Why the US and Russia Should Support the EU-Armenia Agreement

International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies
(A Division of the Zoryan Institute)

255 Duncan Mill Rd., Suite 310
Toronto, ON, Canada M3B 3H9
Tel: 416-250-9807  Fax: 416-512-1736  E-mail: [email protected]
 

Why the US and Russia Should Support the EU-Armenia Agreement

The European Union (EU) and Armenia signed a Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on November 24, 2017, in the presence of high representatives of both parties.

The US and Russia should support this agreement because Armenia lies along the geopolitical fault lines of two civilizations: the East and the West, Europe and Asia, Christendom and Islam. This agreement enhances the neutrality of Armenia and the security in the region.

The EU will be supporting democratic reforms in governance, the rule of law, the protection of human rights and fundamental freedom, the independence of the judiciary, and the development of public and social institutions in Armenia. CEPA also enables cooperation in the energy, transport, environment and trade sectors.  It also promises improvements in banking, travel and business infrastructures along with investment opportunities and a healthier environment. CEPA does not include free trade arrangements as Armenia is a member of Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).

The road to EU integration enjoys broad consensus among Armenians in the political arena and civil society. Armenia chose this path because it is public knowledge that its discontinuation in 2013 of its newly-minted association with EU was due to clear warnings from Moscow that its security guarantees by Russia would be withdrawn if it proceeded with the association agreement. In fact, Armenia was the first country that experienced strong backlash from Russia in response to its negotiations with EU due to the problems in Ukraine.

Armenia signed this agreement knowing well that it needs the establishment of active bilateral relations with as many countries as feasible to overcome the risk of isolation and garner guarantees for its national security. One presumes that Moscow has been kept informed all along that Yerevan will sign such an Agreement.

Russia holds the keys to Armenia’s security which was solidified by the November 2016 Agreement on the creation of Armenian-Russian Joint Military Forces. Russia also holds the key to the Karabakh issue and energy policies, given the Armenian-Russian gas agreement signed on December 2, 2013, substantially limited Armenia’s options to devise an independent energy policy. Thus, CEPA is a huge step for Armenia to regain space for sovereign decisions and credibility with the international community. 

However, the Russian press, a highly centralized and censored media, reacted negatively to Armenia signing this Agreement. There is nothing in the Agreement that may pose any danger or create tension toward a third party. Armenia, with an improved social contact, a stronger and more independent judiciary and rule of law, fairer business conditions, and modern regulatory frameworks will be a catalyst between the two economic unions. Russian officials such as the Ambassador to Armenia agree with Mr. Zheleznak, a Russian politician of a ruling party who “…supports developing relations and cooperation with others on an open basis and in this context, Armenia is furthering its ties with both Russia and European Union…Wise and balanced policies being implemented in Armenia, that will allow for the greatest use of developmental potential that exists in Armenia.”

If this agreement, which includes duties, obligations and commitments succeeds, it will create opportunities to improve the quality of relations between the East and West. The countries within EAEU, lead by Russia, would equally benefit if Armenia becomes a bridge between the EU and EAEU countries, in trade and development, as this agreement is a test case for co-existence between EU and EAEU.

Similarly, the benefit to the West is best described by Dan Coats, Chief of US National Intelligence, who states: “The main mediators of OSCE-Minsk Group, do not want the resumption of large scale military operation, as this does not meet national, regional and international interests.” The European Union has huge economic interests in Azerbaijan, invested heavily in the country’s energy sector, fears that war between Azerbaijan and Armenia can lead to disruption of supply of oil bypassing Russia. US on the other hand, uses Georgia to pursue its interest in Transcaucasia. The more peace in the region, the more chance that Georgia may become a member of NATO.

The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh is one of the most destabilizing factors in the Caucasus involving regional and international powers. The April 2016 Azerbaijani attempt to break through Armenian defense lines had no effect on the situation as a whole. The present stage of the negotiation process has reached deadlock, politically and militarily. Politically, the conflict is not resolved because the positions of the parties are irreconcilable. War, on the other hand, is unacceptable to the political forces and interests of both regional and international powers. All parties know that the outcome of war is by no means certain. It will involve a huge number of victims and damage to civilian structures.

