 kilometers, naturally they cannot be unacceptable for 47 kilometers,’’ Pashinyan explained.

Pashinyan had made similar suggestions during a meeting with his Civil Contract party on Saturday, when he also called for signing an arms control agreement with Azerbaijan, in response to Aliyev’s insistence on a land “corridor” through Armenia.

Pashinyan on Saturday accused Azerbaijan of effectively laying claim to Armenian territory and dealing a “serious blow to the peace process.” He also complained that Aliyev has rejected a mutual withdrawal of Armenian and Azerbaijani troops from the border and other confidence-building measures proposed by him earlier.

“I can make another proposal: let’s sign a treaty on arms control so that Armenia and Azerbaijan reach concrete agreements on weapons and are able to verify the implementation of that agreement,” he told members of his Civil Contract party on Saturday.

Artur Khachatryan, a senior member of the main opposition Hayastan Alliance, scoffed at Pashinyan’s remarks on Wednesday, saying that the prime minister simply wants to make Armenians believe that his conciliatory policy on the conflict with Azerbaijan has not been an utter failure.

“Azerbaijan has never accepted any proposal made by Pashinyan,” Khachatryan told Azatutyun.am’s Armenian Service. “It’s illogical to assume that he will agree to formally limit his arsenal of weapons.”

“Just a few months ago, he [Aliyev] bought $1.2 billion worth of new weapons from Israel,” Khachatryan said. “Will Aliyev now agree to let the defeated Pashinyan tell him how many tanks, drones, warplanes or assault rifles he should have? That’s a joke. Who is Pashinian kidding?”

Encounters and Convergences. A Book of Ideas and Art – Part I

This article is the first in a four-part series on the making of Encounters and Convergences: A Book of Ideas and Art by Seta B. Dadoyan.

An amalgam of philosophy and art, the opus is conceived and composed as an oeuvreIt is a statement about my scholarship and art, and the commonalities between them. My basic argument is that all meaningful writings and artworks are essentially responses to circumstances. Understanding and reflecting human “situatedness” (in Heidegger’s term) are their motive and objective. Situatedness means the interconnectedness of perceptions, reactions, social-historical experiences and circumstances. It implies the social embeddedness of both literature and arts as contexts for encounters and convergences between writers, artists and their worlds. While encounters mean confrontations and dynamic relationships with everything, convergences are meetings and the generation of new “horizons” (in Gadamer’s term), where things come together both for the understanding and aesthetic enjoyment. Circumstances change and so do “horizons,” as new writings and artworks unfold new insights, and despite bleak foresights, possibilities of change seem to be more possible. The sensitivities of artists and intellectuals, as well as the depth of their understanding, vary, but their works always reflect their distance from and concern for these issues. In the end, the “truth-content” (in Adorno’s phrase) of the given work becomes the measure of its significance. 

In the case of my scholarship and art, the effort to arrive at “horizons” for convergences has been existential, or directly related to the meaning of my existence. Understanding my social-historical situatedness, or my condition, has always been both a motive and a purpose. This condition, that I share with a great number of Armenians, is being a multilingual and multicultural Armenian native of the Near East, with immediate family and ancestors driven from the extreme West and the extreme East of the Armenian World. It means having multiple hyphenated identities and inheriting multiple legacies of ancient and modern civilizations, peoples and cultures, including my own. In the processes of acculturation, this Armenian condition also required an urgency to understand the Armenian historical experience in comprehensive and critical terms, and not through assumptions and semi-epic narratives. I was fortunate to have two tools for these processes—scholarship and art—and both meant engaging in discourses and debates within myself and with the different worlds and communities I was part of. Therefore, as I argue, both my scholarship and art required “being” historical and artistic in a personal and direct manner, and not just doing/talking history, philosophy and art by training and career. I wrote and painted at specific periods and in response to specific circumstances, and thus, the second part of the book is structured on a schematic autobiographical grid.

Opposed to conventional and so-called “strictly academic” or “strictly artistic” practices, the book is also an illustrated argument, of sorts, in favor of interdisciplinary approaches. Like several contemporary thinkers, I consider dichotomies between disciplines and strict specializations artificial and “schizophrenic,” as Fredric Jameson puts it. Furthermore, looking at the arts as separate and distinct areas and activities, and judging artworks based on random concepts, such as taste, enjoyment, pleasure, digression or idea, miss and distort their social, historical and intellectual dimensions. Also, evaluating the arts in terms of the artist’s conceptuality and institutional legitimation in an “artworld” (a term coined by Arthur Danto), unscrupulously overlooks the social-historical embeddedness of human civilization as well. Unfortunately, these approaches seem to have become dominant and contributed to the blooming and proliferation of “scandalous” works, as Hal Foster describes.  

However, since the establishment of the Frankfurt School, for almost a century, in consideration of the arts, the humanities and the social sciences as tools for a critique of the world and the emancipation of humanity, many authors have urged awareness of the deterioration of contemporary mass cultures, media and their hegemonic aspects. Politics and the social sciences are deliberately kept at a distance from humanities and mass entertainment, observes Edward Said. Pointing at the absurdity of the separation of fields and disciplines, he suggests that “instead of non-interference and specialization, there must be interference, crossing of borders and obstacles.” 

Primarily as a critical, creative and not a descriptive or expository work, this “book of ideas and art” is written with these concerns. The objective is to communicate in words and images encounters and convergences with challenges and contradictions at different phases of my life. It is therefore self-reflective in conception, cross-disciplinary in scope, dialectical in method, hermeneutical in approach and in this case, artistic in _expression_. It consists of 175 large pages and 94 images. The contents are as follows: 

  • The ‘Prologue on Scholarship and the Arts’ introduces the subject.
  • Part One, ‘My Aesthetic’, in five chapters, provides the theoretical-critical context by brief discussions of aesthetic issues and theories through art history and the contemporary situation of the arts and mass cultures.  
  • Part Two, ‘The Quest and the Path’, in four chapters, traces my path from the beginning, then to art schools, to my art of wartime (in Lebanon) and finally ‘Of the spirit of matter’ during the past two years. 
  • The ‘Epilogue’ concludes the book, culminating with an Appendix, ‘Content with List of Illustrations.’ 

