Author: Frangulian Shushan

Almendhar, Iraq
Aug 18 2005

Would the Permanent Constitution Solve the Problem of Regime in Iraq?

A fast review of the drafts that were published by some Iraqi and
Arab newspapers have disclosed some dilemmas and problems of
political and legal nature, especially as some drafts came as an
expression for what is short-termed and temporary at the expense of
what is strategic and long-termed. In addition, some of them came as
a reaction to former conditions, not for considerations of
constitutional dimensions that are necessitated by the contemporary
state.

As regards the ‘new’ un-timed mines and bombs, in addition to what
has been stated in the interim state administration code, they are:

1. The relation between religion and the state: Is Iraq actually ‘an
Islamic republic’ as stated in the chapter of fundamental principles?

It is worth mentioning that the religionization of the state at the
expense of its civil nature would leave its traces and legal and
political traces on the state and its future.

2. Sectarianism of the state and community: For the first time,
sectarianism would be officially adopted instead of equivocation, as
it was in the former racial laws. It seems that the strategy of Paul
Bremer, the American civil governor in Iraq has infected the
permanent constitution, as the draft has included the phrase “the
Islamic identity of the majority of Iraqi people (with its Shiite and
Sunni majority)” (Article 2 Chapter 1). Under the sectarian strain
and the ethnic tension, the legislator should have plainly and
clearly stated ‘the impermissibility of sectarianism and punishing
those who practice, or call for, or promote, or harbor it, based on
the constitutional concepts on which the contemporary state is based
on, especially the principles of equality and non-discrimination.

3. Ethnic division and conceptual confusion between nationalism and
religion: The constitution has coined that the Arabs and Kurds are
“two major races”, and has coined “basic races for the Turkmen,
Chaldeans, Assyrians, Armenians, Shabaks and Persians.” Then it moved
to the Yezidi and Sabaen Mandaen religions (Article 3). It can be
stated that the Iraqi people consist of two major races “Arabs and
Kurds”, in addition to other racial, and linguistic and religious
races, then stating them by name. The constitution guarantees their
rights, pursuant to the UN Convention for the Protection of National
Minorities for 1992, and the International Convention on Human
Rights, on basis of full parity, equality and citizenship.

4. Iraqi’s relation with Arabization is afloat: The legislator did
not desire to state that Iraq is a part of the Arab nation, while it
is a founding member of the Arab League, and is adhering to its
conventions and treaties, due to the related ethical considerations
and legal liability. The text came general and descriptive without
any obligation, “The Iraqi state is a part of the Arab and Islamic
worlds.” (Article 5)
5. Political Seclusion: The constitution project has prohibited
racism, expiation and terrorism, which is a clear and justified
matter, especially due to the plain and clear calls for
criminalization, conviction and hatred, in addition to the terrorist
practices of extremist radical forces. Nevertheless, the legislator
was not satisfied with that, but connected it to the Saddami Baath,
which should be a part of the political diversity of the state
(Article 11). In case the punishment of the criminals of the former
regime is a legal and legitimate matter, the non-criminals would be
included in the constitution in political alienation, including a
great number of the members and cadres of Baath Party, who were
opposing the policies of the former regime, from within the same
party.

This text reminds us of the decisions of the former revolution
council. On March 21, 1980, the council has issued a decision (law)
that prescribes the impermissibility of joining the (agent), as
stated in the text, Islamic Da’wa Party, and rules with death
sentence for all its members. The decision even went further to
punish those former members, upon retroactive force.

Prohibiting Baghdad Alliance, Nouri Al Sa’ed’s government has issued
laws that prohibit the communist activities, and the like,
considering them as destructive activities.

The Baathi government of February 8th has issued a statement during
the first few hours of the coupe de tat, known as (Statement no.13),
which called for eradicating the communists.

The matter appears not to be restricted to laws, as some forces have
practiced banning the activities of others through their influence
over the street, the intellectual terrorism and exploiting the state
authorities, as occurred in 1959 on behalf of the communists against
the nationalists and Baathis.

The Kurdish movement has always been among the victims of banning and
discrimination, to the extent of issuing a general amnesty for the
armed Kurds, of which the former president Saddam Hussein has
excluded the current president Jalal Al Talebani.

The matter is not the issue of a law or the existence of a
constitutional text for eradication, banning or discharging. Ideas
can only be fought with ideas, evidence can never be refuted except
with evidence, and opinion can oppose another, not by the power of
law or chasing ideas. As for criminals, we would say that making
decisions on them is the competence of courts and judiciary
decisions.

6. The role of religious reference: The constitution project stated
“its independence and guidance status, for its being an eminent
national and religious symbol. (Article 15)

Here, we should stress that the reference is not only one, as it is
diverse and numerous. Despite the fact that the text induces the idea
of “the supreme reference” in the Islamic Republic of Iran or “the
committee for diagnosing the interest of the regime”, it does not
state it frankly. These are elected entities that the constitution
puts at a sublime elite status, and would have eventually the right
to make the decisions. In case Imam Al Khomeini has requested for the
rule of the jurist (Wilayat Al Faqih) through his political role, Mr.

Al Sestani desired or was granted a role (which he might not have a
great desire for), through his spiritual reference. Nevertheless, he
has retreated in a significant interview with Germany’s Der Shpigel
magazine has quoted his clear and plain talk when he called the
Shiite scholars not to occupy political positions or play a key
political role.

A question might pop up for the readers: How many references do we
have? (After asking: What is a reference and what is its role?). The
Shiaas have their references and so do the Sunnis, all Christian
sects, the Yezidis, the Sabaens and others.

In case we supposed that ‘Al Alamia, Al Zuhd and Al Haida’ are within
the reference, then what about if they interfered in the political
affairs and have promoted for this team or that group or person?

There might be many criticisms that emerged during the elections on
January 2005, when Al Sayyid Ali Al Sestani’s name and images were
used, and the denial of supporting this slate was not up to the level
of responsibility necessitated by the status of the reference.

However, the references and Hawzas should not be exploited for
political propaganda or promoting for this or that political party.

In addition, how can we deal with the reference in case it protected
‘corrupters’ or did not confront them, especially those acted
fruadently with the rights and money of the state, community and
citizens, in the past and present?

What if the references have been negligent and delayed a great
crucial matter that is relating to the destiny of the homeland, such
as the situation towards the occupation and fighting it? What if its
estimations were mistaken and wrong? The reference has previously
adopted stands that have aroused division in the Iraqi street. As
long as we are weak humans, we can make mistakes. Nevertheless, heavy
weight negligence or mistakes, as they say, are not similar to the
wrong estimations of regular people.

7. The legal identity of sacred thresholds: The state should stress
their sacredness and protect them. The text also induces the demands
of some Iraqi and non-Iraqi Shiite Islamic forces for the necessity
of placing the sacred thresholds under international supervision,
which would lead to dishonoring Iraqi sovereignty. It is a
coincidence that the post-occupation governments are the ones that
most violate the holiness of the sacred thresholds. They have
cordoned Imam Ali’s shrine (PBUH) in Najaf, have raided Al Sayyid
Muqtada Al Sadr’s group in the sacred Al Haidari’s shrine, and have
bombed the returning people from Muslim Ibn Aqil’s shrine in Kufa.

These confrontations and violations remind us of what Hussein Kamal
did in Imam Al Hussein’s shrine in Karbala in 1991.

The sacred shrines are public facilities that have their special
status and holiness for great classes of Iraqi and non-Iraqi Muslims.

The state should protect, maintain and develop them, in addition to
improving their mortmain system that they were annexed to in 1997.

Unfortunately, the sectarian division of the civil governor Paul
Bremer has extended to the mortmain ministry, dividing it into
“Shiite Mortmain” and “Sunni Mortmain”, after being only one
ministry.

8. Fear of the issue of population housing that is harming the
demographic environment in Iraq: (Section C, Article 4, Chapter 2).

The matter is not concerned with the settlement of Turks from Turkey,
or Kurds from Turkey, or Iran, or Syria, or Iranian or Bahraini or
Saudi Shiaas, it is related to the Palestinians. Some identities have
expressed panic from the settlement as it would lead to changing the
sectarian structure. The rejection of the principle of settlement is
not for preliminary considerations relating to the rights of the
Palestinian Arab people.

9. Women’s rights: which the state guarantees, pursuant to the
provisions of Islamic Sharia, as stated in the draft. It is a new
indirect attempt against law no. 188 for 1959, which has granted
broad rights for women, and has been rejected at that time on behalf
of many unsuccessful religious and traditional media. There were
attempts to cancel it in the interim governing council. Many laws
that treat women fairly, but they were frozen and nullified, due to
the wars and siege. The former regime has issued several retarded
laws that dealt with women’s rights, including the attenuated
penalties for murdering women for disgrace and the return of some old
clannish traditions.

There are currently several worries including: subjugating women’s
rights and freedom to limitations, designated in the name of Sharia.

The explanations and interference of interpreters are included.

Therefore, the issue of marriage, divorce and heritage are not remote
from the dominance of clergymen, which sets pressure on the idea of
civil marriage and equal rights stated in international conventions
with regard to women’s rights and preventing all forms of
discrimination against them.

10. Regions and their competence: Chapter 4 (Article 2) of the
constitution project has given the right to two or more provinces to
create a region and gave the region a right to draft a constitution
and approve it upon absolute majority (Article 7). It also gave the
president of the region the right of representing his region abroad
(Article 14). The legislator should have stressed the competence,
i.e. rights and duties, of Kurdistan region (in specific) as it is a
realistic not hypothetical situation. It has actually existed for
years. The Kurds have clearly crystallized their demands. Discussions
and debate might not be on the principle but on the limits and
competence of the regional authorities, the competence of its
non-central institutions, the right means for settling the postponed
Kirkuk problem, and the relation of the region with the federal
authority.

As for speaking of federations and regions for two or more provinces,
under a perplexed situation and the occupation, it might give some
adventurers and greedy persons the opportunity to exploit such hard
conditions, especially by accelerating the sectarian strain and
tension to drive matters towards division and fragmentation. This
serves old Zionist plans; especially as the heritage of the strict
oppressive central regime still have their heavy nightmares and
bitter experience.