While Azerbaijan showed the world that it is willing to take the risk of resolving the conflict by military means in April 2016, it too needs peace in the region, despite its belligerent language in its relations with Armenia.

Armenia’s external foreign policy is carried out by establishing active, bilateral relationships with as many countries as feasible, and multilaterally, through participation in international organizations such as the EU and EAEU. Both these approaches are critical for Armenia to earn a measure of respectability in the international system. 

The signing of the CEPA is a milestone for Armenia as it represents a compromise between the old Association Agreement of Europe and Armenia’s new commitment to a Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement. The US and Russia should support the EU-Armenia Agreement (CEPA), invest in Armenia and help it to solve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict peacefully. A prosperous, neutral Armenia, defusing the fault line of tensions and the clash of civilizations, will be a critical component of peace and development



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Azerbaijan Blocks Russian Choice for New Ambassador

 EurasiaNet.org
Nov 30 2017
The Russian embassy in Baku. Chilly relations could be ahead for Azerbaijan and Russia after Azerbaijan blocked Moscow's nominee for its new ambassador to Baku. (photo: Russian Embassy in Baku)

Azerbaijan has rejected Russia's nominee for its new ambassador to Baku, further complicating the difficult ties between the two neighbors.

Russian President Vladimir Putin on November 27 recalled his ambassador to Azerbaijan, Vladimir Dorokhin, who has served in the post since 2009. Dorokhin's presumed successor, Giorgi Zuyev, was nominated in July, apparently without controversy. 

But now it has emerged that Baku has blocked Zuyev's appointment, an unusual move that the generally Russia-friendly news site Regnum.ru says puts the two countries "on the edge of a diplomatic scandal." 

It's not clear why Zuyev — currently the head of the MFA's human resources department — has been blocked. The government-connected news site haqqin.az reported, citing an official from the Russian Foreign Ministry, that it was because of Zuyev's "clearly expressed pro-Armenian position."

But other sources have combed through Zuyev's background and found nothing, either pro- or anti-Armenian, of note. The Russian Foreign Ministry denied haqqin's report. 

"We were surprised to find references to some sources in the Russian MFA in the Azerbaijani press," the MFA told Sputnik Azerbaijan. "We can say with complete certainty that no one in the Russian MFA discussed this topic either with the Azerbaijani or the Russian press."

And another Russian source said Zuyev was not even a candidate to be ambassador, even though that had previously been publicly reported. "As far as I know, the new ambassador will be a diplomat currently serving in another [post-Soviet] country," said Leonid Kalashnikov, the head of the Russian Duma's committee on Commonwealth of Independent States, Eurasian Integration, and Relations with Compatriots. "I don't want to name him ahead of time."

But Azerbaijani sources seem to generally agree that Baku is trying to send a message to Moscow by blocking Zuyev, though it's not clear what exactly that message may be.

"It appears that [Russia's] recent actions, perceived by Baku as anti-Azerbaijani, made the country's leadership choose a way of conveying our displeasure to the Kremlin," wrote Kamal Ali in a commentary for the independent Azerbaijani news agency Turan. 

There is plenty with which Azerbaijan is unhappy lately, Ali continued: "Refusing to accept Zuyev, Baku has responded to the lack of results (for Azerbaijan) of the intensive meetings of [Russian Foreign Minister Sergey] Lavrov with foreign ministers Mammadyarov [of Azerbaijan] and Nalbandian [of Armenia], the Kremlin's apathetic attitude toward the signing of an agreement between Armenia and the European Union, Moscow's declaring 'incorrect' the report on Zvezda TV on the fascism in the party of [Armenian President] Serzh Sargsyan and on the delivery of a new shipment of Russian weapons to the Armenians."