Part One. My Aesthetic

  1. Aesthetics, Modernity, Postmodernism
  2. Cognitivism, Expressivism, Truth-Content

III. Social-Historical Embeddedness of Art

  1. The “culture industry”
  2. Concretization as Alternative ‒ The Artwork

Plato and Aristotle were the first to reflect systematically upon the arts. Since then, art has been defined as imitation, madness, catharsis, beauty, taste, judgment, pleasure, understanding, play, _expression_ of emotion, psychological needs, spirituality and insight. Since different concerns and values are channeled through the arts, most definitions are bound to be too wide, too narrow or too dogmatic. The ontological status of art, or the question “what is art,” is the most basic yet controversial issue in aesthetics, a branch of philosophical sciences and part of the humanities. Coined in the 18th century after the Greek word aesthetikos, or sensory perception, aesthetics is the “science of perception.” It is also called philosophy of art  perhaps not too accurately  because artworks are also objects of knowledge.  

Understanding my social-historical situatedness, or my condition, has always been both a motive and a purpose. This condition, that I share with a great number of Armenians, is being a multilingual and multicultural Armenian native of the Near East, with immediate family and ancestors driven from the extreme West and the extreme East of the Armenian World. It means having multiple hyphenated identities and inheriting multiple legacies of ancient and modern civilizations, peoples and cultures, including my own.

The tradition of Western art is usually traced back to Classical Greece and Rome. In the Middle Ages and under Christianity, the Classical forms and the ideals of pagan cultures receded. In the West, Christianity produced the sublime Gothic arts. In the East, under Islam, unique, geometric forms and patterns appeared in all the arts, and a different aesthetic and spirituality came about. Established traditions and criteria of art and beauty, especially in painting, were challenged in the 19th century by the romantics, the realists and soon the impressionists and the post-impressionists. Already in the early 20th century, tradition was challenged, improved upon, contradicted and sometimes almost abandoned by post-impressionism, cubism, surrealism, dada, ready-made art, experimental art, absurdist and generally avant-garde trends. On the other hand, there were fusions and overlapping, which generated unprecedented art forms everywhere.

I will skip the discussion about the historical development of art here and stop briefly at the concept of modernity and the truth-content of artworks. The term modernity was coined in the early 17th century. It comes from the late Latin adjective modernus, a derivation from the adverb modowhich means presently, right now. It referred to the achievements of the Renaissance, when Classical values and criteria were adopted and surpassed. Eventually, modernity was absorbed and exhausted; it was “dominant but dead,” as Jurgen Habermas put it. Highly controversial works for their times became classics and museum pieces. For almost a century, there has been a new “artworld.” It has its art-markets, where art is investment and artworks are often evaluated by their resale value. These factors seem to have distracted the critics and the public from core issues related to art, mass culture, entertainment and media. Postmodernism was a return to a serious reconsideration of tradition. It produced new and interdisciplinary approaches in social sciences and the humanities. Many contemporary figures like Michel Foucault are simultaneously philosophers, historians, psychologists and art critics. 

Adorno’s concept of truth-content of artworks is closely associated with the concept of modernity. Édouard Manet (1832-1883) is often considered as the first “modern” artist to break with tradition, and the forerunner of Modern Art. However, I suggest that a closer look at the middle decades of the 19th century will show the beginnings of true modernity in the works and writings of Gustave Courbet (1819-1887), a contemporary of Manet, Karl Marx, Dostoevsky and Tolstoy. As a true humanist and modernist, he not only contradicted aesthetic traditions and revolutionized subject matter, but also captured the social-historical embeddedness of the arts, much more philosophically than the philosopher Marx. In an open letter, labeled as the “Realist Manifesto” (December 25, 1861, Paris), he wrote: “Each epoch must have its artists who express it and reproduce it for the future. The human spirit must always begin work afresh in the present, starting off from acquired results…The real artists are those who pick up their age exactly at the point to which it has been carried by preceding times…Beauty, like truth, is a thing which is relative to the time in which one lives and to the individual capable of understanding it.” 

Some decades later, Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910) wrote: “Art is a human activity consisting in this, that one man consciously, by means of certain signs, hands onto others the feelings he has lived through, and that other people are infected by these feelings and experience them…If art is an important matter, a spiritual blessing, essential for all men (like religion, as the devotees of art are fond of saying), then it should be accessible to everyone. And if, as in our day, it is not accessible to all men, then one of two things: either art is not the vital matter it is represented to be, or that art which we call art is not the real thing.” 

From Chapter II, “Cognitivism, Expressivism, and Truth-Content,” I will briefly refer to cognitivism. Clearly, in my aesthetic, the cognitive or the intellectual as well as the social aspects of the creative process and the truth-content of the artwork have primacy. Courbet and Tolstoy among others put them in extreme simplicity. In addition to other values, such as beauty, emotion and enjoyment, for aesthetic cognitivists artworks must have profundity of meaning, or a truth-content. Cognitivism does not cancel the other values and rewards that artworks provide, such as pleasure. Pleasure and cognition are not mutually exclusive; the arts enrich our understanding of experiences and give immense enjoyment. Susanne Langer (1895-1985), a cognitivist, suggests that since in the aesthetic experience the pleasure involved is more intellectual than sensual, then it is akin to the experience of discovering truth, hence the unique intellectual dimension and significance of art. Truth here does not mean correspondence to something outside the work of art, or a coherence with anything else than itself. Each artwork has its own truth-content by virtue of an internal dialectic between the artist, subject matter, content, form and other elements that come together in the creation of the work. 

As discussed in Chapter III, “The Social Embeddedness of Art,” the first philosophical, rather cross-disciplinary, and comprehensive critique of culture, arts and society at large, came from the Institute for Social Research (established at the University of Frankfurt in 1923), known as the Frankfurt School. The scholars, known as critical theorists, studied cultural phenomena, such as music, film and mass entertainment. Focused upon human suffering and dedicated to universal emancipation, they suggested that social phenomena, such as culture, arts and mass entertainment, as well as other factors, play direct roles in maintaining and promoting domination and oppression. Their primary objective must be the emancipation of humanity from suffering and slavery and the creation of works that will lead to a world which satisfies the needs and powers of human beings.

Chapter IV is on the theory of “culture industry,” probably the most intriguing aspect of the thought of Theodore Adorno (1903-1969, one of the founders and prominent figures of Frankfurt School). Adorno depicts mass media in consumer societies as being based upon the systematic denial of genuine freedom. In consumer societies, the arts, especially music and performing arts, are parts of what he calls the “culture industry.” “Everything has value only in so far as it can be exchanged, not in so far as it is something of value in-itself.” 