The form, structure and competence of the federal system, which is
stated in the drafts is closer to entities, on their way to
separation, or at least it would be possible in case these regions
desire that, especially as the constitution project does not clearly
state the singularity of foreign representation, and international
and diplomatic relations, in addition to the issue of resources,
general budget, currency and armed forces, which arouse such doubts.

***

This mine might be the most dangerous, after the sectarianism, in
case it aggravated and exploded. The issue is not related to
Kurdistan region, which is a legal and political entity since the law
of self government for 1974 (despite its missing points and great
gaps), the broad and semi-complete independence during the period of
late 1991 until 2003, but the supposed form of the region and the
political projects behind it.

The permanent constitution has added to the complexity of the old
governing problem and filled it with doubts, skepticism and confusing
texts.

An Iraqi writer and thinker
Al Hayat

Taz, die tageszeitung
11. August 2005

Bremen Choir workshop for Armenian Genocide to include Armenians &
Turks: But search for Turkish singers becomes difficult

“Es ist richtig, den ersten Schritt zu tun”;
Die Bremer Chorwerkstatt will mit dem Armenischen Oratorium an den
Völkermord von 1915 erinnern: gemeinsam mit Türken und Armeniern.
Doch die Suche nach türkischen SängerInnen gestaltet sich schwierig –
und ist ein Lernprozess für den Chor

von Friederike Gräff

Die Bremer Chorwerkstatt will mit dem Armenischen Oratorium an den
Völkermord von 1915 erinnern: gemeinsam mit Türken und Armeniern.
Doch die Suche nach türkischen SängerInnen gestaltet sich schwierig –
und ist ein Lernprozess für den Chor

Bremen – “Ein bisschen enttäuscht” sei man, sagt Kurt Sommer vom
Vorstand der Bremer Chorwerkstatt. “Aber nicht entmutigt”, setzt er
noch dazu. Also probt der Chor weiter für den November, wenn er das
“Armenische Oratorium” zum Gedenken an den Völkermord von 1915
aufführen will. Nur eben ohne türkische Sängerinnen und Sänger, wie
eigentlich gedacht. Denn der einzige türkische Interessent hat sich
inzwischen verabschiedet. “Er sagte, er hätte keine Zeit”, erklärt
Sommer, aber es klingt nicht so, als glaube wirklich daran.

Die Verbindung von politischer Einmischung und Musik ist Programm bei
der Bremer Chorwerkstatt. Seit 1981 widmen sie sich dem
“gesellschaftlich orientieren Liedgut”, so haben sie es auf ihrem
Flugblatt formuliert. Das reichte in der Vergangenheit von einer
Sozialgeschichte des Kaffees bis zum Gedenken an die
Reichsprogromnacht. Das armenische Oratorium hat Kurt Sommer zum
ersten Mal bei einem befreundeten Chor in Groningen gehört. 1999
haben es die Bremer bei einem Konzert zum Thema Völkermord schon
einmal aufgeführt. Jetzt möchte es der Chor wieder aufnehmen: “Es
gibt ausgesprochene Liebhaber des Oratoriums”, sagt Sommer. Dazu
gehört auch er selbst, der anschaulich von der Schönheit der
orientalischen Instrumente schwärmt, wie der des Dudeks, einer
armenischen Oboe, die aus Aprikosenholz angefertigt wird und ein
Rosenholz-Doppelblatt besitzt, wie Sommer erklärt.

Doch zumindest nach außen steht die polititsche Dimension der
Aufführung im Vordergrund: In diesem Jahr jährt sich

der Völkermord an den Armeniern zum neunzigsten Mal. Und im Herbst
sollen die EU-Aufnahmeverhandlungen mit der Türkei beginnen. In sein
Flugblatt hat der Chor noch recht selbstbewusst geschrieben: “Da eine
solche Mitgliedschaft ohne die Verwirklichung der Menschenrechte und
die Anerkennung des Genozids undenkbar ist, soll die Aufführung des
Oratoriums zum notwendigen Diskussions- und Aussöhnungsprozess
beitragen”.

Um sowohl türkische als auch armenische und kurdische Sängerinnen und
Sänger zu finden, hat der Chor eine Anzeige geschaltet. “Daraufhin
passierte erst einmal gar nichts”, sagt Kurt Sommer. Erst über
persönliche Kontakte sind eine Armenierin und zwei Kurdinnen zum Chor
gestoßen. Und jener türkische Musiker, den seine Frau nach einer
Probe wegen Zeitmangels entschuldigen ließ. “Ich habe keine Zeit”,
erklärt Zehki Kara dazu am Telefon. Viel mehr möchte er nicht dazu
sagen. “Ich bin Musiker und habe kein Interesse an Politik”. Aber
dann sagt er doch noch, dass er kein Problem mit dem Projekt habe,
wohl aber damit, dass die Schuld am armenischen Genozid immer nur den
Türken gegeben werde. “Die andere Seite hat auch viel Schuld”.

So hat die Bremer Chorwerkstatt nur einen türkischen Sänger: Can
Tufan, türkischer Zypriot und jahrelang Leiter des
griechisch-türkischen Solidaritätschors. “Es wäre nicht das erste
Mal, dass er Druck von der Masse bekommt”, sagt Kurt Sommer. “Aber er
ist schon so lange hier, er steht darüber”. Tufan war es auch, der
dem Chor riet, sich mit dem türkischen Journalisten Orhan Calisir zu
treffen. “Ihr müsst euch nicht wundern, wenn keine Türken zu euch
kommen”, hat Calisir gesagt. Denn das Flugblatt sei viel zu fordernd
formuliert. Und Sommer gibt ihm Recht. “Wenn man mit Leuten ins
Gespräch kommen will, kann man nicht gleich Bedingungen stellen”. Im
neuen Flugblatt fehlt der Passus zu den EU-Beitritts-Verhandlungen
und den erforderlichen Schritten in der Türkei. Neue türkische
Interessenten haben sich dennoch nicht gemeldet.

Doch der Chor lässt sich nicht entmutigen: “Wir waren und sind ein
bisschen naiv”, sagt Kurt Sommer. “Aber es ist richtig, den ersten
Schritt zu tun und deshalb versuchen wir es immer noch.”

–Boundary_(ID_mZ5sAN64wo7Wj6H7eBufQg)–

TURKISH CITIZEN ONLY ACCEPTS CHARGE OF ATTEMPTED SMUGGLING

YEREVAN, AUGUST 12, NOYAN TAPAN. Ektan Turkyilmaz, a Turkish citizen,
accepted partly the charge brought against him. Responding a question
asked in the court, he stated at the August 12 court sitting that he
accepts a charge of attempted smuggling but not a charge of smuggling.

“My guilt might have come from ignorance of the Armenian laws, I never
intended to break the Armenian laws and do any harm to the Armenian
people,” the accused said. The witness Hayk Meliksetian, a customs
employee at Zvartnots Airport, stated that there is a list of items
subject to declaration at the entrance of the customs zone, and any
citizen carrying an item indicated in the list must go through the
so-called red zone. The Turkish citizen, however, went through the
green zone. In the witness’s words, E. Turkyilmaz was just “ignorant
of the law.” Several booksellers, from whom the Turkish citizen had
purchased books, testified in the court. In particular, the witness
Babken Sakanian said that E. Turkyilmaz was interested in books of
the 1600s-1700s and made purchases (in drams) of a total of 3,200
dollars. Another bookseller Arsen Harutyunian confirmed his
preliminary evidence, according to which the Turkish citizen was
showing interest in books on the Armenian Genocide, Armenology as well
as books printed early. According to the witness, E. Turkyilmaz
admitted the fact of the Armenian Genocide in a private talk they
had. The accused made a gesture in the courtroom showing that he
recognizes the Armenian Genocide. The witnesses will continue
testifying at the next court sitting on August 15. To recap, on June
17, 2005, the employees of the RA national security bodies found, as a
result of operative measures at Zvartnots Airport, 110 books printed
in the 17-20 centuries, manuscripts, maps, magazines, brochures,
including 89 ones of historical and cultural value, in the luggage of
Ektan Turkyilmaz, a Tirkish citizen of Kurdish descent, 33, a
post-graduate student at the “Duke” University, who was going to take
a Yerevan-Stambul flight. He made an attempt to smuggle the
abovementioned items out of Armenia, trying to hide them from customs
control.

RESULTS OF PROGRAMMERS’ CONTEST SUMMED UP IN YEREVAN

YEREVAN, August 10. /ARKA/. The results of the programmers’ contest
have been summed up in Yerevan. Director of the “Enterprises
Incubator” Foundation Bagrat Yengibaryan said at the award ceremony
that the professionalism of the participants has improved this
year. He said that many young programmers participate in the contest
not for the first time, and they have some experience. “It is
surprising, but there was a stubborn struggle for the second place,
which was not registered last year. That is why we have five teams
ranked second this year”, Yengibaryan said.

The winners were awarded based on the individual and team rounds
results. Vahe Musoyan, who is 16 years old, was ranked first in
individual round (we also was the first in 2004). The sponsors
instituted the following prizes for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd places: PDA
(personal digital assistant), digital camera and free Internet access
during the year (depends on the rank).

Executive Director of the Pan-Armenian Youth Center Armen Sinanyan
reported that the money prizes were reduced due to the number of the
winners. He said that the team ranked 1st will receive USD 210, the
2nd – USD 120 and the 3rd – USD 90 in AMD equivalent.

The contest is organized by the EIF, Pan-Armenian Youth International
Center and the Union of the IT Enterprises of Armenia (UITE). The
contest is sponsored by Synopsys, Unicomp and CIT companies, which
have provided additional awards for the participants.

This is the 3rd contest of young people interested in programming. The
first contest was held in Yerevan in 2002. A.A. -0–

UNPO, Netherlands
Aug 8 2005

Abkhazia and Georgia: Ready to ride on the Peace Train?

Spanning the Inguri River near Zugdidi are the rusty remains of the
Sochi-Tbilisi railway bridge. For 13 years, its demolition has meant
the severance of economic and communicative ties between Georgia and
the breakaway territory of Abkhazia, as well as the disruption of
rail trade between Armenia and Russia. Talks about reopening the line
between Tbilisi and Abkhazia’s capital, Sokhumi, first started seven
years ago, but only recently have both sides earnestly engaged in
discussions to make these plans a reality.
In Abkhazia, the restoration of the railway is viewed with hope,
doubt and fear. De facto Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Shamba
believes in the best-case scenario: a railway completion agreement
could be reached at the end of 2005 — providing “conflicts of
interest in Tbilisi don’t prevent it,” he stated in an interview with
EurasiaNet. “There are political forces in Tbilisi who would not like
to see the railway project be completed,” Shamba stated. “But I feel
[Georgian State Minister for Conflict Resolution] Giorgi Khaindrava
is a man we can talk with.”