Many Azerbaijanis have claimed that Zuyev is particularly close to Lavrov, who is widely distrusted in Baku for his supposedly pro-Armenian leanings. Lavrov has long been reported to have come up with a new plan to resolve the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan that would involve Russian peacekeepers in the disputed territory of Nagorno Karabakh. That is something neither side wants, but is particularly opposed by Azerbaijan as it would preclude them from fully taking back Karabakh. 

The diplomatic move could be a prelude to more aggressive Azerbaijani actions vis-a-vis Karabakh, wrote Sergey Klimovskiy, a Ukrainian analyst, intriguingly quoted in haqqin

"In Baku they refused to accept the new Russian ambassador Georgi Zuyev because of his clearly expressed pro-Armenian position," Klimovskiy wrote. "This is not a break in diplomatic relations but a perfectly clear hint: Baku is tired of waiting."

Blocking an ambassador like this is rare, but not unprecedented. Just this year Georgia refused to accept Armenia's nominee for its envoy to Tbilisi, Sergey Minasyan, because of fears that Minasyan — a native of the Armenian-majority Georgian region of Samtskhe-Javakheti — harbored some irredentist desires with respect to Georgia. 

Amid all this, Dorokhin — the departing ambassador — wrote a message on the embassy's web page, an unusual step given his generally very low public profile during his tenure in Baku.

"Russia and Azerbaijan are countries different in size, mentality, and culture. We have many varying political interests. And, nevertheless, we have learned to get along with one another," he wrote. "I want to believe that the accumulated experience will be used in the future in the interest of both countries and peoples, in spite of all the difficulties and new challenges."

What’s in the Armenia-EU Enhanced Partnership Agreement?

EU-European-Commission headquarters in Brussels

BY HENRY NIKOGOSYAN
On November 24, Armenia and the EU officially signed the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA).

For Armenia, signing CEPA marks a substantial step toward developing western democratic reforms. The agreement bolsters bilateral relations between the two governments, opening a path to expand economic activity. In return, Armenia has agreed upon fundamental goals that are in the financial, political, and moral interest of the Armenian people.

CEPA’s main points include cooperation on the following:

1. Developing a common defense policy, including various security-building measures and fighting terrorism.

2. Domestic reforms by increasing the effectiveness of democratic institutions, rule of law, respect for human rights, transparency, accountability, progress of legal reform, creation of statistical data for governance, and enhancing the fight against corruption.

3. Developing financial sectors by exchanging expertise and best practices, reforming financial institutions and primary industries (such as energy and agriculture), adopting laws that prevent distortions of fair competition, and facilitating reforms in favor of bilateral investments.

4. Improving research and innovation, employment protection, educational and training systems, environmental protection, and development of widespread availability of information and communication technology.

5. Compliance with international intellectual property regimes.
CEPA is a positives change in the Armenia’s vision for the future. Since 2015, Armenia has been an exclusive participant in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which has come with virtually no economic development and a stagnant GDP.

In short terms, the last three years have been lost.

Prior to joining EAEU, Armenia was in talks with the EU to establish stronger bilateral relations. However, the country’s elite chose to abandon the path to Europe in exchange for greater solidarity with Russia—a concession that was not returned during the April 2016 clashes.

Armenia’s has historically been reluctant to steer far from its northern neighbor. This shift to more constructive policies occurred only after Armenia experienced the extreme pressures of the April clashes, protests, and the hostage crisis. But CEPA is a purely voluntary cooperation, meaning that Armenia can walk away at any time, notwithstanding minimal repercussions under the agreement.

Armenia’s transformation into a true western democracy relies on agreements like CEPA. With participants like Deputy Foreign Minister Garen Nazarian, who is not only a distinguished diplomat of Armenia but also an advocate for human rights, these transformations can succeed.

Maintaining interests to deepen relations with the EU are essential in preventing Armenia from reverting to its prior economic strategy. Creating that interest, without further war, is imperative. And this burden falls on the citizens of Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora.

