Author: Emil Lazarian

As a community of critically engaged scholars and global citizens, we are shocked by the belated and insufficient response of the international community to the ethnic cleansing of what was, until weeks ago, the Armenian-populated enclave of Karabakh/Artsakh, located within the internationally recognized boundaries of Azerbaijan.

The precarious conditions of the local population were alarming enough for former International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo to declare on multiple occasions that Azerbaijan's actions in Karabakh/Artsakh are in violation of the United Nations Genocide Convention. He stated in unwavering terms that “we cannot accept a new Armenian genocide in 2023,” a statement that recalls how only a century earlier the Ottoman Empire erased its indigenous Armenian inhabitants.

During the recent Azerbaijani campaign, more than 100,000 Artsakh Armenians who were ethnically cleansed from their homes were subject to dehumanizing epithets, including that of being labeled "terrorists," in a climate of inflammatory rhetoric that usually accompanies state violence, or worse, genocide. Caravans of Armenians were expelled fromthe mountain enclave to safety in Armenia, forcibly displaced by legitimate fears of atrocities, state-sanctioned ethnic hatred, and the suppression of their cultural rights. For the first time in the recorded history of the region, this majority ethnic Armenian enclave is depopulated of Armenians. They wereethnically cleansed while the world stood and watched.  

In 2020, Azerbaijan invaded the self-proclaimed Artsakh Republic, and has since committed horrific crimes against both military personnel and civilians.  Documented by international human rights groups and openly shared on Azerbaijani social media, Armenians were decapitated, mutilated, and raped in the course of the invasion which largely reduced the Artsakh Republic’s territorial holdings.  In addition, the Lachin Corridor that connected non-contiguous Karabakh/Artsakh to its Armenian neighbor has been blocked since December 2022, placing the territory under siege, an action that the International Court of Justice ruled was a “real and imminent risk” to the population. Siege, a technique used in mass atrocities in Tigray and Syria, starved the population of medical, food, and life-saving supplies, producing a classic case of ethnic cleansing by attrition.

Leading up to the military campaign to disarm and dismantle Artsakh in late September, President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan (a close ally of both the US and Russia), has used a new single lettered slogan mimicking Russia’s fascist Z symbol that propagandizes its genocidal campaign in Ukraine. Baku has already signaled that the conquest of Karabakh/Artsakh will not be enough, having renamed neighboring Armenia “Western Azerbaijan,” giving parts of sovereign Armenia Azerbaijani place names in media broadcasts and speeches.

Currently, Armenians of Karabakh/Artsakh have been reliant on Russia, whose role as peacekeeper in the region is in name only. Azerbaijan, a country given the status of “not free” by Freedom House, is not a place where the Armenians of Artsakh can live freely without persecution, a status that even Azerbaijani citizens do not receive from their own government. 

As scholars and concerned global citizens, we urge the international community to place pressure on Azerbaijan and to establish guarantees and mechanisms for the safe return of Armenians to the region, including the protection of their inalienable property and right to live in their ancestral homeland. We ask that the United Nations deploy peacekeepers to protect the safe passage for all remaining refugees and heed warnings about the destruction of Armenian heritage that is sure to follow the evacuation of Armenians from the region. Azerbaijan’s pattern of targeting Armenian churches, monasteries, and cemeteries is well-documented by monitoring agencies. We urge the international community to take action to protect some of the world’s oldest Christian heritage from established patterns of destruction.  Lastly, we call for Armenia’s beleaguered democracy and civil society—and, indeed, its sovereignty and territorial integrity—to be ensured and its people assured that they have not been abandoned by the international community. Only with guarantees that international law and treaties will be upheld in the troubled region can the cycle of violence finally be broken.

Signed,

Levon Abrahamian, Head of the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Institute of Archaeology & Ethnography, NAS RA.

Can Aciksoz, Associate Professor of Anthropology, UCLA

Hakem Al-Rustom, Alex Manoogian Professor of Modern Armenian History, Assistant Professor of History and of Anthropology, University of Michigan. 