Under the terms of a July 19 agreement reached in Sokhumi by Georgia,
Abkhazia and Russia, a 41-person commission will begin inspecting the
condition of the railway on August 9 as a first step toward reopening
the line. A full report on the commission’s work is slotted for
October 1.

Relations between Georgia and Abkhazia appear to be slowly warming.
United Nations-mediated talks held in Tbilisi on August 4 between
Abkhazia and Georgia were deemed “constructive” by both sides. The
discussions reportedly covered only general topics, but were
presented as a potential launch pad for more detailed negotiations in
future. “A constructive dialogue between Tbilisi and Sokhumi should
be continued,” the Russian news agency Interfax quoted Khaindrava as
saying.

Much touted in Georgia as a potential benefit of rapprochement, the
railway project appears to have much support in Sokhumi, too, but
according to Shamba, there are people who feel the railway could be a
threat to national security. Securing and protecting the railroad was
Georgian Defense Minister Tenghiz Kitovani’s pretext for sending the
Georgian National Guard into Abkhazian territory in 1992 while
fighting a civil war with forces loyal to deposed Georgian President
Zviad Gamsakhurdia.

“We remember how Georgia had planned to use the railway in 1992 to
deploy troops and equipment overnight to three locations into
Abkhazia and seize it,” commented Shamba. “If the Zviadists hadn’t
blown the bridge, they may have succeeded.”

A series of explosions in Ochamchira, a Black Sea port city between
Gali and Sukhumi, on March 24, 2002 has kept that nervousness alive.
The blasts destroyed a commuter train and the rail station, killing
three people and wounding 28. The explosions were blamed on Georgia,
which categorically denied them.

To secure the safety of the railway, initial plans would have Halo
Trust, a British non-governmental organization that removes
unexploded ordnance and clears landmines, complete de-mining the
line. Abkhazia would guarantee security from Ochamchira north to the
Russian border and Russian peacekeepers from Ochamchira to Gali, at
the border with Georgia.

At this point, only freight will be transported. Among numerous other
issues, carrying passengers would require rebuilding the destroyed
stations of Gali and Ochamchira. Before the war, both stations were
bustling with activity. Today, the Ochamchira station is in the same
state as it was after the 2002 bombing, while Gali is a
post-apocalyptic testament to the ravages of war.

In addition, 60 kilometers of track, between Zugdidi, administrative
center of the Georgian region of Samegrelo, and Ochamchira have been
removed from the railroad and sold for scrap metal. One hundred
million dollars will be needed to repair the stretch, according to
Georgian and Abkhazian officials’ estimates.

If and when completed, the railroad will comply with the 2003 Sochi
agreement between Russian President Vladimir Putin and former
Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze, which calls for the return of
Georgian refugees to the Gali region, modernization of the Ingurhesi
hydroelectric plant and reopening of the railroad. While negotiators
are addressing all three issues, some modifications have been made.
Georgia, for one, has agreed to repudiate its condition of a
simultaneous return of Georgian refugees to the Gali region.

Customs issues have also been discussed, but not yet resolved. In his
interview, Shamba dismissed this obstacle by focusing on the benefits
the railway will provide. ” We have been cut off from each other for
too long. Communication links will resume. We will be able to start
reconciling the conflicts in the Caucasus. And as the world is now
connected, we, too, must consider the economic development for the
Caucasus. The railway will create an entrepreneurial zone.”

Both Georgian and Abkhaz residents of Abkhazia appear to support this
idea. “Any means to develop a bridge of communication is a good
thing,” said one Georgian from Gali who gave his name as Besik B. “We
want peace. The railroad is a link to peace.”

That view was echoed by de facto Deputy Foreign Minister Maxim
Gunjia, who described the railway as an option for greater regional
cooperation. “We wouldn’t need the EU [European Union] or the CIS
[Commonwealth of Independent States] if we had a Transcaucasus
Federation where borders would be open, electricity shared — an
economically united union.”

Others see a restored railroad as essential if Abkhazia will not fall
even further behind into economic isolation. “It’s the 21st century
and look at how we have to transport ourselves!” exclaimed one man as
he crossed the railroad bridge between Georgia and Abkhazia.

The decrepit bridge across the Inguri has been rigged with planks and
cables, providing residents with a precarious, yet unrestricted means
for travel between the two territories. With the exception of the
Russian peacekeeping forces, there are no border checkpoints.

Nevertheless, some Abkhazians like Nugzar O., a resident of Gali, see
the railway as just another political promise. “They say the railway
will help the country . . . we’ll see if they ever build it or not.”

Lraper Church Bulletin 07/08/2005
Contact: Deacon Vagharshag Seropyan
Armenian Patriarchate
TR-34130 Kumkapi, Istanbul
T: +90 (212) 517-0970, 517-0971
F: +90 (212) 516-4833, 458-1365
[email protected]

FOUR NEW PRIESTS ORDAINED IN JOYOUS ATMOSPHERE

Photos at (English page)

On the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith),
Thursday 28 July 2005, following Matins, the bells of the Armenian
Church of the Holy Mother of God in Besiktas rang in festive joy, as
a procession headed by the Cross led His Beatitude Mesrob II,
Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul and All Turkey through the crowd of
believers who packed the nave and the two galleries of the church in
the stifling, humid heat.  Assisting Patriarch Mesrob were the Revd.
Fathers Tatul Anusyan, Goryun Fenerciyan, Deacons Vahe Islemeciyan,
Setrak Davuthan, Roy Kucukates and a group of young acolytes. The
polyphonic setting of the liturgical hymns by Gomidas was sung by a
male choir of thirty singers directed by the Revd. Dr. Krikor
Damatyan. His Grace Archbishop Shahan Sivaciyan, Patriarchal Vicar,
and the Revd. Fr. John Whooley of the Roman Catholic Diocese of
Westminster, England, together with the members of all the Armenian
parishes in Istanbul assisted in the chancel.

LAYING ON OF HANDS

Patriarch Mesrob celebrated the Divine Liturgy until the end of the
Great Litany of the Synaxis, interrupting the service just before the
readings in order to perform the first part of the Holy Mystery of
Ordination which consists of the Laying on of Hands.

The Reverend Deacons Sahag Bicakciyan, Sevan Civanyan, Harutyun
Babigyan and Hayg Koparyan who were kneeling at the threshold of the
chancel were then led by their sponsors the Very Revd. Hieromonk
Tatul Anusyan and the Revd. Dr. Krikor Damatyan via the southern
stairs, up on to the bema. When the ordinands reached the southern
side of the bema, their sponsors asked the Patriarch to ordain the
deacons to the Holy Order of Priesthood.

The Patriarch then asked publicly whether the ordinands were worthy,
civilized, wise and saintly. The sponsoring clergymen replied, “as
much as our human weakness allows us to know, we know and guarantee
that they are wise and saintly enough to take upon themselves the
holy order of priesthood.”

The ordinands, still on their knees, were then led by their sponsors
towards the Patriarch in front of whom they formed a hemicircle.  The
ordinands then publicly read their priestly oath – making their
evangelical vows of chastity, poverty and obedience and  promising to
remain within the jurisdiction of the Patriarchal See of Istanbul, in
obedience to the holy canons of the Armenian Church and the Patriarch
of Istanbul and his successors, with the help of God.

The ordinands were then led to the centre of the bema.  Facing West,
towards the faithful, they raised their hands to the sides of their
heads, renouncing the world, in submission to the Triune God whose
service they wished to enter. The Patriarch and the clergymen on the
bema supported them, chanting the following declaration three times:
“The divine and heavenly grace that always provides for the needs of
the holy orders of the Apostolic Church calls Deacons Sahag, Sevan,
Harutyun and Hayg from the diaconate to the priesthood in order to
serve the Holy Church, by their own testimony and that of all the
people.” Each time, the congregation replied, chanting: “They are
worthy!”

The ordinands then turned East, towards the altar, as the Patriarch
laid his crossed hands on their heads and said: “I lay my hands on
this man;  all of you pray with me that he may be worthy of
preserving the order of priesthood immaculate before the altar of the
Lord God.”  Following the prayer of ordination, the Patriarch took
the diaconal stoles hung on the left shoulders of the ordinands,
kissed them, and then placed them around the necks of the ordinands,
in the manner of priestly stoles, symbolizing righteousness, with
which the Christian must gird himself to resist sin.

CONSECRATION

Following the readings, the recitation of the Nicene Creed, the Great
Entrance and the setting forth of the Gifts, the Divine Liturgy was
again interrupted just before the Kiss of Peace in order to perform
the second part of the Holy Mystery of Ordination, namely the
consecration with Holy Myron (chrism) and the naming of the new
priests.

Kneeling before the Patriarch, the new priests then received from him
first the priestly phelonion, a black cope worn by all priests during
church services, and then the liturgical vestments worn by Armenian
priests when they officiate at the Divine Liturgy or other holy
mysteries – the priestly mitre, the girdle and the cope.

The new priests were then taken to the vestry where they were
properly vested. The bells of the church rang in spiritual joy, the
choir sang the Hymn of Entrance, and the faithful stood in reverence
as the fully vested priests were led by the deacons into the
sanctuary from the right side of the altar.

The dove-shaped silver vessel containing the Blessed Myron or chrism
was brought into the sanctuary from the baptismal chapel by the Revd.
Fr. Yegya Kervanciyan as the hymn of Holy Pentecost, “Gentanarar
Asdvadz” was sung in unison.

As another hymn of Holy Pentecost, “Arakelo Aghavno” was sung, the
Patriarch poured the Holy Myron into a silver bowl and then a wave of
spiritual joy swept through the church as every believer present in
the church began to sing, “Amen, Alleluia, Alleluia, Alleluia! … by
the sign of the Holy Cross, the Holy Gospel, the Myron which emanates
holiness and the grace of this day, along with the name of the
Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, now and ever, and to the ages of
ages, Amen!” While everyone sang, the Patriarch consecrated the
foreheads and the hands of the new priests, renaming Deacon Sahag
“Der Zaven”, Deacon Sevan “Der Zohrab”, Deacon Harutyun “Der Zadig”
and Deacon Hayg “Der Zakar”.