Livre: Les Arméniens du Liban : cent ans de présence

L' Orient-Le Jour, Liban
Mardi 14 Novembre 2017


Les Arméniens du Liban : cent ans de présence



Vient de paraître
L'ouvrage historique publié aux Presses de l'Université Saint-Joseph a
fait l'objet d'une présentation, vendredi dernier, au Salon du livre
francophone de Beyrouth.

Anne-Marie El-HAGE | OLJ

Cent ans déjà que les Arméniens ont trouvé refuge au Liban, fuyant le
génocide perpétré par l'Empire ottoman.

Que sont-ils devenus au bout d'un siècle ? Quelle a été leur
contribution au développement du Liban ? À ces questions parmi tant
d'autres, qui mettent en exergue la nécessité pour les Arméniens du
Liban de maintenir leur identité arménienne, tout en devenant libanais
à part entière, l'ouvrage historique Les Arméniens du Liban, cent ans
de présence apporte des réponses.

Entrepris par une trentaine de chercheurs sous la direction de
Christine Babikian Assaf, Carla Eddé, Lévon Nordiguian et Vahé
Tachjian, ce livre, publié aux Presses de l'Université Saint-Joseph, a
fait l'objet d'une présentation, vendredi dernier, au Salon du livre
francophone de Beyrouth.

Il fait suite à l'ouvrage Les Arméniens, 1917-1939 : la quête d'un
refuge, publié en 2006 par le même éditeur.

Devant une salle pleine à craquer, les historiens Vahé Tachjian,
Boutros Labaki et Henry Laurens et l'archéologue Lévon Nordiguian ont
tour à tour intervenu dans un débat modéré par Mme Babikian Assaf,
historienne et doyenne de la faculté des lettres et des sciences
humaines de l'USJ.

L'influence arménienne au Liban
Les Arméniens du Liban, cent ans de présence ne peut se lire d'un trait.

Avec ses 500 pages et ses 350 photos, le livre est un concentré de
vies, d'histoires, de thèmes et d'événements.

Composé de quatre grandes parties, non seulement il raconte les
Arméniens dans la cité et se penche sur des parcours collectifs et
individuels, mais il montre la richesse de l'apport des Arméniens,
leur influence sur le plan culturel notamment.

À tel point qu'il décrit Beyrouth comme « capitale culturelle arménienne ».

Des témoignages et récits de vie viennent étayer ce travail
titanesque, parmi lesquels des membres de la communauté arménienne
parfaitement intégrés à la société libanaise, mais aussi d'autres, peu
ou pas intégrés.
La photo occupe une place de choix dans cette recherche à plusieurs mains.

Il faut dire que « les photographes arméniens ont joué un rôle
prépondérant dans la capitale libanaise », explique Lévon Nordiguian.

« Entre le XIXe et le début du XXe siècle, il n'existait pas une ville
du Proche-Orient qui n'abritait pas un ou plusieurs photographes
arméniens », révèle l'archéologue, précisant que Beyrouth était alors
l'une des capitales provinciales de l'Empire ottoman les plus actives.

À titre d'exemple, raconte-t-il, « les frères Sarafian se sont
installés à Beyrouth à partir de 1887, d'abord rue de l'émir Bachir,
puis à Bab Idriss.

En 1920, avec l'arrivée massive des Arméniens fuyant le génocide, ce
quartier était déjà le cœur de la photographie du pays ».

Et d'ajouter que « dans les années soixante, un peu plus de 60 % des
photographes opérant à Beyrouth étaient arméniens ».

« Ils se sont imposés par leur talent et leur savoir-faire »,
observe-t-il, citant quelques photographes arméniens célèbres, comme
Manoug, les frères Jean et Harry Naltchayan, Varoujan...

qui étaient sollicités par les stars, les hommes politiques ou par des
institutions de prestige comme la MEA.

Avec son lot de saccages et de pillages de commerces, la guerre civile
est venue balayer et détruire une grande partie des documents de
l'époque, déplore M.

Nordiguian.