Dr. Avril Alba, Associate Professor in Holocaust Studies and Jewish Civilization, Hebrew, Biblical and Jewish Studies, Deputy HoS (Research) School of Languages and Cultures, The University of Sydney.  

Anna Aleksanyan, postdoctoral fellow at the Armenian Genocide Research Program of the Promise Armenian Institute at UCLA

Sophia Armen, Independent Scholar

Richard Antaramian, PhD, Associate Professor of History, University of Southern California.

Dr. Sebouh David Aslanian, Professor of History and Richard Hovannisian Chair of Modern Armenian History, UCLA.

Maral N. Attallah, Distinguished Lecturer, Dept. of Critical Race, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Cal Poly Humboldt.  

Dr. Levon Avdoyan, Armenian and Georgian Area Specialist (retired)

Babayan Kathryn, Professor, History & Middle East Studies, University of Michigan. 

Peter Balakian, Rebar Professor of the Humanities in the department of English, Colgate University.

Aslı Bâli, Professor of Law, Yale University

Omer Bartov, Samuel Pisar Professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Brown University.

Tina Bastajian, Lecturer, Amsterdam University College; Sandberg Institute. 

Jean- Philippe Belleau, Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Massachusetts Boston.  

Houri Berberian, Professor of History, Meghrouni Family Presidential Chair in Armenian Studies, Director of the Center for Armenian Studies, University of California, Irvine. 

Matthias Bjørnlund, historian, genocide scholar.

Donald Bloxham, Richard Pares Professor of History, University of Edinburgh. 

Eric Bogosian, American actor, playwright, monologuist, novelist, historian

Ne’lida Elena Boulgourdjian, Professor of History, University of Tres de Febrero, Argentina. 

Talar Chahinian, Lecturer, Program for Armenian Studies, University of California, Irvine. 

S. Peter Cowe, Distinguished Professor, Narekatsi Chair of Armenian Studies, Near Eastern languages and Cultures, UCLA.

Asya Darbinyan, Executive Director, Center for Holocaust, Human Rights & Genocide Education (Chhange). 

Dr Vazken Khatchig Davidian, Associate Faculty Member, Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford. 

Ruben Davtyan, PostDoc in Archaeology, Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg, Germany.

Bedross Der Matossian, Professor of History and Hymen Rosenberg Professor in Judaic Studies, University of Nebraska, Lincoln

Silvina Der Meguerditchian, Independent Visual Artist

Dzovinar Derderian, Lecturer, Department of History, University of California, Berkeley, Executive Director, Armenian Studies Program. 

Hossep Dolatian, Visiting Scholar, Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University.

Samuel Dolbee, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Vanderbilt University. 

Atom Egoyan, Filmmaker.

Caroline Ford, Professor of History at the University of California, Los Angeles.

Andrea S. Goldman, Associate Professor, Department of History, UCLA

Fatma Müge Göçek, Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan

Rachel Goshgarian, Associate Professor of History, Lafayette College

Chris Gratien, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Virginia

Talinn Grigor, Professor of Art History, University of California, Davis

Dr. Edita Gzoyan, Acting Director at Armenian Genocide Museum & Institute

Mashinka Firunts Hakopian, Associate Professor, ArtCenter College of Design.

Prof. Garry R. Hannah. Executive Director, Promise Institute for Human Rights, UCLA School of Law

Diana Hayrapetyan, PhD Candidate, Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Clark University 

Katsuya Hirano, Associate Professor, UCLA 

Dr Tessa Hofmann, Scholar of genocide and Armenian studies, author; formerly Freie Universität Berlin, Institute for Eastern European Studies

Margaret C. Jacob, Distinguished Professor of Research, Emerita, Department of History, UCLA

Arsinée Khanjian, Actor and Political Activist

Ayşenur Korkmaz, Post-doctoral Research Fellow, The Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study

Nancy Kricorian, Writer

Rudi Matthee, John and Dorothy Munroe, Distinguished Professor of History, University of Delaware.

Dr. Suren Manukyan, Head of the UNESCO Chair on Prevention of Genocide and Other Atrocity Crimes, Yerevan State University. 

Seta Kabranian Melkonian, Assistant Professor, Department of Human Services, University of Alaska, Anchorage. 