The Patriarch then authorized the new priests to celebrate the Divine
Liturgy as he took the chalice with the holy gifts and placed them on
the consecrated hands of the new priests.

Next, the Patriarch authorized the new priests to give their priestly
blessings to the people of God as he took the thurible and, while
incensing, thrice instructed each priest to give his blessing. In
order of seniority, each new priest came forward.  Turning East
towards the altar he said, “Blessing and glory to the Father and to
the Son and to the Holy Spirit, now and ever, and to the ages of
ages. Amen.” And then turning West towards the faithful he said,
“Peace to all.”

Once all four new priests had given their priestly blessings thrice,
the Patriarch concluded the Holy Mystery of Ordination to the Sacred
Order of Priesthood, blessing them with these words: “The blessing of
the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit descend upon you who
have fully become priests in order to offer the Body and Blood of
Christ for the peace of the world and the remission of sins. Amen.”

THE HOMILY

In his homily, Patriarch Mesrob first explained the new names of the
priests who had just been ordained, explaining that Zaven meant
“helper,” Zohrab “radiant in red,” Zadig “sacrifice,” and finally
Zakar/ya “memory of God.” These words, the Patriarch said, help us
understand some of the most important duties of a priest.

In some versions of the Bible, the word paraclete is translated as
“helper”, referring to the Holy Spirit who “teaches all things and
brings to rememberance all things that Christ said to us (Jn14:26)”
and who “testifies about Christ” (Jn.15:26).  Reminding the faithful,
and especially the younger generation, of the teachings of Christ,
reminding them of Christ as a person and witnessing to him as Lord
and Saviour are tasks that every priest will daily undertake.

This is a supreme spiritual warfare against evil, and this is exactly
what the reddish radiance implies: “Therefore, take up the full
armour of God, so that you will be able to resist on the evil day,
and having done everything, to stand firm. Stand firm therefore,
having girded your loins with truth, and having put on the
breastplate of righteousness, and having shod your feet with the
preparation of the Gospel of peace; in addition to all, taking up the
shield of faith with which you will be able to extinguish all the
flaming arrows of the evil one. And take the helmet of salvation, and
the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God. With all prayer
and petition pray at all times in the Spirit, and with this in view,
be on the alert with all perseverance and petition for all the
saints… (Eph 6:13-18)”. This struggle against evil is martyria, a
wholesome witnessing that Jesus is the Son sent for us and for our
salvation by God, whom we must love with all our hearts, all our
souls, all our minds, and all our strength (Mk.12:30).

The Church is the spiritual body of Christ on earth (1Cor 12:12-27),
and the heart of Christ that pumps blood to all the members of that
body is the Surp Badarak, the Divine Liturgy, through which we
proclaim  that Christ sacrificed himself for us on the Cross. It is
also a proclamation that we, as Christians, are all expecting his
Second Coming (1Co.11:23-26). The Church authorizes only those who
have been ordained priests to celebrate the Divine Liturgy.

Just as God remembers his covenant with his people (Gen.9:15), so
must men remember that they are bound to God, the Creator of heaven
and earth, by covenant. Our faith as a whole is based on the
remembrance of the marvellous works of God in the past and the
martyrdom of the great witnesses who have fought the good fight. The
priest, aware of the needs of his people, beseeches the Lord on
behalf of his people and, vice versa, he represents God before his
people, reminding them of the covenant they have with him. 

The Patriarch reminded those present that Armenian Church Fathers and
leaders have displayed a great sense of priesthood, and when
necessary martyrdom, often involving sacrifice of their lives, in
order to live out their faith as witnesses proclaiming the Lordship
of Christ, our Saviour. Nothing has been able to deter the Armenians
as a nation from this faith since the third century when the Armenian
Kingdom was the first state in history that embraced the Christian
faith as the official religion of the people.  This tradition, the
Patriarch concluded, lays a great responsibility on the shoulders of
each person of faith, especially the clergy, in order to pass this
faith on to the generations to come.

Finally, Patriarch Mesrob congratulated the newly ordained priests
and their families and relatives on the happy occasion of their
ordination. 

THE KISS OF PEACE

Immediately after the Patriarch’s homily, the Divine Liturgy
continued with the Kiss of Peace, as all the bishops, priests,
deacons, readers and acolytes present in the church, led by the
Patriarch himself, went up to the bema, kissed the Holy Gifts on the
altar and then kissed the anointed foreheads and the hands of the new
priests, congratulating them for their ordination to the Sacred Order
of the Priesthood.

The new priests then flanked the Patriarch before the altar and
attended him as he went through the rest of the Divine Liturgy.

BLESSING OF THE MONASTIC HOOD

At the end of the Divine Liturgy, the newly ordained Fr. Zadig
Babigyan,  who had decided to enter the rank of hieromonks, knelt
before the Patriarch, who blessed a monastic hood and placed it on
his head, praying that the Lord would give him the strength to live a
celibate life in his service.

CONGRATULATIONS

As the Patriarch left the church with the procession, the faithful
who had witnessed the ordination of the four new priests lined up in
order to approach them in the chancel and to kiss their anointed
hands as they read the Gospel placed on the lecterns.

FESTIVE LUNCHEON

The Parish Council and the Ladies’ Guild of the Besiktas community
then held a festive luncheon in the Balyan Hall of the church in
honour of the newly ordained priests, attended by the Patriarch,
Archbishop Sahan, the clergy, the choir members and the family and
friends of the new priests. Garbis Balmumcuyan and Baruyr Kebabciyan,
representing the Besiktas Parish Council and the alumni of the Holy
Cross Lycee (the former seminary) respectively, made speeches
congratulating the newly ordained priests. The gathering ended with
the closing remarks by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan who spoke of his
own experiences in the service of the Lord as a priest.

FORTY DAYS OF SECLUSION

According to Armenian tradition, after the luncheon the newly
ordained priests returned to the Patriarchate where they were
assigned rooms for seclusion. Following ordination, resembling the
forty days of Christ in the desert, Armenian priests must experience
fourty days of seclusion, fasting,

prayer and meditation before they are allowed to celebrate their
first Divine Liturgy. It is up to the discernment of the ruling
bishop to decide whether to shorten or to lengthen the period of
seclusion in order to render this period of spiritual awareness more
fruitful.  Traditionally, during this period the new priests have
only one vegan meal per day at sundown and read through the seven
daily services in the Book of Hours. Each daily meal is provided by a
different community member. Following his first Divine Liturgy, the
new priest prays for the repose of the souls of the relatives of
those who have provided him meals during the period of seclusion.

REVD. FR. ZADIG BABIGYAN (Hieromonk)

Born in Istanbul in 1951, his baptismal name was Harutyun.  He
graduated from the Esayan Primary School and Getronagan High School.
 Between 1970 and 1976 he worked in the printing house of the Turkish
Armenian Teachers’ Foundation as a typist.  Between 1976 and 1978 he
served in the Turkish Armed Forces.  In 1980 he established his own
printing house which he directed successfully for twenty years.
 Between 2000 and 2004 he was an undergraduate student at the
Department of Theology in Yerevan State University, Armenia. Having
graduated, he was ordained a reader by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan.
Later in the same year he was ordained a subdeacon by Bishop Aram
Atesyan, just before he began his one-year course of studies at the
Theological Seminary of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia. On 3
July 2005, on the Feast of the Holy Transfiguration, he was ordained
a Deacon by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan. On 28 July 2005, on the Feast
of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith), he was ordained a
celibate priest by His Beatitude Patriarch Mesrob II, in the Holy
Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.

REVD. FR. ZAVEN BICAKCIYAN (Married Priest)

Born in Kayseri (Caesarea of Cappadocia) in 1951, his baptismal name
was Sahag.  He attended a local primary school. His family migrated
to Istanbul where, in 1969, he graduated from the Holy Cross Lycee in
Uskudar (former Patriarchal Theological Seminary). He is a graduate
of the Department of Psychology of the University of Istanbul. Apart
from his B.Sc. degree, he obtained diplomas in Social Philosophy,
Social Psychology and Education. Having successfully completed the
Capa State Hospital courses in Clinical Psychology, he obtained the
Diploma of Proficiency in Psychology. He served in the Turkish Armed
Forces as an officer in Tuzla and Kirklareli between 1975 and 1977.
Returning to Istanbul, he married Hayganus Nazig Migiryan and had
three sons – Avedis, Arman and Herman. He was ordained a reader in
1964 by Patriarch Shnorhk of blessed memory.  As of 1980, he was a
regular student attending the Bible and Liturgy courses organized by
the Patriarchal See.  He was ordained a subdeacon by Archbishop
Mesrob Mutafyan in 1997, after which he was authorized by Patriarch
Karekin II of blessed memory to provide ministry to the Turkish
speaking Armenian faithful as a lay preacher.  He was ordained a
deacon by Archbishop Karekin Bekciyan in 2004.  On 28 July 2005, on
the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith), he was
ordained a married priest by His Beatitude Patriarch Mesrob II, in
the Holy Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.

REVD. FR. ZOHRAB CIVANYAN (Married Priest)

Born in Gedikpasa, Istanbul in 1960, his baptismal name was Sevan. 
He attended the Mesrobyan Elementary School in Gedikpasa.  He
graduated from the Getronagan High School in Galata.  In 1982 he
graduated from the Department of Architectural Engineering in
Istanbul Technical University.  In 1984 he received his M.Sc. degree
from the same university.  He served in the Turkish Armed Forces as
an officer in Izmir and Kars.  Returning to Istanbul, he worked as an
engineer and in 1998 he married Tanya Papciyan.  Since his childhood,
he continuously served as an acolyte in the Armenian Church of Saint
John the Evangelist in Gedikpasa.  He participated in the lessons and
activities organized by the Zvartnots and Sayat Nova Choral
Associations.  He attended the weekly revival sermons in Gedikpasa
preached by Archbishop Mesrob Mutafyan (before his election as
Patriarch) and later by the Very Revd. Hieromonk Sahag Masalyan.  In
1974 he was ordained a reader by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan.  In 1982
he was authorized to wear a stole by Patriarch Shnorhk of blessed
memory.  In 2004 he was ordained a subdeacon by Bishop Aram Atesyan
and in 2005 he was ordained a deacon by Patriarch Mesrob II.  In June
2005 he successfully completed his one-year course of studies at the
Theological Seminary of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia.  On 28
July 2005, on the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and
Judith), he was ordained a married priest by His Beatitude Patriarch
Mesrob II, in the Holy Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.