Une richesse pour l'histoire du Liban
L'ouvrage « permet de comprendre la communauté arménienne du Liban »,
fait remarquer à son tour l'historien Vahé Tachjian.

À savoir ses origines, les camps de réfugiés, la vie quotidienne, la
construction progressive des quartiers...

« Des sources écrites sont à la base de ce travail », souligne-t-il,
précisant que « la plupart de ces sources sont rédigées en arménien et
qu'il faut une bonne maîtrise de la langue pour les comprendre ».

Accompagnés de 350 photos rassemblées de diverses sources,
bibliothèques, associations, archives personnelles et universitaires,
les textes permettent de plus, de manière générale, « d'enrichir la
connaissance de l'histoire du Liban », assure M.

Tachjian.

Il illustre ses propos par des photos de groupes d'orphelins à leur
arrivée au Liban en 1920, au port de Beyrouth, ou dans des orphelinats
à Ghazir, Antélias, Jbeil, Saïda et au Chouf.

Des photos qui montrent également d'anciennes demeures, palais,
paysages ou lieux emblématiques libanais.
« Ma famille a été témoin des massacres d'Adana en 1920 et mon oncle
figure parmi les victimes », révèle de son côté l'historien Boutros
Labaki, dont le grand-père originaire de Baabdate avait émigré en
Cilicie.

Sur l'arrivée au Liban de la famille de son père après la déportation,
il observe qu'elle « parlait le turc et un peu l'arménien ».

Et d'observer que dans les années cinquante, lors de la campagne
électorale, les discours électoraux commençaient en arménien et se
poursuivaient en turc.

« La communauté arménienne était surtout turcophone à l'époque », explique-t-il.

Et d'observer que le Liban est le pays où les Arméniens ont le mieux
réussi à conserver leur identité.

« Le système communautaire libanais repose sur l'indépendance des
communautés, note-t-il.

Les Arméniens ont su épouser ce système qui leur assurait une
participation à la vie politique et leur permettait de préserver la
langue arménienne au sein de leurs écoles.

»
L'historien français Henry Laurens salue enfin l'ouvrage qui, à partir
d'une trentaine d'études, « permet d'identifier l'évolution d'un
groupe de réfugiés sur des décennies ».

« Un livre nécessaire, mais à la fois splendide par son iconographie,
d'une richesse telle qu'on pourrait passer des heures rien qu'à
regarder les photos », souligne-t-il.

Il précise que « le travail, comme tout ce qui est libanais, relève à
la fois du particulier et de l'universel ».

Le professeur Laurens, qui avoue « ne pas connaître le sujet alors
qu'il est historien », se penche sur le processus « d'arménisation »
des réfugiés arméniens à leur arrivée au Liban.

« La grande masse était turcophone.

Il était impensable qu'elle continue à parler la langue de
l'oppresseur, quitte à perdre sa langue », conclut-il, constatant que
la transformation s'est opérée en deux ou trois générations.

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Art: Jewish and Armenian Artifacts on Display Jointly at Manoogian Museum

The Armenian Mirror-Spectator
Nov 16 2017


Yerevan-Tehran Cooperation Poses No Setback for Ties Between Armenia, Israel – Nalbandian

Sputnik News Service, Russia
 Saturday 12:05 AM UTC


Yerevan-Tehran Cooperation Poses No Setback for Ties Between Armenia,
Israel - Nalbandian



YEREVAN, November 11 (Sputnik) - The cooperation between Yerevan and
Tehran poses no obstacles to the bilateral relations between Armenia
and Israel, Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian said.

"I don’t think this is an obstacle in our bilateral relations with
Israel as the relations of Israel with any neighbouring country of
Armenia is not an obstacle," Nalbandian said in an interview with the
Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation, issued on the Foreign
Ministry's website.

Nalbandian added that Iran and Armenia have established good relations
and cooperate in multiple areas. Commenting on the issue of reciprocal
opening of embassies by Israel and Armenia, the foreign minister said
that Yerevan would immediately follow Israel's example.