Ronald Mellor, Distinguished Professor of History, Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles

Dr. Ani Kalayjian, Prof., Association for Trauma Outreach & Prevention, ATOP, Meaningful world, and Columbia University.

Philippe Raffi Kalfayan, Ph.D., Associate Researcher and Lecturer in International Public Law at Paris Pantheon-Assas University, France. 

Dikran M. Kaligian, historian, author

Dr. Sossie Kasbarian, Senior Lecturer, University of Stirling 

Robin D.G. Kelley, Professor of History UCLA 

Thomas Kühne, Strassler Colin Flug Professor of Holocaust History, Clark University

Dr. Umit Kurt, University of Newcastle, the Center for Study of Violence. 

Sergio La Porta, Associate Dean of the College of Arts and Humanities, California State University, Fresno 

Jacob Ari Labendz, Scholar of Jewish History and Culture

Marc A. Mamigonian, Director of Academic Affairs, National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR)

Christina Maranci, Mashtots Professor of Armenian Studies, Harvard University

Afshin Matin-Asgari, Professor, Department of History, California State University, Los Angeles

Deborah Mayersen, Senior Lecturer in International and Political Studies, School of Humanities and Social Studies, University of New South Wales Canberra at the Australian Defence Force Academy

Ronald Mellor, Distinguished Professor of History, Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles

Franz A Metcalf, Instructor, CSULA, Review Editor, JGB, H-Buddhism

Muriel Mirak-Weißbach, Author and Journalist, Armenian Mirror-Spectator, Mainz-Kastel, Germany

Dirk A. Moses, Anne and Bernard Spitzer Professor of International Relations, The City  College of New York, CUNY 

Khatchig Mouradian, lecturer in Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies, Columbia University. 

Tsolin Nalbantian, Associate Professor of Modern Middle East History, Leiden University, the Netherlands. 

Dr. Melanie O'Brien, Visiting Professor, Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies, University of Minnesota; President, International Association of Genocide Scholars.

Dr. Darren O’Brien, Honorary Senior Research Fellow, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of Queensland.

Sheila Paylan, International Human Rights Lawyer and Former Legal Adviser to the United States. 

Dr. Rafal Pankowski, Professor at Collegium Civitas, co-founder of “NEVER AGAIN” Association, Poland  

Hrag Papazian, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, American University of Armenia 

Jess Peake, Assistant Director, the Promise Institute for Human Rights, UCLA School of Law

Rubina Peroomian, Ph.D., Genocide Scholar (independent, formerly UCLA)

Pirinjian Lori, PhD Student in Armenian Studies, UCLA Department of Near Eastern Languages & Cultures 

Jasamin Rostam-Kolayi, Professor of Modern Middle East History, California State University, Fullerton

E. Natalie Rothman, Professor of History, Department of Historical and Cultural Studies, University of Toronto, Scarborough  

Teo Ruiz, Professor, University of California, Los Angeles 

Joachim J. Savelsberg, Professor of Sociology and Law, Arsham and Charlotte Ohanessian Chair, University of Minnesota 

Elyse Semerdjian, Robert Aram and Marianne Kaloosdian and Stephen and Marian Mugar Chair of Armenian Genocide Studies, Clark University 

Viviane Seyranian, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Psychology, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.

Gayane Shagoyan, Leading Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, National Academy of Societies of Armenia

Awring Shaways, Founding President of KG Lobby Center and Member of IAGS

Christopher Sheklian, Postdoctoral Researcher, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands

Tamar Shirinian, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville  

Gregory. H Stanton, Founding President Genocide Watch 

Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Distinguished Professor of History and Irving & Jean Stone Chair in Social Sciences at UCLA

Ronald Grigor Suny, Willian H. Sewell, Jr. Distinguished University Professor Emeritus of History, Emeritus Professor of Political Science, The University of Michigan

Frances Tanzer, Rose Professor of Holocaust Studies and Modern Jewish History and Culture, Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies 

Jeanne Theoharis, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Brooklyn College of CUNY

George Theoharis, Professor of Educational Leadership & Inclusion Education, Syracuse University.   