Mixed with mass media and entertainment, the arts are often instruments of homogenization.

The culture industry, according to Adorno, perpetuates rigid motifs that inhibit spiritual and mental freedoms and kill critical consciousness. With its emphasis on marketability, it deliberately and radically alters the core of the arts. Despite seeming and apparent liberalism and abolition of criteria and rules everywhere, there is massive standardization in all walks of life, which inevitably cancels intellectual stimulation. Artworks are treated as marketable commodities, accents and often screams. Their value becomes exchange value, and sometimes deliberately shock-value. The arts are totally controlled by the “culture industry,” art-markets, departments of fine arts, art schools, museums, journals and galleries. Mixed with mass media and entertainment, the arts are often instruments of homogenization. The public stands outside and anyway is a captive audience that often cannot even enjoy the artworks, because it cannot relate to or understand them. At any rate, understanding seems to have become a misplaced term in the artwork-viewer relationship. Fashion and pop arts are in turn examples of homogenization. At present, only gross exaggerations in attire, make-up, hair and mannerisms are distinguishing factors between individuals and works that otherwise are essentially indistinguishable.   

Over a century ago, most artists of the absurd, Dada, readymade, avant-garde and related movements of the later decades, presented their works, and still do, on wings and cushions of certain philosophies of art. They are now assimilated into the fabric of consumer society, and as Habermas says, their modernism is now “dead.” One cannot talk in any seriousness on the aesthetic path drawn by works like Tracey Emin’s (1963-) “My bed” (an actual filthy bed), and thousands of similar works. Their message as well as their artistic legacy is limited and consumed in the initiatives. A no-boundary and subjective conceptualism cannot be sustained on just verbal wings. Deliberately artless and accidental forms and piles of objects, also sometimes intentionally made junk piled up or hung in galleries and museums, are now legacies of past times, even if they still have exchange value in addition to institutional and media support. The intellectual core in both the conceptual and artistic processes is lacking, and one wonders if an artwork can stand on an abstraction or a reification in the mind of the artist or an article in a national paper by an art-writer. The verbal appendices and footnotes may have a temporary role in the propaganda, but they are not part of the work, therefore aesthetically and in the long run irrelevant.

In Chapter V, “Concretization as Alternative ‒ The Artwork,” I propose what I call “concretization” as an alternative approach. In my aesthetic, and as mentioned, the social-historical embeddedness of art, dialectical thinking, culture industry, hermeneutical understanding, truth-content and situatedness are foundational elements. Based on these basic concepts, and to bypass – not to avoid, for that is an impossibility ‒ an abstract discussion on the ontology of art, I suggest a paradigm shift from focusing on the ontology of art, or “what art is,” to “what a given artwork means,” or its truth-content. This is a concretization or taking the artwork as a concrete and coherent entity, a thing-in-itself, which must carry its own truth-content and thus offer a journey worth taking. I argue that since the artwork is the only objective reality created in an art-language, in certain social-historical circumstances, also because of them, it is the only horizon or context and criterion for evaluation, understanding, communication and enjoyment. 

Concretization is a shift from the artist to the artwork, which must contain a truth-content as the criterion of its aesthetic significance and value. A concept in the mind of the artist does not justify or legitimize an artwork. There is obviously an unscrupulous underestimation of the public’s taste and intelligence, when urinals, soiled diapers and scattered boulders are placed in museums and public spaces. Adorno writes: “The artwork has an internal truth content to the extent that the artwork’s import can be found internally and externally either true or false. This truth is not a construct, it is historical but not arbitrary; non-propositional yet calling for propositional claims to be made about it; utopian in its reach, yet firmly tied to specific societal conditions. Truth content is the way in which an artwork simultaneously challenges the way things are and suggests how things could be better, even if it may fail, as it will, to change anything.” 

To sum up: the artwork is an “event,” an “actual occasion” (in A. N. Whitehead’s phrase) in which encounters happen with the things of the world and all converge in well-executed artistic forms. The truth-content is the totality of all the factors in the making of the work, be it a text, a painting, a musical composition or other. Furthermore, as a process, the work of art is a journey worth taking to encounter new knowledge and sensibilities. The more enriching these are, the more valuable the work is, but still the concrete object, the artwork, remains the core, the center.   

Part Two. The Quest and The Path

  1. Prelude
  2. Paint and brush
  3. The cataclysm
  4. Museums, studios, models
  5. Encounters with Strife and Suffering
  6. Time of reckoning and choices
  7. First news and glimpses
  8. Wartime and situatedness
  9. Armenian painting in Lebanon  
  10. The turning point – Aesthetic-philosophical positioning

III. Wartime Art and Aesthetic

  1. Moments and momentum of war   
  2. “Landscapes”
  3. Thoughts and exits in chaos 
  4. Exits to Armenia
  5. Portraits for the memory
  6. Of the spirit of matter 
  7. My American-Armenian Experience – Re-positioning
  8. The transition
  9. From the “bridge” to “unconcealment”

Part Two in four chapters traces my path from the beginning to art schools in Beirut and London, then wartime art (1975-1991) and scholarship, then a second phase of scholarship over three decades, and finally back to art during the past two years. Two childhood dreams shaped my life and led me out of my hometown. The first was wearing what as a child I called the “square hat” (mortarboard), and the second was going to an art school. As a child, I don’t remember having toys or asking for any. I especially resented dolls, and still do. Since there was no shortage of reading material in the house and my immediate environment, I read whatever I found; I drew on any piece of paper, painted landscapes and portraits, and participated in local exhibits. My art education remained a pending matter while in my hometown Aleppo. Since the language of instruction at school was Arabic and French, I signed my name Séta. I have included a few of my early works, and one landscape of olive trees.

The olive trees of A‘zāz,1959. Oil on board, 68×51 cm

In 1965 I graduated from BCW (Beirut College for Women) with two majors: fine arts and philosophy. The dream of the “hat” came true, but studying art was a devastating encounter with the realities of art education at this college at that time. After graduation, when I began reading art history and aesthetics, I was appalled at the poverty of the entire fine arts curriculum. The encounter with a certain instructor was cataclysmic. Soon after graduation I destroyed everything that I had made, except for a plaster figurine of Socrates, “Socrates the Satire,” from a sculpture course, and “Broken face,” from a ceramics course. Socrates, the wisest man and greatest satirist, as Nietzsche described him, stood for my deep discontent and critical dispositions; the broken face was mine as a painter. 