REVD. FR. ZAKAR KOPARYAN (Married Priest)

Born in Istanbul in 1972, his baptismal name was Hayg.  He graduated
from the Nersesyan-Yermonyan Primary School in Uskudar.  In 1990 he
graduated from the Holy Cross Lycee in Uskudar (former Patriarchal
Theological Seminary).  He attended a professional course and
obtained a diploma in accountancy.  He then worked as an accountant.
 He served in the Turkish Armed Forces between 1996 and 1998.  He
married Lusyen Balik in 1999 and in 2002 had a daughter, Mane.  As of
the year 1998, he attended the Bible Study courses organized by the
Patriarchal See.   Between 1999 and 2004, he was an undergraduate
student at the Department of Theology in Yerevan State University,
Armenia.  Having graduated, he was ordained a reader by Archbishop
Sahan Sivaciyan.  Later in the same year, he was ordained a subdeacon
by Bishop Aram Atesyan, just before he began his one-year course of
studies at the Theological Seminary of the Armenian Catholicosate of
Cilicia.  On 3 July 2005, on the Feast of the Holy Transfiguration,
he was ordained a Deacon by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan.  On 28 July
2005, on the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith),
he was ordained a married priest by His Beatitude Patriarch Mesrob
II, in the Holy Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.

–Boundary_(ID_fo+Ue0YddCeuMif9NvoKdg)–

They grow ’em big in Armenia
By Holly Fesperman

The Salisbury Post (Salisbury, North Carolina)
Thursday, August 4, 2005

When Larry Frick saw the first small cucumbers on his vines,
he revisited the seed package. Frick thought for sure he’d gotten
English Cucumber seeds, but these cucumbers didn’t look at all like
ones he’d grown in the past.

He was surprised to find that his seed package actually read,
“Armenian Yard Long Cucumbers.”

The back of the package described the cukes – “long, curved, grey-green
fruits are 2-3 feet long with a diameter of 3 inches.”

Frick said he didn’t pay any attention to that when he bought them
at Wal-Mart, he just picked up the seed pack that looked like what
he wanted.

As a matter of fact, the Armenian cukes did look much greener and
less strange in the seed package picture.

Frick must have done something right because his cucumbers nearly
lived up to their name. His longest cuke came in at 28 1/2 inches.

Even though he didn’t grow English cucumbers he hasn’t been
disappointed. The Armenian variety are great on salads, and they
aren’t quite as strong tasting as regular cucumbers, Frick said.

One cucumber lasts him a while, he just cuts off what he needs and
covers the rest with plastic wrap. Frick stores the uneaten portion
in the refrigerator until his next salad or tasty cucumber sandwich.

Maybe Frick’s cucumbers aren’t so strange after all, he saw what
looked like Armenian cukes in the Food Lion sale paper last week.

He’s definitely seen some strange vegetables through the years. When
Frick was in his twenties, a service station in Rockwell sponsored
a vegetable competition similar to the Post’s Garden Game.

People in the community would bring in their vegetables and at the
end of several weeks the person with the biggest veggie would win
five or ten gallons of gas.

That was back when gas was 20 or 30 cents a gallon, said Frick.

During one service station competition, Frick remembers someone
bringing in a five and a half pound tomato.

Frick said he may have won that competition years ago if he’d had
the Armenian cukes.

He’s planning to give the biggest one away to lady at his church that
loves to grow produce as well.

PHOTO CAPTION: A strange kind of longhorn steer: Larry Frick
demonstrates an alternative use for the large cucumbers he grew. Photo
by Jon C. Lakey, Salisbury Post.

Gul: We Have Been Carrying Out Multi-dimensional Works To Reveal The Truths About Armenian Issue

Turkish Press
Aug 4 2005

ANKARA – “We have been carrying out multi-dimensional works to reveal
the truths about the Armenian issue,” Turkish Foreign Minister &
Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Gul said on Thursday.

In response to a question motion of Motherland Party (ANAP)
parliamentarian Muhsin Kocyigit, Gul said, “both the Turkish
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and Turkish embassies have been
carrying out multi-dimensional works to reveal the truths about
the Armenian issue. We have published a number of books refuting
the allegations of Armenians, and sent them to decision-making
mechanisms, parliamentarians, academicians, journalists, universities,
libraries and the other relevant institutions in the world through
our embassies.”

“Also, books and articles of both Turkish and foreign academicians
were distributed to the relevant circles. The MFA holds a series
of seminars and conferences with the participation of Turkish and
foreign scientists in countries where Armenian lobby is active,
with the aim of informing public opinion,” he said.

Gul noted, “as a member of the Minsk Group of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and as a regional actor
in southern Caucasia, Turkey has been making active contributions to
efforts to resolve the Upper Karabakh dispute between Azerbaijan and
Armenia from the very beginning of the dispute.”

“Turkey closely monitors developments about Azerbaijani refugees
who were forced to leave their homes due to the occupation of Upper
Karabakh by Armenia. In addition to our aid, we pursue an active
policy in order to draw attention of the international community to
the issue,” he said.

Gul said that Turkey had been sending aid to Azerbaijani refugees
since 1993.

“Recently, the World Food Program (WFP) released a statement that
they needed 10 million USD to meet urgent requirements of Azerbaijani
refugees, and that despite all the aids, those refugees had still been
living under extremely difficult conditions. Our government have been
evaluating additional aids under the statement of the WFP,” Gul added.

RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
_________________________________________ ____________________
RFE/RL Iran Report
Vol. 8, No. 30, 2 August 2005

A Review of Developments in Iran Prepared by the Regional Specialists
of RFE/RL’s Newsline Team

************************************************************
HEADLINES:
* A CABINET POSITION IS NOT ENOUGH FOR SOME
* VIOLENCE CONTINUES IN KURDISH REGIONS
* PORTION OF EASTERN IRAN QUARANTINED
* TEHRAN DEFENDS ITS HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD
* SKEPTICISM ABOUT SIGNIFICANCE OF REPORT ON IRANIAN PRISONS
* CLERICS CALL FOR JOURNALIST’S RELEASE
* IRANIANS ARRESTED FOR INTERNATIONAL DRUG ACTIVITIES
* IRAN THREATENED BY DRUGS AND AIDS
* TEHRAN AND BERLIN BEGIN WAR OF WORDS
* IRAN ALLEGEDLY PURCHASING NUCLEAR-WEAPON PARTS
* KHATAMI SAYS URANIUM CONVERSION TO BEGIN
* IRANIAN NUCLEAR PLANS WORRY FRANCE
* WASHINGTON SHARES IRANIAN MISSILE DATA WITH IAEA
* IRANIAN SATELLITE LAUNCH ANNOUNCED
* IRAN AND UKRAINE SIGN GAS-PIPELINE MEMORANDUM
* IRAN STRUGGLES TO PUSH AHEAD WITH INDIA PIPELINE
************************************************************

A CABINET POSITION IS NOT ENOUGH FOR SOME. Supreme Leader Ayatollah
Ali Khamenei was expected officially to confirm Mahmud Ahmadinejad as
president on 3 August, the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA)
reported on 17 July, and Ahmadinejad will be sworn in on 6 August.
The new president will have 15 days to introduce his proposed cabinet
members to the parliament for approval, according to parliamentarian
Hamid Reza Haji-Babai.
Ahmadinejad’s future cabinet continues to be a topic of
discussion in the Tehran press (see “RFE/RL Iran Report,” 13 July
2005). Now, the discussion is not so much about the actual choices as
it is about the selection process. One aspect of this process focuses
on the permissibility of a cabinet member continuing to serve on a
municipal council. Another aspect of the process focuses on
intra-factional differences among the hard-liners who backed
Ahmadinejad’s presidential bid.

Splits Among The Victors

“Mardom Salari” reported on 21 July that the majority faction
in the legislature objects to the team selecting the cabinet, and
although it did not provide any details on this “team,” it put this
argument in the context of disagreements between members of the
Islamic Iran Developers Coalition in the legislature and in the
Tehran municipal council. Developers in the legislature mostly backed
the candidacies of Ali Larijani and Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf in the
first round of the presidential election. The Developers in the
municipal council, however, backed Ahmadinejad consistently.
A reference to these splits appeared in the 7 July “Farhang-i
Ashti,” which reported that the 15 members of the municipal council
plan to form an independent group. The same day, “Mardom Salari”
reported that the Developers do not want to lose control of the
municipal council. At the same time, they believe they should have a
role in Ahmadinejad’s administration.
The 15 hard-line Developers also fear that if they leave the
council, they will be replaced by reformists. This is because,
according to the regulations, they would be replaced by the
council-election runners-up. No. 16 in the council race was a leading
reformist, Mustafa Tajzadeh. Tajzadeh, as well as national-religious
activist Gholam Abbas Tavasoli, are anticipating the hard-liners’
resignations, “Farhang-i Ashti” reported on 3 July.
Council member and Developer Mehdi Chamran, therefore, is
putting off the possibility of a position as cabinet member or
government spokesman, while the council is claiming that the law does
not prevent individuals from serving in the government and the
council.
On the possibility of serving in two positions, Chamran said,
“The only problem is in practice, in terms of time, and members are
concerned by that,” “Etemad” reported on 6 July. “The workload has
taken up so much time that members have little time left for other
matters.” Another council member, Amir-Reza Vaezi-Ashtiani, said the
legislature and the Guardians Council are to weigh in on the issue.
Government officials’ comments did not clarify the
situation. Interior Ministry spokesman Jahanbakhsh Khanjani said
Article 141 of the constitution and Article 28 of the law on
municipal councils forbid vice presidents, cabinet ministers, or
presidential advisers from being members of municipal councils,
“Etemad” reported on 6 July. Judiciary spokesman Jamal Karimi-Rad
cited a law ratified in 1994-96, “indicating that city council
members are not considered government employees, and stating that
someone in the city council can also be in the cabinet.”