"Our position was very clear: as soon as Israel will open an embassy
in Armenia, we will reciprocate and open an Embassy in Israel,"
Nalbandian told the broadcaster.

On November 6-7, Nalbandian paid an official visit to Israel at the
invitation of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The relations between Israel and Iran have been strained since the
Iranian Revolution in the late 1970s. The ties are overshadowed by a
number of issues, including Tehran's nuclear and missile programs
accompanied by controversial anti-Israeli statements made by
high-ranking Iranian officials, such as former Iranian President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Armenian patriarchal locum tenens Archbishop Bekchyan to clarify upcoming steps – Bagrat Estukyan

Armenpress News Agency , Armenia
October 31, 2017 Tuesday


Armenian patriarchal locum tenens Archbishop Bekchyan to clarify
upcoming steps – Bagrat Estukyan



YEREVAN, OCTOBER 31, ARMENPRESS. Istanbul’s Armenian patriarchal locum
tenens Archbishop Garegin Bekchyan will make certain clarifications
over his future steps today, in the evening of October 31.

Bagrat Estukyan, editor-in-chief of the Armenian language department
of Istanbul’s Agos newspaper, told ARMENPRESS, that Bekchyan is
already in Istanbul, he returned from Germany on October 30.

“As you know, while Bekchyan was not in Istanbul, three members of the
Initiative group engaged in organizing the election of the Armenian
patriarch, have resigned. Archbishop Bekchyan arrived in Istanbul
yesterday evening, but at the moment there is no clarification over
the upcoming steps. Later today Agos colleagues will meet with him in
order to understand what is he thinking about and what steps he will
take”, Bagrat Estukyan said.

While in Germany Archbishop Bekchyan said he wants to personally meet
with the Istanbul Governor to present his views on the process. Asked
whether this still will take place, Estukian said it perhaps will not.

Syrian army retakes IS-held city as Iraqis also advance

The Syrian army has retaken Deir al-Zour, the last major stronghold of so-called Islamic State (IS) in Syria, state TV says.

Other reports said the Syrian army and its allies were clearing the last pockets of resistance from IS.

IS had held most of the city since 2014. It was important because of its proximity to the border with Iraq.

Meanwhile Iraqi forces have entered one of the last towns under IS control on the other side of the border.

Some 350,000 civilians in Syria’s Deir al-Zour province have been forced to flee their homes during weeks of fighting.

Greg Asbed ’85 named MacArthur Fellow

The Brown Daily Herald: Brown University
 Tuesday


Greg Asbed '85 named MacArthur Fellow

by Dylan Clark
The MacArthur Foundation

Greg Asbed '85 plans to channel the funds from the grant into the
Coalition of Immokalee Workers, a farmworker-based human rights
organization located in Immokalee, Florida, that he founded.

Greg Asbed '85 was recently named one of this year's 24 MacArthur
Fellows. The achievement, often referred to as the "genius grant,"
comes with an award of $625,000 spread over five years. The money is
awarded based on three main criteria: "exceptional creativity, promise
for important future advances based on a track record of significant
accomplishments (and) potential for the fellowship to facilitate
subsequent creative work," according to the MacArthur Foundation
website.

The MacArthur Fellows Program has been active since 1981.
Approximately 1,000 people have been recognized as MacArthur Fellows,
19 of whom have been affiliated with the University. Each fellow is
nominated by individuals selected by the foundation. Approximately
2,000 nominees are further reviewed by a selection board before the
final few are chosen and notified of their award.

Asbed received the call notifying him of the award the day before
Hurricane Irma hit Florida, and he "was busy screwing plywood over our
windows when it came in, which made it all the more surreal," Asbed
wrote in an email to The Herald.

Though the money was granted directly to Asbed, he plans on funneling
all of the funds into the Coalition of Immokalee Workers, the
organization he founded over two decades ago.