Broken face, Beirut, 1964. Ceramic, 25 cm

In 1966, I spent a year at the City and Guilds School of Arts in London, where I worked with great enthusiasm on figure drawing. In my spare time, I visited the museums and sketched. Of the dozens of sketches, I have included three: our backyard from the bedroom window and two models. A year in London set new standards and frameworks for my aesthetic; it also expanded my knowledge of art history, but I still failed to overcome the trauma at BCW. In 1967, I began graduate studies in philosophy at AUB (American University of Beirut) and graduated two years later with a dissertation in medieval Armenian philosophy. Previously, my thesis for the bachelor of arts degree had been in the same discipline. 

The classics of the studio, London, 1966. Pencil, 23.5×35 cm

Medieval Armenian intellectual culture and its relations with the Islamic environment, a subject remotely approached in Armenian studies, intrigued me both as an Armenian native of the Muslim world and as a student of philosophy. In 1969, as a graduate student, I made a “discovery” that the little known treatise by Yovhannēs Erznkats‘i (d. 1292/3) entitled “Views Gathered from the Writings of Tajik [Muslim] Philosophers” (I Tachkats‘ Imastasirats‘ Grots‘ K‘agheal Bank‘) was in fact a beginner’s summary of the esoteric compendium of sciences, the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity (Rasā’il Ikhwān al-Ṣafā’) of the 10th century at ‘Abbāsid Basra. Soon, I found out that Yovhannēs had also borrowed and adopted an Islamic cosmological treatise, basic texts from the Nāșirī futuwwa (urban youth coalitions) literature, and the latter’s Constitution into Armenian culture and gone completely unnoticed. These were complete novelties both for Armenian and Islamic scholarship. 

In philosophical hermeneutics, the hitherto unknown Islamic sources of a prominent Armenian theologian-philosopher of the 13th century is called “relevant information.” The paradigm created by the initiative of Yovhannēs shattered my horizon of things Armenian and what was done in Armenian Studies under narrow and partial themes such as “Arab domination in Armenia,” Armenian “colonies [gaghut] in the Arab world,” the “contribution of Armenians” and surely the Genocide. The case of Erznkats‘i opened a new vantage point on the vast and unexplored field of Islamic-Armenian interactive history, and generally, the Armenian historical experience in worlds of Islam. It was a beginning that would define much of my scholarship. In general, understanding 14 centuries of the historical experiences of the Armenians with Arabs, Turks, Mongols, Kurds, Iranians and Indians had existential significance for me. I grew up in a mixed part of the old city of Aleppo, where historic churches and mosques stood side by side. As a trilingual child (speaking Armenian in the family, Arabic with neighbors and school and Turkish with grandparents) growing up in a very nationalist Dashnak environment, I felt as a native but of a certain peculiar category. At the university in Beirut, where in the sixties dozens of nationalities and cultures from the East and the West mingled in this cosmopolitan city, identity was an elastic issue but no great concern, at least theoretically. As I saw it then, beyond essentialist assumptions and nationalist models, both as concept and perception, identity was not an apeiron or undefinable something, but an awareness that various interactions and experiences simultaneously generated and absorbed. 

Chapter II, Encounters with strife and suffering ‒ In 1975, the start of the war in Lebanon, my return to art was a spontaneous response to the first news of the war. At the time, we were in Kettering-Dayton, Ohio. I did most of my meditating and drawing on the ominous situation, sitting on the couch by the terrace door. This was my “view.” I tried to process my encounters with the catastrophe. In the book I have included four sketches, one of which is pictured here. 

The view, Dayton, 1975. Pencil, 29×23 cm

From the spring of 1975 to the summer of 1991, war was the universe. Between episodes of calm, random or  deliberate bombardment, sniper fire, assassinations, kidnappings, street battles, stray bullets and shrapnel, also in the house were wartime realities. Life continued despite the war-circumstances, which should have put things at a standstill. In most arts, especially music, theater and literature, brilliant artists drew revolutionary paths. There were brave intellectuals, journalists, poets, painters, sculptors and theater people. Some were liquidated; others forced to migrate. Encounters with music, theater and literature were intervals or “intermezzos” for us. I have one, from Caracalla’s dance theater, “Intermezzos at Caracalla.”

First news, Dayton, 1975. Pencil, 30×21.5 cm

My first encounter with death was in the early summer of 1976. It was a sniper victim at our building door on ‘Abd al-‘Azīz street in Hamra. I made a sketch immediately, “Sniper fire.”

Sniper fire, Beirut, 1976. Ink, 42×25 cm

Hundreds of absurd deaths happened daily, everywhere and over the next 15 years. Ink pens, drawing pencils and sketch pads were portable media and always accessible. Dead people on the streets were iconic war-realities. During a relatively long period of calm in 1977, a feeble gleam of hope allowed me to return to the large canvas, and I made a mural-style painting in acrylic as a tribute to all those who struggled, endured their condition in pain or died, “Mural in tribute.”

Mural in tribute, Beirut, I977. Acrylic, 203×81 cm

During the next few years, and prior to what I call my “wartime” drawings, also as a form of self-placement and self-identification, I began an ambitious project of writing the history of Armenian painting in Lebanon, the most intriguing aspect of the community in Lebanon at the time. Now as a “Lebanese-Armenian” (from Syrian-Armenian), also an intellectual and painter, I wanted to define my own position and path in the context of Lebanese-Armenian culture. This was a Nietzschean reversal of the Cartesian cogito. Instead of Cogito ergo sum—I think therefore I am—it was a moment for ‘Sum ergo cogito—I exist, therefore I think—rather, must think. 

From the early sixties to the mid-seventies, Lebanon was at the height of a revival of sorts. Many factors in the making and the historical development of this extraordinary country at that period contributed to turning it and the people (of over 15 different ethnic and religious factions) into bridges between the West and the East. Yearly, a few hundred art exhibitions and “salons” were held. Strangely, most Lebanese painters were Armenian. This was an intriguing phenomenon that needed explanation and historicization. It became the problematique of my research. The phenomenon was unusual for several reasons. The most important was the fact that the art of painting – not miniatures, decorative arts and crafts ‒ was not an art that Armenian survivors from the 19th century Ottoman massacres and the Genocide in 1915 brought with them to the Arab countries. There was no art of painting of any type and standard in Cilicia and the Armenian provinces of Turkey, where hundreds of thousands were either eliminated or driven out. I argued that if practically, the art of painting among Armenians first appeared in Syria, Lebanon, Egypt and some of Europe, then the phenomenon had to do with local circumstances. Therefore, painting was an _expression_ of the responses of the artists to their condition, hence the social embeddedness of their work and its unique historical significance. Furthermore, I believed that painting, music and dance flourished, because they bypassed the linguistic barrier and other economic and social challenges that most Armenians faced during those decades. Therefore, my basic argument was that the post-Genocide Armenian condition in Lebanon was the soil out of which the art of the Armenian painters grew and reflected it. 