Old School v. New School

“Farhang-i Ashti” on 21 July put the dispute in terms of the
rivalry between the young right wing and the traditionalist right
wing. An editorial in the 19 July issue of the same newspaper said
the traditional right, which has its roots in the Qom seminary and in
the country’s “economic centers” (presumably, the bazaar), fears
that it is being slowly eliminated.
Reflecting the old right is Islamic Coalition Party central
council member Habibullah Asgaroladi-Mosalman, who is deputy leader
of the Coordination Council of Islamic Revolution Forces that backed
Ali Larijani’s presidential bid. He advised the president-elect
to “draw a line of moderation between opting for the youth and
valuing those with experience,” “Shoma” reported on 16 July. “The
next government’s ministers, while they should be young,
specialists, and competent, they must at the same time have had some
on the job experience, even if it is brief.”

Everybody Has An Opinion

These are not the only aspects of the cabinet-selection
process that interest Iranian commentators.
Mohammad Reza Khatami, secretary-general of the reformist
Islamic Iran Participation Party, called for a politically united
cabinet that would take full responsibility for its actions, “Aftab-i
Yazd” reported on 23 July.
Legislator Fatemeh Ajarlu said the president-elect wants to
use new faces, “Farhang-i Ashti” reported on 21 July. “Aftab-i Yazd”
advised Ahmadinejad on 21 July to ignore calls for a bipartisan
cabinet and to instead choose officials who can work together. This
would eliminate ministers attributing their shortcomings to politics
or rivalries.
“Kayhan” on 19 July cited interviews with various legislators
and commentators who in the midst of advising Ahmadinejad on
selecting his cabinet, called for reforms in the Foreign Ministry,
Interior Ministry, Ministry of Islamic Culture and Guidance, and
Ministry of Intelligence and Security.
Perhaps the final word should go to Basij commander Mohammad
Hejazi, whose institution allegedly played such an important role in
Ahmadinejad’s victory. Hejazi said at a conference of the Basij
units at state organizations and trade guilds, “The person who has
been elected by the people as the next president is a Basiji
personality, and it is expected that he is going to appoint aides and
managers who espouse the Basiji mode of thought as well,” “Iran”
reported on 7 July. Hejazi predicted that Basij members in government
organizations will have an important role in the future. (Bill Samii)

VIOLENCE CONTINUES IN KURDISH REGIONS. Five Iranian security officers
were killed and four were wounded in a clash with PKK affiliates
(PJAK, Kurdistan Independent Life Party) from midnight to early
morning on 27 July in Siahkuh, a mountainous area between Oshnovieh
and Piranshahr, Baztab reported. The Kurds were armed with mortars,
heavy machine guns, and light machine guns.
The “Milliyet” newspaper from Turkey reported one day earlier
that Iran has launched a major operation along its border with Iraq
and Turkey. According to the Turkish daily, 16 Iranian soldiers and
four Kurds were killed in battles “in the Kelaresh and Milgever areas
along the Turkish border and in the Gaddare areas near the town of
Shino, near the border with Iraq.” Iranian personnel reportedly are
operating in the areas near Marivan and Baneh, Piranshahr and
Mahabad, and Sardasht.
The Sanandaj Revolutionary Court has summoned two Kurdistan
University student activists, Asu Saleh and Chia Hejazi, the
university’s Students Islamic Association head, Nusratullah
Shariati, said on 25 July, according to the Iranian Students News
Agency (ISNA). Shariati said the two are charged with disturbing
public opinion through their election-related activities. These
activities included inviting reformist speakers.
In another predominantly Kurdish town, Mahabad, West
Azerbaijan Province, Governor Said Maruf-Samadi said on 24 July that
shops have reopened after officials met with the local shopkeepers
guild, the municipal council, and community leaders, ISNA reported.
The closures took place amid disturbances that followed
authorities’ shooting and killing a local activist known as
Shavaneh (see “RFE/RL Iran Report,” 19 July 2005). Maruf-Samadi said
most of the 64 people who were arrested have been released, but 11
remain in detention. (Bill Samii)

PORTION OF EASTERN IRAN QUARANTINED. The authorities have closed the
Nishabur-Mashhad highway until further notice, Iranian state radio
reported on 28 July. “Police forces closed the main road between
Mashhad and Nishabur in order to maintain calm, following the protest
by a number of citizens in Kharveyn, Razavi Khorasan Province.” State
radio reported that the unrest follows the arrest of two people
involved with an earlier protest against the failure to make Kharveyn
a “local administrative center.” (Bill Samii)

TEHRAN DEFENDS ITS HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD. Reacting to a recent British
report on human rights in Iran, Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi said
in Tehran on 24 July that such reports are “irrelevant,” IRNA
reported. “Islam-bashing is on the rise in European states and
attacks on mosques are a token of human right violations in Europe
which should be paid attention to.” Kharrazi said Iran plans to
report on human rights in other countries. He did not speculate on
the reaction such a report would receive.
The “Annual Report on Human Rights 2005” from the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office
(
owPage&c=Page&cid=1119526503628) was released on 21 July. “There has
been no significant progress in Iran since our last Annual Report;
human rights have deteriorated further in many areas.” The report
notes increased censorship, particularly of the Internet. It also
refers to arrests of human rights defenders, restrictions on workers,
abuses in prisons, and discrimination against women. The report notes
the lack of progress in the EU-Iran human rights dialogue. (Bill
Samii)

SKEPTICISM ABOUT SIGNIFICANCE OF REPORT ON IRANIAN PRISONS. Iranian
prisons hold 132,564 inmates, Iranian Judiciary spokesman Jamal
Karimirad said on 26 July, IRNA reported. Saying that this is the
figure for the period ending 21 June, Karimirad said this shows a
2.64 percent decrease compared to one year earlier. Six years ago,
Iranian prisons held 185,000 people, Karimirad said. Most of the
incoming convicts are imprisoned for drug offenses. There are 4,707
females inmates, he added, and 5,330 foreign ones.
In an unprecedented development, the Iranian judiciary
released a report on 24 July that details abusive human rights
practices in the country’s prisons. Tehran Justice Department
chief Abbas Alizadeh noted that Judiciary chief Ayatollah Mahmud
Hashemi-Shahrudi has issued a directive on civil rights, but that
many of the practices run counter to this directive, “Aftab-i Yazd”
and other news sources reported. In one case, for example, a
13-year-old was jailed for stealing a chicken, and in another case a
women in her 80s was jailed for financial difficulties.
The report also notes the detention facilities where the most
serious problems occur. These include the Tehran criminal department
detention center (Agahi-yi Tehran); the army intelligence
organization detention center; the Public Establishments Office
(Edareh-yi Amaken-i Omumi) detention center; and the defense ministry
intelligence department center known as “64.” It also lists the
police intelligence department center; the jail in Rajaishahr; the
facility belonging to the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps security
and intelligence department; the IRGC intelligence department
facility; and the Ministry of Intelligence and Security’s Section
209 at Evin prison. Still more are the criminal investigations
detention center in Shahr-i Rey; the Rey drug control headquarters;
police station 160 in Khazaneh; Unit 3 of the Qezel-Hesar prison in
Karaj, the Kharvin correctional facility at Veramin; the Veramin and
Shahriar criminal department detention centers; the Shahriar drug
control headquarters detention center; the Tehran revolutionary
court; and the District 7 revolutionary prosecutor’s office.
Some 1,400 people are held in Rajaishahr although they have
not been convicted. The Ministry of Intelligence and Security
facilities are supposed to be overseen by the Prisons Organization,
but in fact they operate according to the regulations of their home
organization. Torture and solitary confinement are rampant.
Some observers remain skeptical. Hassan Zarezadeh is in
charge of the Student Committee In Defense of Political Prisoners In
Iran. He says the hard-line judiciary is trying to portray itself in
a better light. “[The report] shows that the regime wants to
demonstrate that there have been real reforms in the judiciary and
that they are committed to human rights. But their comments about
torture being eradicated can be challenged because why are
[prisoners] still being held in solitary confinement for long periods
while facing complicated interrogations? Isn’t it torture? Last
week, Behruz Javid Tehrani, a member of the Democratic Party of Iran
who has been held in solitary confinement for the last three months,
managed to tell his relatives during a visit that he was severely
beaten in prison.”
Zarezadeh, who has been arrested several times in recent
years, says he has witnessed the ill treatment of prisoners. “It
includes long solitary confinements, hanging suspects [from the
ceiling], handcuffing behind the back, beating, hitting the head of
suspects to the wall and also psychological torture.”
Mohammad Ali Dadkhah is the spokesman of the Center of Human
Rights Defendants, founded by Nobel Peace Laureate Shirin Ebadi. He
says he, too, believes prisoners’ rights are still being
violated. “The bitter reality is that these incidents have existed in
our prisons. For example, when I was detained in Evin prison, I was
once stripped naked in the snow. I think illegal actions are still
widespread in the prisons. As I speak to you, Akbar Ganji [Iran’s
most prominent political prisoner] has not the right to meet his
lawyer.”
Iranian authorities have in the past denied the mistreatment
of prisoners and the use of torture. But human rights organizations
have repeatedly said that torture is prevalent in prisons.
Several political prisoners including student activists and
journalists have said that they were forced into false confessions
under duress. Many say they have been denied access to relatives and
lawyers.
The Iranian government has welcomed the judiciary report, but
Zarezadeh expresses doubt the report will have real consequences.
“If the Islamic republic has been forced into a retreat under
protests from inside the country and international pressure, it does
not mean that torture does not exist, that solitary confinement
[will] be eradicated, that all the political prisoners [will] be
freed and that other prisoners [will] be treated humanely.” (Bill
Samii, Golnaz Esfandiari)