The CIW is a "farmworker-based human rights organization" that,
through advocacy, corporate campaigns, anti-slavery investigations and
community organizing, addresses the human rights crises in the
agricultural industry, Asbed wrote. His wife, Laura Germino '84,
directs the organization's anti-slavery program.

In 2011, the CIW - located in Immokalee, Florida - developed a
corporate responsibility campaign called the Fair Food Program. The
FFP has partnered with 14 multi-billion dollar companies - including
McDonald's, Walmart and Whole Foods, among others - that require their
produce suppliers to implement a human-rights-based code of conduct.
In addition, these companies agree to pay an extra penny per pound of
produce purchased from suppliers, which go directly into the farmers'
paychecks, according to the CIW's website.

The FFP has "put a stop to longstanding abuses like violence against
women, wage theft and even forced labor in the Florida tomato
industry," Asbed wrote. The program has been adopted by other groups
along the U.S. east coast and is "expanding into strawberries and
other crops, covering 35,000 (people) with its groundbreaking
protections," he added.

"Brown graduates make transformative contributions that build
understanding, influence policy and advance important movements that
are shaping the world," wrote Brian Clark, University spokesperson, in
an email to The Herald. "The work by ... Greg Asbed and Laura Germino
...  is among the most extraordinary examples of this - the MacArthur
Fellowship is testament to the tremendous impact they have had
advocating for the rights to fair working conditions for farm
laborers."

Asbed's work has been influenced in "a very round-about way" by his
time at Brown, he wrote.

Graduating with a degree in Neuroscience, Asbed planned on joining the
field after college. His education instilled in him the "willingness
to throw a beloved theory, or ideology or methodology away and to
focus only on what actually works, (which) is a hallmark of the hard
sciences, but not so much of the field of social change," Asbed said.

His plans changed after he spent three years in Haiti working for the
Papaye Peasant Movement, a grass-roots organization that aims to
support workers and reduce their dependency on outside aid.

Asbed cited the story of his grandmother, who survived the Armenian
Genocide, as another reason for his passion toward human rights.

"Through her struggle to survive that nightmare, she managed not only
to pass her DNA down to me but also a deep and abiding appreciation
for the importance of universal human rights," he wrote.

Asbed was nominated as a MacArthur Fellow by Kerry Kennedy '81 P'17
P'20, president of Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights - an organization
that provides assistance to other human rights groups around the
world. They worked together after the CIW won the RFK Human Rights
Award in 2003.

"We were so deeply impressed by the transformational work that ...
they were doing to empower farmworkers," Kennedy said.

RFK Human Rights went on to help the CIW secure partnerships for the
FFP. "I've marched with them all over the country," Kennedy added.
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Sports: Manchester United star Henrikh Mkhitaryan apologises after Armenia’s humiliating defeat

Manchester Evening News, UK
Oct 6 2017

Man Utd midfielder Henrikh Mkhitaryan was at a loss to explain Armenia's humiliating 6-1 defeat to Poland.

ByCiaran Kelly

Henrikh Mkhitaryan has taken 'all responsibility' for Armenia's embarrassing 6-1 defeat at the hands of Poland in Yerevan on Thursday night.

Armenia have endured a difficult World Cup qualifying campaign and currently lie in fifth place in Group E ahead of basement boys Kazakhstan.

Artur Petrosyan's side have failed to win a qualifier since March and were put to the sword by Robert Lewandowski, who became Poland's all-time top scorer after bagging a hat-trick.

Mkhitaryan, Armenia's captain and all-time top scorer, was at a loss to explain how his side were so comprehensively outclassed.

"Problems are everywhere," he said after the humiliating defeat.

"We must do everything to ensure that this does not happen again in the match against Kazakhstan. There are no words.

"It was a shameful defeat. I am the captain of the team, and I undertake all responsibility for defeat from Poland."

Armenia, who are condemned to finish in fifth place in the group, head to Kazakhstan for their final World Cup qualifier on Sunday as they look to salvage some pride.

Mkhitaryan scored his only goal of the qualification campaign against Kazakhstan in a 2-0 win seven months ago.