On these grounds I began my research into the history of Armenian painting in Lebanon, focusing on about 50 figures who were active from 1930 to 1980. Locating and collecting basic information about the painters, their works, exhibitions and other artistic events were initial tasks. There were no references or studies of any sort about the art of the Armenians or the community in Lebanon, except casual reports in the papers. Literally, I had to go through the entire press of half a century, visit the galleries, interview the painters themselves, as well as individuals who were close to painters’ circles and collectors. I gathered photographs, advertisements, posters, brochures and tickets. In the meantime, I also took photographs of all the paintings and the artists I came across. When fieldwork was too dangerous, I went back to my research and writing on other subjects. 

My research confirmed my initial hypothesis that the works of the painters were indeed responses to the post-Genocide Lebanese-Armenian (Libananahay) circumstances and had to be analyzed as such. Style was secondary and followed other factors. Therefore, classifications could not be based on stylistic aspects nor strict chronology. I identified six types of responses to the crisis of identity and organized my analysis and the book accordingly: a passive reaction to the local conditions and a withdrawal into the tragic past and a sub-reality; a positive reaction to the special circumstances of the Armenian community and a humanistic art, which however was too abstract and formalistic; formalism and a strongly academic disposition; a negative reaction, rejection and surrealism; a positive neutralism and a stylistic preoccupation; a direct adoption of local identity and marginalization of national identity. The book was supposed to be published within the same year, but it was delayed by three years because of the ongoing war. It is entitled Armenian Painting in Lebanon in the Light of the Crisis of Identity [Լիբանանահայ Նկարչութիւնը Ինքնութեան Տագնապին Լոյսին տակ]1984.

If the measure of the meaning of a work is its truth-content, then its focus must be on the realities of life at the given time. This is what I mean by my aesthetic-philosophical positioning. My aesthetic took a sharp turn from studio mentality into wartime mentality, to the facts of universal suffering. As their titles suggest, all my sketches until the end of the war are based on specific events, situations, persons, responses and thoughts. I was at a turning point with a cathartic force that produced a sketch, “End of the studio.” 

I had to re-position myself also as a West Armenian thinker. Already in 1982, I began reading whatever was available on West Armenian philosophical thought from the 19th century onwards. I focused on five major figures and identified two distinct trends: the transcendentalists and the vitalists. I also made their portraits and annexed a philosophical glossary in Western Armenian. The book was published in 1987, entitled Pages of West Armenian Philosophical Thought [Էջեր Արևմտահայ Մտածումէն]

End of the studio, Beirut, 1980. Pencil, 52.5×41.5 cm

Dr. Seta B. Dadoyan (née Satenik Barsoumian) is a prominent Armenian scholar and painter and a Doctor of Philosophical Sciences in Philosophy. In addition to her research and publications on Western Armenian culture, her novel and extensive research focuses on the medieval and modern Armenian political, cultural and intellectual experiences in their interactive aspects within the Near Eastern world. She is considered a trailblazer and leading specialist in a novel discipline of Islamic-Armenian interactive history, initiated by her and to which she has dedicated six of her 12 volumes and many groundbreaking studies. She was professor of cultural studies, philosophy and art history at the American University of Beirut. After moving to the United States in 2005, she was visiting professor of Armenian and Near Eastern Studies at Columbia University, St. Nersess Seminary, the University of Chicago and the State University of Yerevan. For her exceptional scholarly contributions to Armenian studies and intellectual culture, in September 2021 the Society of Armenian Studies honored her with the “Lifetime Achievement Award.” In September 2015, she was granted the “St. Mesrop Mashtots‘” Medal, and in January 1999, the highest “Medal and Diploma of David Invictus/Anhaght” of the Philosophical Academy of the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia. She has authored 11 and co-authored and edited two volumes, as well as published over 60 scholarly papers in academic journals.


RFE/RL Armenian Service – 01/17/2024

                                        Wednesday, 


Yerevan Urged To Resume Russian-Mediated Talks With Baku


RUSSIA - People walk on a bridge in the Zaryadye park with a Kremlin's tower and 
Russian Foreign Ministry building in the background, Moscow, October 25, 2021.


Russia urged Armenia on Wednesday to agree to resume Russian-mediated 
negotiations with Azerbaijan based on earlier understandings reached by the 
leaders of the three countries.

The Russian Foreign Ministry said Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin and 
the Armenian ambassador in Moscow, Vagharshak Harutiunian, discussed the 
normalization of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations “in detail” during a meeting 
requested by Harutiunian.

“The Russian side emphasized the urgent need for an early resumption of 
trilateral work in this area based on a set of agreements between the leaders of 
Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan,” the ministry said in a short statement. It gave 
no other details.

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry and embassy in Russia did not immediately comment on 
the meeting.

Late last year, Moscow repeatedly offered to host high-level 
Armenian-Azerbaijani peace talks as it sought to sideline the West and regain 
the initiative in the negotiation process. In early December, the Russian 
Foreign Ministry rebuked the Armenian leadership for ignoring these offers. It 
warned that Yerevan’s current preference of Western mediation may spell more 
trouble for the Armenian people.

The warning came amid unprecedented tensions between Moscow and Yerevan which 
rose further after Russian peacekeepers’ failure to prevent or stop Azerbaijan’s 
September 19-20 military offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh. The 2,000 or so 
peacekeepers remain deployed in Karabakh in accordance with a Russian-brokered 
ceasefire that stopped the 2020 Armenian-Azerbaijani war.

Citing the Azerbaijani offensive, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said on January 
13 that Baku and Moscow effectively scrapped the truce accord. He also accused 
Azerbaijan’s leadership of undermining prospects for an Armenian-Azerbaijani 
peace treaty with statements amounting to territorial claims to Armenia.