Henry C. Theriault, Founding Co-Editor, Genocide Studies International, and Associate Vice President for Academic Affairs, Worcester State University History and Civilization Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies.

Glenn Timmermans, Associate Professor, Department of English, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, University of Macau, China.

Artyom Tonoyan, Visiting Professor of Global Studies, Hamline University.

Alison M. Vacca, Gevork M. Avedissian Associate Professor of Armenian.

von Joeden-Forgey Elisa Dr., Executive Director, Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention.

Hrag Vartanian, Art critic and Editor-in-chief, Hyperallergic 

Keith David Watenpaugh, Professor and Director, Human Rights Studies, University of California, Davis

Dr. Stephanie Wolfe, Weber State University, First Vice-President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars 

Hrag David Yacoubian, Assistant Professor at Memorial University of Newfoundland, PhD Candidate at University British Columbia  

Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh, Professor of Art History, University of California, Davis

Cornel West, Dietrich Bonhoeffer Chair at Union Theological Seminary and Presidential Candidate

Anahita Mahdavi-West, Professor, Long Beach City College

https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/45479

The government of Armenia is still unclear when it will be possible for citizens to obtain biometric passports without long queues and obstacles.

The country is in the process of procuring a new system for issuing biometric passports and ID cards which is due to be completed through a public-private partnership (PPP). Right now, however, it is still unclear which company will be chosen and how long it will take to technically implement the system, Armen Ghazaryan, head of the Migration Service, said on Monday at the National Assembly of Armenia.

Ghazaryan added that the country’s passport system has been lacking investment for years.

“The fact that this system has survived so far with a minimal investment was thanks to the enthusiasm of the employees,” he said, according to a machine translation from the Armenian news website Tert.am.

Armenia first rolled out its biometric passports in 2021. The following year, however, the government suspended their issuing till early 2024, citing a need for improvements. In April, the country announced it would implement a new system for issuing passports and ID cards, replacing outdated IT systems and standards.

A public statement from the National Assembly issued on Monday promises that the new system will be introduced in “the near future.” The country has been working on introducing legal amendments to support the system in the Law on Citizen’s Passport and Law on Identification Cards.

The government is also pursuing more comprehensive reforms of its biometric document system which will include digital services to citizens and has selected international consultants to conduct studies, the government stated.

Armenia’s previous biometric passport and ID card system supplier was Polish Security Printing Works/ Polska Wytwornia Papierow Wartosciowych (PWPW). Its contract expired on January 1, 2017.

https://www.biometricupdate.com/202311/still-no-date-for-armenian-biometric-passport-introduction

November 8, 2023 - Cristian Bolotnicov Laurențiu Pleșca 

A little-known autonomous republic within Azerbaijan is another consequence of the Stalinist regime’s policy of “divide and conquer”. Having regained control of Nagorno-Karabakh, Baku has not hesitated to express its desire for a direct link with its exclave Nakhchivan, an intention that complicates relations with the EU and western partners.

This exclave, bordered by Armenia, Turkey and Iran, is located in a predominantly mountainous area, with the exception of plains to its west and south-west. It has a population of 461,500, who are mostly Azerbaijanis, and an area of over 5000 square kilometres. As an integral part of Azerbaijan, a country courted by the EU and other European countries for its energy resources, developments in the area cannot go unnoticed. In this article, we will discuss the region’s past and what the future may hold for the autonomous republic.

One of the oldest cities

The name of the region comes from its capital, Nakhchivan, which was founded around 1,500 BC as one of the oldest cities in the area. In the time of Alexander the Great, it was called Naxuana, and in Armenian it is called Naxcawan. In fact, for Armenians the name of the region and the city is linked to the biblical story of Noah’s Ark, as in Armenian it translates as “the place of the first descendants”, i.e. where the survivors of the Great Flood landed after reaching Mount Ararat.

Like other regions in the Caucasus area, it passed through the rule of Persia, Rome, Armenia, Mongolia and Turkey before becoming part of Russia in 1828. The area has been predominantly Azerbaijani in recent centuries. Thus, some sources mention that by 1914, the Armenian population had decreased by 40 per cent, while the number of Azeris in the region had increased by 60 per cent.