CLERICS CALL FOR JOURNALIST’S RELEASE. A number of Iran’s
leading clerics are calling for the release of hunger-striking and
hospitalized journalist Akbar Ganji, or at least some sort of
solution to the case. Ganji, meanwhile, is continuing his criticism
of the ruling system from his hospital bed.
Expediency Council Chairman Ayatollah Ali-Akbar
Hashemi-Rafsanjani on 28 July expressed concern about Ganji, Radio
Farda, the Iranian Labor News Agency (ILNA), and IRNA reported.
Hashemi-Rafsanjani said he is sorry about the situation and has
discussed it with Judiciary chief Ayatollah Mahmud Hashemi-Shahrudi.
Hashemi-Rafsanjani said he made several proposals on resolving the
issue.
Farhang Naderi, a political associate of Hashemi-Rafsanjani,
told Radio Farda that the Expediency Council chairman has the ability
to secure Ganji’s freedom, and he claimed Hashemi-Rafsanjani was
behind Ganji’s prison leave in June. Prague-based Radio Farda
correspondent Siavash Ardalan questioned these claims, noting that
even the judiciary chief has said he cannot reverse Tehran prosecutor
Said Mortazavi’s actions. Ganji was, Ardalan added, very critical
of Hashemi-Rafsanjani in a book he wrote about the serial murders of
dissident intellectuals.
Ayatollah Hashem Hashemzadeh-Harisi, a member of the
committee supervising implementation of the constitution, has
demanded some sort of solution to the problems presented by the Ganji
situation, “Etemad” reported on 26 July. The Qom Seminary Lecturers
Association has requested the release of Ganji, ISNA reported on 25
July. The association’s letter to Judiciary chief
Hashemi-Shahrudi noted the adverse impact this issue is having at
home and abroad, and it called for better treatment of people with
divergent political views.
Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri-Najafabadi spoke out against
Ganji’s imprisonment and called for an end to his hunger strike,
“Aftab-i Yazd” reported on 18 July.
Ganji’s wife, Masumeh Shafii, said in a 25 July interview
with Radio Farda that she has sent a letter to the head of the
judiciary asking that her husband’s case be transferred away from
prosecutor Said Mortazavi. Shafii said she asked Hashemi-Shahrudi to
handle the case himself. She claimed that Mortazavi told her husband
his death would benefit the system 100 percent, and he added that
death in the hospital is a normal thing. The official reason for
Ganji’s hospitalization is not his hunger strike, but because he
allegedly needs knee surgery. Given Mortazavi’s alleged
statements, Shafii said, Ganji does not want to have the knee
operation.
Having seen her husband on 24 July, Shafii says Ganji’s
physical condition is worsening, Radio Farda reported. After Tehran
Justice Department deputy chief Mohammad Salarkia’s denial that
Ganji is on hunger strike, Shafii challenged him to give access to
independent journalists who can photograph Ganji. She also expressed
amazement that Salarkia and Mortazavi, who are not physicians,
determined that Ganji’s knee needs surgery. (Bill Samii)

IRANIANS ARRESTED FOR INTERNATIONAL DRUG ACTIVITIES. Prosecutors in
South Korea have detained a 28-year-old Iranian male and his
40-year-old Korean girlfriend for smuggling 2.5 kilograms of opium
from Southwest Asia’s Golden Crescent (Afghanistan, Iran, and
Pakistan), “Chosun Ilbo” reported on 22 July. In connection with this
case, a 22-year-old Iranian male was booked but not detained and five
other Iranians are wanted.
In what appears to be a separate case, police in the German
city of Cologne have broken up a gang of international traffickers
responsible for smuggling 225 kilograms of opium worth 900,000 euros
($1.1 million), ddp news agency reported on 20 July. The Iranian head
of the gang imported the narcotics from Iran via Istanbul, Italy, and
Austria. The profits were transferred back to Iran. (Bill Samii)

IRAN THREATENED BY DRUGS AND AIDS. An international expert
participating in the 3rd International AIDS Society Conference on HIV
Pathogenesis and Treatment in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, has warned that
the AIDS epidemic is worsening due to the trafficking of opium and
heroin from Afghanistan, Radio Farda reported on 26 July. The rise is
particularly noticeable in countries along traditional smuggling
routes, such as Iran. Dr. Christopher Beyrer, an associate professor
of epidemiology and international health at the Johns Hopkins
Bloomberg School of Public Health, said approximately 10 percent of
addicts in these countries have access to clean needles or drug
substitution programs. The four-day conference is scheduled to end on
27 July. Participants have called for a dynamic response to the AIDS
epidemic, and participants in the recent G8 summit in Scotland called
for universal access to anti-viral treatments by the end of the
decade. (Bill Samii)

TEHRAN AND BERLIN BEGIN WAR OF WORDS. Iranian Foreign Ministry
spokesman Hamid Reza Assefi said on 23 July in Tehran, “I need to
repeat my previous comments once again and suggest that the German
Foreign Ministry and the German Foreign Ministry spokesman respect
the democratic rules,” state television reported.
This was the latest in an exchange of accusations that began
when German Interior Minister Otto Schilly referred to Iran’s
involvement with international terrorism in an interview with “Der
Spiegel” magazine.
Assefi initially reacted on 19 July, saying, “I advise this
German official not to be influenced by Zionist circles” and “The
German Interior Minister should respect the principles of democracy
and think more before expressing his views,” ISNA reported.
Schilly’s unnamed spokesman described Assefi’s
admonishment as “incredible impudence,” “Frankfurter Allgemeine”
reported on 21 July. “The impudence of such a voice from a country
that continually violates human rights, where women are whipped on
the basis of dubious verdicts, where dissidents are kept in solitary
confinement for months without any possibility for legal support and
an objective review by the court, can hardly be surpassed.”
Iranian parliamentary representative Hamid Reza Haji-Babai
said on 25 July that Schilly should apologize publicly for insulting
Iran and its president-elect, Mehr News Agency reported. Haji-Babai
accused Schilly of interfering with Iranian internal affairs. (Bill
Samii)

IRAN ALLEGEDLY PURCHASING NUCLEAR-WEAPON PARTS. According to “secret
documents” — the source of which is not disclosed — Iran continues
to purchase nuclear weapons parts, “Der Spiegel” magazine alleged on
25 July. One such deal is between Iran’s Partoris company and
South Korea’s Kung-Do Enterprises and was concluded on 24
December 2004. $98,720 was paid for 300 units of nickel-63 (Ni-63),
which is reportedly used in the ignition of nuclear bombs and which
also can be used in smoke detectors. Partoris reportedly used the
cover name Parto Namje Tolua. In the second deal, the South Korean
firm ordered tritium targets from France’s EADS Sodern firm.
Tritium targets reportedly are used in neutron emitters, which can
trigger the chain reaction in a nuclear bomb, and $33,000 was paid
for them.
An unnamed spokesman from the South Korean Ministry of
Science and Technology said on 27 July that provision of radioactive
isotopes — nickel-63 and tritium — to Iran in 2004 was legal,
Yonhap news agency reported. “The company, engaging in intermediary
trade, adhered to the law and rules when it sold 300 Ni-63 isotopes,”
the spokesman said. “The company conducted the transfer after
receiving a pledge from the Iranian buyer that the substance would
only be used for nondestructive testing, such as checking pipes at
refineries for oil leaks.” The company in question also served as the
middleman in a deal between Iranian and Russian firms.
An unnamed official from Kung-Do Enterprises said, according
to “JoongAng Ilbo” () on 27 July, “We sold Ni-63
to an Iranian firm after it said it would use it in detecting gas. We
obtained a memorandum from the firm to this effect.” He denied the
sale of tritium and doing any deals with the French firm. Ministry of
Science and Technology official Yi Sun-chong said there could be a
problem if the Korean company has sold Ni-63 without a permit.
Another Ministry of Science and Technology official, An Sung-chun,
said a January investigation of the Korean firm found that tritium
exports did not occur.
An Iranian nuclear official said in Tehran on 26 July that
the original “Der Spiegel” report is the result of a “fantasy
fabricated by the Zionist circles,” Mehr News Agency reported. (Bill
Samii)

KHATAMI SAYS URANIUM CONVERSION TO BEGIN. President Hojatoleslam
Mohammad Khatami said during a 27 July news conference in Tehran that
activities at the Isfahan Uranium Conversion Facility could resume in
days, state television and state radio reported. He said this depends
on the European proposal at an upcoming Iran-EU meeting. If the
Europeans do not agree on when Iranian nuclear activities resume, he
said, “the system has already made its decision to resume
Isfahan’s activities.” Khatami continued, “The deadline will
depend on the Europeans and their proposal. That is the deadline.”
Raw uranium is processed into uranium hexafluoride at the Isfahan
facility. (Bill Samii)

IRANIAN NUCLEAR PLANS WORRY FRANCE. France’s President Jacques
Chirac told visiting Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon that Iran
should be referred to the UN Security Council if it does not provide
“objective guarantees” that it has stopped sensitive nuclear
activities, AFP reported. Chirac’s spokesman, Jerome Bonnafont,
added that France seeks “objective guarantees on Iran renouncing all
activities in the area of fissile matter production, under the
control of the IAEA.” French Foreign Ministry deputy spokeswoman
Cecile Pozzo di Borgo said in Paris earlier in the day, “Iran knows
the consequences of any resumption of activities currently suspended,
which can only be negative for Iran,” AFP reported. (Bill Samii)

WASHINGTON SHARES IRANIAN MISSILE DATA WITH IAEA. Iranian Minister of
Defense and Armed Forces Logistics Ali Shamkhani said on 28 July that
Iran has achieved self-sufficiency in producing solid fuel for
missiles, Radio Farda reported. This enables ballistic missiles, such
as the Shihab-3, to operate with greater accuracy. The missile can go
as far as 1,930 kilometers and it can be fitted with a nuclear
warhead, according to Radio Farda, and this brings Israel and
American military bases in the Middle East within range. Such
technological accomplishments, Shamkhani said, contribute to
Iran’s power of deterrence.
U.S. officials have shared intelligence with the
International Atomic Energy Agency on Iran’s effort to develop a
missile that can deliver a nuclear warhead, “The Wall Street Journal”
reported on 27 June. The briefing took place in Vienna in mid-July.
The intelligence was secured the previous year, and it appears to
reveal Iranian efforts from 2001 to 2003 to adapt the Shihab-3
missile to deliver a “black box.” U.S. experts are fairly certain
that this box is a nuclear warhead. “The Wall Street Journal” first
described this “compelling” but “circumstantial” data in March (see
“RFE/RL Iran Report, 30 March 2005). At that time, Washington had
shared the information with Berlin, London, and Paris, but it did not
know how to make it public and had rejected an IAEA request for a
briefing. (Bill Samii)