Pashinian hoped, at least until now, to sign such a treaty as a result of peace 
talks mediated by the United States and the European Union.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev twice cancelled meetings with Pashinian which 
the EU planned to host in October. Azerbaijan’s Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov 
similarly withdrew from a meeting with his Armenian counterpart scheduled for 
November 20 in Washington. Baku accused the Western powers of pro-Armenian bias. 
It now wants to negotiate with Yerevan without third-party mediation.




Armenian PM Still Hopeful About Peace With Azerbaijan

        • Ruzanna Stepanian

Armenia - Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian is about to answer a question from an 
opposition lawmaker in parliament, Yerevan, January 17, 2023.


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian expressed hope on Wednesday that Azerbaijan is 
committed to making peace with Armenia, responding to fresh opposition claims 
that his far-reaching concessions to Baku have only created more security 
threats to his country.

He came under a barrage of criticism from opposition lawmakers during the 
Armenian government’s question-and-answer session in the National Assembly. They 
pointed to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s latest statements which 
Pashinian construed on January 13 as territorial claims to Armenia and a “very 
serious blow to the peace process.”

“You keep speaking about giving away while Aliyev speaks about taking,” Agnesa 
Khamoyan, a parliament deputy from the main opposition Hayastan alliance, told 
Pashinian. “You speak about handing over so-called enclaves, roads, Azerbaijani 
criminals, and look at what Aliyev says in response to that. So I wonder … where 
that process of concessions will end.”

Armenia - Opposition deputy Agnesa Khamoyan attends a session of parliament, 
Yerevan, January 17, 2023.

“I hope that the purpose of the statements coming from Baku is not to 
deliberately bring the peace process to a deadlock,” replied Pashinian. He 
admitted, though, that Armenia and Azerbaijan are now “talking different 
diplomatic languages.”

Another Hayastan deputy, Artur Khachatrian, pointed out that Baku did not 
recognize Armenia’s borders even after securing Pashinian’s recognition of 
Azerbaijani sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh and recapturing the region as a 
result of last September’s military offensive. Khachatrian singled out its 
renewed demands for an extraterritorial corridor connecting Azerbaijan to its 
Nakhichevan exclave through a strategic Armenian region.

Pashinian reaffirmed Yerevan’s rejection of those demands. He also said that his 
administration will first and foremost counter the security threats emanating 
from Azerbaijani with “international legitimacy relating to Armenia’s borders, 
territorial integrity and sovereignty.”

Tensions on the parliament floor rose after Levon Kocharian, a son of Hayastan’s 
top leader and former Armenian President Robert Kocharian, decried Pashinian’s 
“pathetic” response to Aliyev.

Armenia - Levon Kocharian (right) attends a parliament session, November 15, 
2023.
“Why are you so scared? Don’t you see that false peace is a failed agenda?” 
Kocharian Jr. asked, sparking angry cries from some of the pro-government 
lawmakers attending the session.

“I want to remind you that you are not at a school party and must behave 
properly in the National Assembly,” Pashinian shot back.

Answering a question from another parliamentarian, he said: “If, for example, 
Azerbaijan moves away from the peace agenda, it does not mean that we should 
also abandon it.”

Pashinian drew strong condemnation from the Armenian opposition after declaring 
last May that Armenia recognizes Karabakh as a part of Azerbaijan. Opposition 
leaders say that this policy change paved the way for Azerbaijan’s September 
19-20 military offensive that forced Karabakh’s practically entire population to 
flee to Armenia. Pashinian’s political allies deny this.




Armenian Opposition Scoffs At Pashinian’s New Offer To Baku

        • Shoghik Galstian

Armenia - Oppositon deputy Artur Khachatrian speaks during a parliament session 
in Yerevan.


An Armenian opposition leader brushed aside on Wednesday Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian’s calls for an arms control treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan, 
saying that Baku will not even discuss the idea.

Pashinian voiced the proposal on January 13 just as he accused Azerbaijan of 
effectively laying claim to Armenian territory and dealing a “serious blow to 
the peace process.” He referred to the latest statements made by Azerbaijani 
President Ilham Aliyev and his top aides.

Aliyev last week renewed his demands for Armenia to open an extraterritorial 
corridor to Azerbaijan’s Nakhichevan exclave. Also, he again demanded Armenian 
withdrawal from “eight Azerbaijani villages” and dismissed Yerevan’s insistence 
on using the most recent Soviet maps to delimit the Armenian-Azerbaijani border.

Pashinian also complained that Aliyev has rejected a mutual withdrawal of 
Armenian and Azerbaijani troops from the border and other confidence-building 
measures proposed by him earlier.

“I can make another proposal: let’s sign a treaty on arms control so that 
Armenia and Azerbaijan reach concrete agreements on weapons and are able to 
verify the implementation of that agreement,” he told members of his Civil 
Contract party.

Artur Khachatrian, a senior member of the main opposition Hayastan alliance, 
scoffed at Pashinian’s remarks, saying that the premier simply wants to make 
Armenians believe that his conciliatory policy on the conflict with Azerbaijan 
has not been an utter failure.

“Azerbaijan has never accepted any proposal made by Pashinian,” Khachatrian told 
RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “It’s illogical to assume that he will agree to 
formally limit his arsenal of weapons.”

“Just a few months ago, he bought $1.2 billion worth of new weapons from 
Israel,” he said. “Will Aliyev now agree to let the defeated Pashinian tell him 
how many tanks, drones, warplanes or assault rifles he should have? That’s a 
joke. Who is Pashinian mocking?”

Pro-government lawmakers pointedly declined to comment on Pashinian’s latest 
offer to Aliyev. Baku has still not reacted to it.

Aliyev has repeatedly stated that Azerbaijan’s will continue its military 
buildup despite its victory in the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh. Baku was due to 
spend a total of $3.5 billion on defense and national security last year. By 
comparison, Armenia’s 2023 defense spending was projected at $1.25 billion.

Aliyev’s latest statements were construed by Armenian opposition politicians and 
analysts as a further sign that he plans to ratchet up military pressure on 
Yerevan. Some of them suggested that Azerbaijan is gearing up for another 
military offensive against Armenia.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2024 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Uncertain future for refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh

Jan 16 2024

16-01-2024

Eastern Europe

Kathryn Idema, CNE.news

Most of the 100,000 refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh have no house but live in shelters. Armenia is still in shock. But at the same time, miracles are happening.

September 2023 marked the month of displacement and desperation in the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. How is the situation now?