The Nakhchivan region was no exception to the chaos and revolution of 1917, as it was the scene of bloody fighting and purges between Armenians and Azeris who disputed its ownership. In 1918, the region was occupied by Ottoman troops, who engaged in massacres, with around 10,000 Armenians falling victim. The Ottomans later withdrew, with British troops moving into the area.

Sovietisation

When the Soviets arrived in the region, the “Democratic Republics” of Armenia and Azerbaijan continued to struggle for dominance in the region. In July 1920, the Red Army invaded and occupied the area. The Nakhchivan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was declared, which in turn established close ties with the Azerbaijani SSR. In an attempt to gain political support, Armenia’s Bolshevik leaders promised to integrate Nakhchivan, Nagorno-Karabakh and the Zangezur region into the Armenian SSR. At one point this was supported by Lenin and the Bolshevik leaders in Baku.

However, the Soviets held a referendum in 1921, in which 90 per cent of the Nakhchivan population voted to remain part of the Azerbaijani SSR. The result was confirmed by the treaty of March 16th 1921 between Turkey and Soviet Russia. From 1924, it became an autonomous republic within the Azerbaijani SSR. During the Soviet period, the region’s Azerbaijani population continued to grow steadily, while the Armenian minority decreased from 15 per cent in 1926 to 1.4 per cent in 1979.

On January 20th 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the Nakhchivan ASSR voted to separate from the USSR and integrate into the Azerbaijani constituent state. The same Supreme Soviet would then elect Heydar Aliyev, the future president of independent Azerbaijan, as the leader of the region. Thus, the break-up of the Soviet colossus left the region part of independent Azerbaijan, which was subject to several blockades by Armenia starting in the 1980s and ending in the mid-1990s.

Current importance

Returning to the present, the revival of the Nakhchivan exclave issue has again emerged in the public arena. Of course, this occurred after Azerbaijan defeated fighters from the separatist Nagorno-Karabakh region. However, this is especially true following Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to the region. At the invitation of Azerbaijan’s president, he made a statement stressing the importance of a corridor linking Turkey and Azerbaijan. He also suggested that, without Armenian support, it could cross Iran. Of course, this move has sparked discussion about its geopolitical implications and wider tensions in the South Caucasus region.

Recently, Politico wrote that US Secretary of State Antony Blinken had warned a small group of lawmakers that his department is tracking the possibility that Azerbaijan could soon invade Armenia. Recently, the likelihood of escalated tensions has diminished as Armenia and Azerbaijan have both signaled their intention to sign a peace treaty in the coming months. However, concerns persist. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev’s reference to Armenia as ‘West Azerbaijan’ has raised eyebrows, suggesting underlying contentious issues. Meanwhile, Armenia’s efforts to strengthen its ties with Western nations, despite hosting Russian military bases, add a complex layer to the regional dynamics

However, this small territory does indeed have a small border with Turkey. Therefore, if Azerbaijan succeeds in bridging the divide between the mainland and this disconnected territory, it would establish a direct link for Turkey to access the Caspian Sea in the east. At the same time, Azerbaijan would gain a direct link to Turkey, which would give it access to the Black Sea, the Mediterranean and Europe. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has also expressed interest in creating a land corridor through Armenia to link his country to Turkey. This ambition is rooted in the region’s historical geopolitical landscape, as the Nakhchivan region is currently separated from the mainland of Azerbaijan.

Of course, Armenia has expressed concern about these developments, fearing that such a corridor could lead to further territorial losses. Armenia has also accused Azerbaijan of undermining the peace process and not fully implementing agreements related to the region. Over the last month, the Guardian has noted that more than 100,000 Armenians have fled Nagorno-Karabakh, which was recently conquered by Azerbaijan.

Creating the Zangezur corridor

The Zangezur corridor is a proposed land and rail route that would establish direct links between Azerbaijan’s Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic and other Azerbaijani regions. This corridor is considered a key infrastructure project that could strengthen links between Turkey and Azerbaijan. In fact, Turkish President Erdogan, as always, wants Turkey to dominate the Black Sea and Caspian region and is keen to turn the Zangezur and Lachin (linking Karabakh and Armenia) transport routes into “corridors of peace”. This peace would naturally benefit Ankara geopolitically and economically.