IRANIAN SATELLITE LAUNCH ANNOUNCED. Iran’s Mesbah and Sina-1
satellites will be launched from the Plesetsk cosmodrome in Russia in
October, an unnamed Russian defense industry spokesman announced on
25 July, Interfax-AVN reported. The launch of the Molniya-M rocket
was scheduled for August but all launches were postponed after a June
launch ended in failure. Accompanying the Iranian satellite will be
the China-DMC, TopSat from the United Kingdom., Norway’s Ncube-2,
Germany’s UWE-1, Japan’s XI-V, and the European Space
Agency’s SSET Express. The Mesbah satellite will carry out
meteorological and geological tasks. (Bill Samii)

IRAN AND UKRAINE SIGN GAS-PIPELINE MEMORANDUM. Iran and Ukraine have
signed a memorandum of understanding to study the possibility of
transporting Iranian natural gas via a pipeline to Europe, “The
Moscow Times” reported on 26 July. According to a statement from the
Ukrainian state-owned natural gas company, Naftogaz Ukrainy, the
agreement followed a 24 July meeting between Naftogaz CEO Oleksiy
Ivchenko and Iranian Deputy Petroleum Minister Hadi Nejad-Husseinian.
Naftogaz is reportedly seeking the participation of Gaz de France,
and the project would require a minimum $8 billion investment.
Interfax-Ukraine news agency reported on 25 July that Ivchenko
proposed two possible pipeline routes:
Iran-Armenia-Georgia-Ukraine-Europe or Iran-Armenia-Georgia-Black
Sea-Ukraine-Europe. Specific details of the project will be
considered at a meeting scheduled to take place by the end of
September. Ivchenko met with Petroleum Minister Bijan Namdar-Zanganeh
as well, Interfax-Ukraine news agency reported. (Bill Samii)

IRAN STRUGGLES TO PUSH AHEAD WITH INDIA PIPELINE. Initial discussions
among the participating countries concerning a proposed 2,600
kilometer overland natural-gas pipeline from Iran through Pakistan to
India began in the early 1990s, and Iran, which sits on the
world’s second-largest natural-gas reserves (an estimated 26.6
trillion cubic meters, according to the U.S. Energy Information
Administration), is eager for the project to get under way. Work on
the project has yet to commence, however, and mid-July statements
from Indian officials cast doubt on the deal, particularly after
Washington agreed to cooperate with the Indian nuclear program.

New Delhi Expresses Doubts

India is a huge and growing natural-gas market. Natural-gas
consumption in India was nearly 25 billion cubic meters in 2002 and
is projected to reach 34 billion cubic meters in 2010 and 45.3
billion cubic meters in 2015. With these increasing energy
requirements, India has entered discussions about pipeline
construction with Bangladesh, Iran, Myanmar (Burma), and Qatar.
Recent meetings of officials from India, Iran, and Pakistan suggested
that the pipeline connecting the three countries would get under way
in the near future despite pricing disagreements (see “RFE/RL Iran
Report,” 7 March and 23 March 2005).
Indian officials stressed their eagerness to go ahead with
the Iranian pipeline project earlier in the summer. Indian Petroleum
Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar said in Lahore on 4 June that India would
not give in to U.S. pressure to abandon the project because of
concerns Iran might use the revenues to develop weapons of mass
destruction, Press Trust of India (PTI) reported. The next day, Aiyar
was in Pakistan for talks with his counterpart, Amanullah Khan
Jadoon.
The two sides created a Joint Working Group to accelerate
work on the pipeline. Diplomats in the Indian capital noted that Iran
is absent from the Joint Working Group, the Hindi “Navbharat Times”
() reported on 8 June, and they
suggested that this was a conscious decision in order to allay U.S.
concerns.
In mid-June, India agreed to purchase $22 billion worth of
natural gas from Iran. Starting in 2009-10, an Indian consortium will
purchase 5 million tons of LNG annually over a 25-year period. This
was less than the initial agreement, reached in January, for the
purchase of 7.5 million tons.
The next month, Pakistani officials were in New Delhi to
discuss the pipeline. Indian Petroleum Minister Aiyar told reporters
that the discussions would address commercial, financial, legal, and
technical issues. According to AFP on 12 July, when asked about
Washington’s opposition to the project, Pakistani Oil Secretary
Ahmad Waqar said, “Our president and prime minister have stated on a
number of occasions that we will proceed with this project based on
our national interests.”
Given these developments, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh’s announcement on 21 July in Washington that he is not sure
the pipeline will get funding may have come as an unpleasant surprise
to observers in Tehran and Islamabad. “I am realistic enough to
realize that there are many risks, because considering all the
uncertainties of the situation there in Iran, I don’t know if any
international consortium of bankers would underwrite this,” he said
according to the PTI news agency.

Islamabad Is Eager

Talks between Pakistan and Iran in early July also suggested
that all was well.
Iranian Petroleum Minister Bijan Namdar-Zanganeh visited
Islamabad and met with Pakistani Petroleum Minister Jadoon in the
first week of July. The two sides signed a memorandum of
understanding that called for continued discussions, and
Namdar-Zanganeh hoped that a final agreement would be signed by April
2006. He noted that after 10 years of talks, this is the first
“written document.” Namdar-Zanganeh also met with Prime Minister
Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz, according to media
reports.
Jadoon emphasized that his country will need natural gas for
consumer and industrial consumption by 2010. The country’s demand
for natural gas is expected to rise approximately 50 percent by 2006,
according to the EIA. Moreover, gas is expected to become the “fuel
of choice” for electricity-generation projects in the future.
In light of this requirement, and possibly because of the
approximately $600 million in transit fees Pakistan stands to earn,
Islamabad tried to allay concerns prompted by Singh’s late July
comments. Pakistani Foreign Ministry spokesman Muhammad Naim Khan
announced on 25 July that even if India gives in to U.S. pressure,
Islamabad will build a natural gas pipeline from Iran, AFP reported.
“We would welcome Indian association with this project but if it is
not feasible with India, we are going to go ahead with the project in
any case,” Khan said in the Pakistani capital. He said Pakistan needs
the gas.
Pakistani Petroleum Minister Jadoon said in Islamabad on 23
July that his country can handle all the pipeline security
requirements, IRNA reported. “We, like India, are in need of gas and
we know how to take care of the interstate projects and we are
committed to its security,” he said.
“Business Recorder” (), a Pakistani
financial daily, reported on 28 July that Islamabad has begun a
search for investment banks that could serve as “financial
adviser/consultant” for the pipeline. Pakistan wants to hasten
completion of the paperwork for the project, and it is aiming for a
December 2005 deadline. Despite recent cautionary statements from
Indian officials, the Pakistanis believe India’s energy
requirements will force the issue. Pakistan is also willing to pursue
the issue bilaterally.

The Nuclear Alternative

The pipeline project directly involves Iran, Pakistan, and
India, and it has the potential to improve troubled Islamabad-New
Delhi relations. Washington would welcome such a development, but it
is reluctant to see the project go ahead. U.S. State Department
official Stephen Rademaker warned that Iran could fund terrorism and
weapons of mass destruction with the money it makes from natural-gas
sales, the international edition of “The Wall Street Journal”
reported on 24 June. U.S. officials have warned the Indians and
Pakistanis that their companies could be sanctioned if they go ahead
with the project.
If India forsakes natural gas from Iran, then it may have to
turn to nuclear power as an alternative. U.S. President George W.
Bush announced on 18 July that India is “a responsible state” that
“should acquire the same benefits and advantages as other such
states,” ft.com reported. Bush went on to say that he would encourage
Congress to make the legal adjustments necessary for such cooperation
with the Indian nuclear program to take place. In exchange for such
cooperation, India agreed to allow international agencies to oversee
its nuclear program.
The collapse of the Indian natural-gas deal would be a sharp
blow to Iran. Such a development could have an impact in three areas.
One possibility is that Iran will try to salvage the deal by offering
India a lower price for its gas. Pricing disagreements were one of
the main hang-ups in March.
Another possibility is that Iran’s efforts to diversify
beyond oil will collapse. That being said, Armenia and Turkey are
already customers for Iranian gas; Tehran has signed agreements with
Oman and Kuwait; and it has signed gas-related memorandums — or at
least discussed the topic — with Austria, Bulgaria, China, Greece,
Italy, South Korea, and Taiwan.
The third possibility, which is probably much more remote, is
that Iran will renounce activities that concern the international
community, including support for terrorism, interference in
neighboring states’ affairs, and the pursuit of weapons of mass
destruction.
Failing that, Iran will find it very difficult to compete
with the United States in terms of bargaining power. If the Indian
model — even without nuclear concessions — is applied successfully
in more cases where Iran is trying to do business with other
countries, then Iran will find its isolation is increasing. (Bill
Samii)

*********************************************************
Copyright (c) 2005. RFE/RL, Inc. All rights reserved.

The “RFE/RL Iran Report” is a weekly prepared by A. William Samii on
the basis of materials from RFE/RL broadcast services, RFE/RL
Newsline, and other news services. It is distributed every Monday.

Direct comments to A. William Samii at [email protected].
For information on reprints, see:

Back issues are online at

THE DAILY TELEGRAPH(LONDON)
July 30, 2005, Saturday

Reviews music

By Mark Hudson

WORLD
Djivan Gasparyan
Moon Shines at Night
All Saints, pounds 12.99

Hossein Alizadeh, Jivan Gasparyan
Endless Vision
Hermes/Alternative, pounds 13.99

It can be both a blessing and a burden for a musician to embody a
universal mood or feeling. Take Armenia’s Djivan (also spelt Jivan)
Gasparyan. Once heard, the plaintive sound of his duduk is
immediately identifiable. Half-flute, half-oboe, its mixture of
reediness and luminous breathiness evokes a piercing melancholy – a
sense of luxuriant, almost masochistic desolation – that has been a
favourite with soundtrack composers from Gladiator to Hotel Rwanda.

While this must have done wonders for his bank balance, it has also
obscured his importance both as an innovator and a traditional
musician with more than 50 years of concert experience.

Described on its first release in 1992 as “one of the most beautiful
albums ever made”, Moon Shines at Night teases folk melodies into
semi-improvised rhapsodies, with multi-tracking drawing out an
extraordinary array of sounds. Incorporating fragments of live
performance, it builds into a seamless stream of consciousness that
is at once ineffably mournful and strangely uplifting.

Recorded live in Teheran, Endless Vision unites Gasparyan with
Hossein Alizadeh, master of the jangling shourangiz lute, on an
Iranian import of real quality. The ensemble playing is intricate and
austere – and suffused with a brooding and quite genuine spiritual
intensity.