After several shortages from blockades, forces from Azerbaijan carried out one of the largest attacks to date, leaving the area vulnerable with an uncertain future. According to data from Council on Foreign Relations, the attacks left 80 per cent of Karabakh’s population without a place to call home. Separatists from Azerbaijan also called for the enclave’s dissolution by 1 January 2024. Within a week, Armenia soon saw at least 100,000 of the enclave’s population enter its borders.

Many who fled to Armenia have received financial support but continue to struggle in a familiar yet foreign land. Baruir Jambazian, who works for the Christian relief agency, Diaconia Charitable Fund Armenia, said many refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh or the Republic of Artsakh have received help in finding a job and getting psychological support. While the government provides rental assistance for the first six months, challenges remain, such as finding adequate housing.

At this point, Jambazian said, people have yet to find houses. The government has set up temporary shelters, but long-term solutions have yet to be discussed. “We never thought they would have to flee. They have huge problems in finding themselves here,” he said. “Because of the hardships, no one wants to live near the border.”

Jambazian sees the Republic of Artsakh as a “strong part of our people.” In Armenia, they are regarded as the formidable “mountain people” who have withstood decades of attacks from Azeri forces. In the past, Diaconia Charitable Fund provided medical assistance, job opportunities, education, and first aid to wounded soldiers and veterans in the Armenian territory.

Despite the ongoing conflict, Nagorno-Karabakh managed to stay together under the Armenian identity. However, Jambazian said the recent events have brought a new era of uncertainty in his country. “We are in a decisive time. We have to acknowledge that they lost a part of their homeland and that they will never get it back,” he said.

Transport from Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, at the border point between Kornidsor and Goris. Photo Diaconia Charitable Fund

For decades, Azerbaijan has portrayed Armenia as the aggressor and has compared its people to Hitler’s Third Reich, he said. While he still does not agree with Azerbaijan’s recent demands to open the Zangezur corridor (an internationally recognised territory of Armenia), he fears that Azerbaijan is not finished with their operation. He also thinks his country may be next.

While answers remain under fierce debate, Jambazian believes a revival is needed in Armenia. The country has always remained under the Orthodox Christian identity. Still, he said many attend church out of tradition and do not actively live as Christians.

However, the recent wave of Artsakh refugees have been open to hearing the Gospel and have breathed new life into its churches, Jambazian added. He told the story of how a group of people from Nagorno-Karabakh saw rockets and bombs being deflected from the sky as they prayed.

Other miracles have followed. Vahe Abrahamian, a Lebanese-Armenian pastor and orthopaedic doctor in Armenia, said that the greatest miracle has been seeing those from Nagorno-Karabakh come to Christ. During his travels to mountain villages as a doctor, he also shared the Gospel. “Today, we have so many different ways of evangelism,” he said.

Fleeing from Artsakh. Photo Diaconia Charitable Fund

While Abrahamian provided treatment to heal bodies, he had also witnessed healings in their soul. Over the years, many of his patients have accepted Christ in their lives. After the Iron Curtain fell, the father of four said that many in his country became Christians after years of atheism under Soviet rule.

Now, the situation is different. Many find themselves entrenched in church traditions or have little understanding of who God is, he said. Still, the Armenians have a “heart of accepting Christ,” he said. Like Baruir Jambazian, he is also waiting and praying for revival in his country and his congregation of over 30,000 Christians. “The Holy Spirit does the revival,” he said.

While those from Nagorno-Karabakh continue to forge a new life in Armenia, Jambazian believes that trusting God is essential, as “he may take care of us in a way we don’t understand.”

“We need allies, and we need a strong army. But what we need most is that our nation turns back to God,” he said.

https://cne.news/article/4066-uncertain-future-for-refugees-from-nagorno-karabakh

Armenian President, Finland’s Foreign Minister meet in Davos

 10:45,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 17, ARMENPRESS. President of Armenia Vahagn Khachaturyan has held a meeting with Finland’s Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos.

Khachaturyan and Valtonen discussed the enhancement of bilateral agenda between Armenia and Finland, as well as issues pertaining to the Armenia-EU partnership. “The general situation in the South Caucasus region and the existing security challenges were also discussed,” the Armenian President’s Office said in a readout.

Both sides attached importance to the ongoing democratic reforms in Armenia, and the concepts and programs aimed at strengthening democratic institutions, Khachaturyan’s Office added.

EUMA marks 1,500 patrols to border areas

 11:04,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 17, ARMENPRESS. The European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) has marked its 1,500th patrol to the areas bordering Azerbaijan, the monitoring mission said on social media.

“Today, EUMA marks 1500 patrols to the border areas. The Mission is tasked with observing and reporting on the situation on the ground. EUMA conducts patrols from 6 operating bases in Kapan, Goris, Jermuk, Yeghegnadzor, Martuni & Ijevan,” EUMA said in a post on X.

Infrastructure development, road construction and other projects discussed at the meeting of the Investment Committee

 18:24,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 16, ARMENPRESS.  Chaired by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the discussion of the issues included in the agenda of the fifth session of the Investment Committee continued.

First, the technical and economic feasibility study of the project "Creation of a dry port in Shirak Province" approved in the 3rd session was presented. The project will contribute to speeding up the movement of cargo, increasing the quality and volume of cargo transportation. As a result, a multi-model dry port will be created through industrial parks that are a free economic zone, Armenia will become a transit transport and export-focused manufacturing hub, the PM's Office said in a readout.

It is noted that Minister of Economy Vahan Kerobyan, detailing, noted that as a result of the implementation of the project, thousands of jobs will be created in Gyumri, as well as a transport hub, which will be connected by air, land and railway to the nearby ports and major transport routes. According to Vahan Kerobyan, the project will have a great economic impact not only on Shirak Province, but also on the whole of Armenia. The Minister of Economy also added that the project is integrated into the "Crossroads of Peace" project and is the northwestern node of the "Crossroads of Peace", which, if implemented, will ensure Armenia's connection with other countries in the region.

According to Vahan Kerobyan, the Government has its share of the investment, which amounts to 37 million USD, but also large foreign investors will be involved, who should be the operators of the dry port and whose investment volumes will be significantly larger. "Also, we should attract industrial companies that will create their capacities in the industrial park. The implementation of the project is planned during 5-7 years", added the Minister of Economy.

As a result of the discussion, a decision was made to give preliminary approval to the project. The Prime Minister instructed the Ministry of Economy to create a "road map" for the implementation of the project to clarify what needs to be done further.