The possibility of the Zangezur corridor passing through Iran has raised questions. Moreover, Turkey has threatened Armenia that if it does not cooperate with the project, it could lead to the possibility of the corridor route passing through Iran. Erdogan has expressed optimism about Iran’s willingness to participate in the initiative. This is because it could provide a passage from Turkey to Nakhchivan and wider Azerbaijan. This would represent a new and extraordinary territorial configuration, according to the Anadolu news agency.

The Turkish journalist who wrote this article stated that “The Zangezur region was originally part of Azerbaijan, though the Soviets gave it to Armenia in the 1920s, leaving Azerbaijan deprived of a direct overland route to its exclave of Nakhchivan.” The source also notes that the corridor would be near or adjacent to Armenia’s border with Iran, which would concern Tehran regarding the project cutting across its border with Yerevan. Earlier, Erdogan said the opening of the corridor is a “strategic issue” for Turkey and is “very important” for ties between Ankara and Baku.

“In other words, Azerbaijan has become a serious player in a very large transport market. Of course, the realisation of the Zangezur corridor is a historical necessity. That’s why I said it will be done whether Armenia wants it or not. Although in Armenia they perceive it as another threat, we had no such idea. It is simply inevitable. It will happen sooner or later. Of course, we want it to materialise soon,” the Azerbaijani leader said in 2021.

Also, the signing of the construction of the Igdir-Nakhchivan pipeline will create conditions for the supply of natural gas to the Azerbaijani exclave through another route from Turkey. This will supplement (or replace) gas deliveries from Iran.

Instead of conclusions

The European Union has been working to diversify its energy sources and reduce its dependence on Russia for natural gas. Azerbaijan, notably through the Southern Gas Corridor, has become a strategic partner in this effort. As for the US, it has the first opportunity since the fall of the Soviet Union to gain a significant foothold in the South Caucasus by reimagining the region’s security architecture. However, Russia’s involvement in this complex puzzle of regional dynamics adds another layer of complexity to the situation.

Russia, as an important regional actor, has been closely monitoring the situation. Moscow has criticised Armenia’s handling of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and even accused Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan of pursuing a pro-western agenda. The Zangezur corridor proposal and the potential involvement of Iran highlight the evolving dynamics in the South Caucasus region. It also shows that Russia is still not paying attention to the region, as Armenia, once one of the countries most aligned with Russian policy, has been left to fend for itself because of the war in Ukraine.

President Erdogan’s statements signal Turkey’s commitment to strengthening ties with Azerbaijan and finding alternative routes if Armenia does not cooperate. However, they do not rule out the possibility of new territorial seizures, as claimed in some Armenian circles. As tensions persist, regional actors such as Russia could play a key role in influencing the outcome of these geopolitical manoeuvres, making the situation in the South Caucasus one to watch closely in the coming months.

This article was originally published in Romanian on the website agora.md.

Cristian Bolotnicov is a Moldova-based journalist for Agora.md. He specialises in topics related to politics and history writing in-depth analyses and uncovering underreported issues from politics, justice, economy and technology.

Laurențiu Pleșca is a PhD candidate at the Doctoral School of Political Sciences of the University of Bucharest, researcher for the Romanian Centre for Russian Studies and analyst at German Marshall Fund of the United States. His main research interest is on topics such as Russia’s geopolitics in the Black Sea region, domestic and foreign policy of the former Soviet states (in particular the Republic of Moldova, Ukraine, Armenia, Georgia, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan).

November 6 (SeeNews) – Croatian civil engineering company Institut IGH [ZSE:IGH] said on Monday it set up a branch office in Armenia’s capital Yerevan.

The head of the branch office is Robert Petrosian, the company said in a filling to the Zagreb bourse, without elaborating.

Institut IGH's shares last traded on October 31 on the Zagreb bourse, closing 1.58% higher at 9.65 euro.

($ = 0.945 euro)

https://seenews.com/news/croatias-institut-igh-opens-office-in-armenia-839046