According to the source, within the framework of the agenda, new projects were presented to the committee members. Within the framework of the road construction project of the city of Yerevan, the projects "Construction of the road section of the Tbilisi highway-Yeghvard highway" and "Construction of the new Rubinyants-Acharyan road" were presented.

Yerevan Mayor Tigran Avinyan emphasized that the construction of the bridge connecting Tbilisi Highway to Mikoyan Street is an extremely important project that connects the M4 highway to the North-South bypass road and added that another bridge is being built over the Hrazdan River, which will have a significant impact from the point of view of offloading motor transport from the Arabkir administrative district.

Presenting the second project, the Mayor emphasized that as a result, traffic on Acharyan-Myasnikyan streets will be significantly reduced and added that this project will also have a positive impact in terms of traffic jams in Yerevan. 

"Surely, these two programs should be implemented with the support of the Government. These are big projects, and these projects will have a significant impact not only in the city of Yerevan itself, for the citizens of Yerevan, but also for the cargo carriers, who will have the opportunity to bypass the city of Yerevan," said Tigran Avinyan.

As a result of the discussion of the projects, a decision was made to carry out a technical and economic feasibility study at the first stage, based on the results of which it will be possible to implement the projects.

Tigran Avinyan noted that the construction of the Tbilisi-Mikoyan road section and the bridge will take approximately 4-5 years, and the road connecting Rubinyants and Acharyan streets will be possible to implement a little faster.

Next, the "Hydrogen economy" project was presented. The Minister of Economy noted that various countries are trying to include green hydrogen production in their energy transformation and added that Armenia is considering the solar energy option of green hydrogen production from renewable energy resources.

As a result of the discussion of the project, it was decided to create a working group dealing with hydrogen issues, which will include both officials, representatives of private consulting companies, and scientists. The purpose of the formation of the working group is the development of Armenia's hydrogen strategy.

Armenia First President meets with Iranian ambassador

 18:12,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 16, ARMENPRESS. On January 16, the first president of the Republic of Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrosyan met with Iranian Ambassador Mehdi Sobhani at his private residence. Arman Musinyan, the spokesperson of the first president, said on social media.

During the two-hour conversation, the strengthening of Armenian-Iranian friendship, deepening of bilateral economic and cultural relations, as well as regional security issues and ensuring uninterrupted operation of communication routes and development were discussed in detail.

Bilateral trade potential between Armenia and UAE not exhausted, says Speaker of Parliament

 19:05,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 16, ARMENPRESS.  Armenian speaker of Parliament Alen Simonyan  on Tuesday received the delegation led by the chairman of the Defense, Interior and Foreign Affairs Committee in the Federal National Council of the United Arab Emirates and vice-president of the Inter-Parliamentary Union,  Dr. Ali Rashid Al Nuaimi.

Welcoming the guest, Alen Simonyan noted that the UAE is one of Armenia's reliable and important partners. The results of the high-level political dialogue, friendly relations, and dynamic interaction established between the two countries are evident, the National Assembly of Armenia said in a statement.

“According to the results of 2023, the UAE is the second largest trade partner of Armenia. In 2023, the trade volume exceeded 2 billion USD.

The Speaker of the Parliament expressed confidence that the bilateral trade potential is not yet exhausted and affirmed that the Armenian government is ready to assist in promoting the process,’’ reads the statement.

According to the source, an agreement has been reached to enhance the institutional foundations of bilateral inter-parliamentary relations through the signing of a cooperation agreement.

Referring to the current security situation in the South Caucasus and Armenia's efforts to achieve peace and stability in the region, the Speaker of the Parliament emphasized that Armenia has adopted a peace agenda and presented its 'Crossroads of Peace' project.

During the meeting, the comprehensive economic cooperation between Armenia and the UAE was touched upon.

AW: Rev. Dr. Vahan Tootikian authors his 49th book

Rev. Dr. Vahan Tootikian

By Rev. Kevork George Terian

Once again, the Rev. Dr. Vahan Tootikian surprises us with the publication of another interesting and instructive book that deals with two very important aspects of our Christian life: our vertical relationship with our Creator and Savior and our horizontal relations with our fellow man. As a veteran minister and an experienced professor, the author points out that these two vital relationships are interconnected. The close correlation between the two is very obvious and undeniable. This truth becomes crystal clear to us in Matthew 22:37, where Jesus links loving God with loving our neighbors.

For human beings who are by nature sociable creatures, relationships are necessary, important and unavoidable; however, our vertical relationship with God must precede the horizontal relationships that bind us to one another. God’s pure and unselfish love for us obligates us to show the same love to one another.

Vertical and Horizontal Relations is a bilingual book consisting of 43 articles, 29 of which are in English and 14 in Armenian. Written in an accessible style, the author’s own life experience helps him connect with his readers. The English part of the book deals with major Armenian and American holidays and holy days, as well as views on issues such as Christian growth and maturity, pastor and parish relations, home as the first school of life and other topics. He also renders a scholarly analysis of the four Gospels. 

In the Armenian section entitled Ooghahayatz yev Horizonagan Haraperoutyunner, Dr. Tootikian deals with a variety of theological, educational and patriotic subjects, conveying timely truths to his readers with deep pastoral sensibility and solid Biblical and cultural knowledge.  

The greatest tragedy of our age is that our vertical relationship with God has become the most neglected relationship on earth. We must be cognizant of the fact that it is this vertical relationship that gives us access to God’s eternal Kingdom. Establishing intimacy with God, through a perpendicular relationship, will make the existence of the spiritual world become a tangible reality for us. In Matthew 25:35-40, Jesus tells us that our acts of mercy, like feeding the hungry, providing clothes for the poor and visiting the incarcerated, are considered to be services that are rendered to Him. By alleviating human suffering, we honor Christ Himself. Our vertical relationship with God should intersect with our horizontal relationships with people.

While our relationship with God is based on faith alone, we are told, in no mistakable terms, that the way we relate to other people will have a direct bearing on our experience of Him.

In a very convincing way, Dr. Tootikian shows that our relationship with our Creator not only supersedes all of our human associations in importance, but also safeguards their moral integrity and preserves their unselfish character. In a nutshell, without establishing a close vertical relationship with God, it will be next to impossible to have healthy and robust interactions with our fellow man on the horizontal level.

Rev. Kevork (George) Terian is the Senior Pastor at Immanuel Armenian Congregational Church in Downey, California.