Small Wonder: Charles Aznavour

Small Wonder
by Emily Bearn

SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON)
May 16, 2004, Sunday

When Charles Aznavour started singing, no one thought he’d last long.
At 5 ft 3 in, he seemed an unlikely pop idol, and one of his vocal
chords was rumoured to have been paralysed. As one critic wrote: “To
put oneself before the public with such a voice and such a physique is
pure folly.” It has proven to be one of the most magnificent follies
of all time. Sixty years down the line, Aznavour’s melancholy love
ballads have spawned sales of more than 100 million records. He
has houses in Geneva and St Tropez, he has had relationships with
Edith Piaf and Liza Minnelli, and it takes him 52 days a year to sift
through his fan mail. His devouringly raspish voice has made him one
of the world’s greatest music-hall troubadors and few quibbled when,
in 1998, Time magazine pronounced him “The Entertainer of the Century”.

He has frequently expressed his indifference to fame (“I am not a star,
I am just the man next door”), and his dressing-room at the Palais des
Congres in Paris betrays few trappings of it. The room is furnished
with a couple of hard chairs and an antiquated television, while his
dressing-table is bare save for a photograph of his grandchildren.

He says he does not wear make-up on stage, as it makes him look like
“a Peking duck”. As it is, he is dressed in a brown tweed suit and
his shortness is striking, but less so when he is standing against
his manager, who comes up to his shoulder: “He is shorter than me,
but don’t write that!” he pleads, hissing with delight. “I don’t want
him going craz-eee!” Aznavour himself appears to have no qualms about
his height: “I tried elevator shoes once, in America,” he recalls.
“But they were stupid. I felt like an idiot. A taller idiot.”

Aznavour claims to be unsure of his English, yet he appears to be as
fluent as the melancholy prose of his lyrics – as he muses in one song,
“You’ve got to leave the table when love’s no longer being served”,
and his conversation is strikingly practical. It gallops between
the iniquities of French taxation – he is furious that he is not
allowed to offset the cost of the handkerchiefs he drops on stage
during his signature song, La Boheme – with the career prospects of
his grand-children.

Oh, come on Charles! Parlez-moi d’amour! But as he politely explains,
that is not his wont: “People believe that in life I am somebody who
talks like I write, but it’s not true. I talk like anybody else.”

In France he is known as the “love pixie”, but he doesn’t entirely
act the part. He is effortlessly charming – his face animated with
what at times looks like a suppressed giggle – but his immediate
concerns seem to be less with love than with survival. He tells me
he would like to be remembered as “the oldest man in the world” and
enthusiastically outlines his dietary regime. Breakfast is a 10in
baguette, cheese on one side, jam on the other. Lunch is cooked,
dinner is cold, and occasionally taken with one-and-a-half glasses
of wine. “I’ve been a good drinker,” he explains. “I used to go out
every night; and I used to smoke four packets of cigarettes a day,
but now I tread water in the pool for 30 minutes every morning.”

His boulevardier days may be over, but he still appears as vital as
a cheetah. At times he seems so resonant with energy that I marvel he
can endure our 58 minutes sitting still. He still performs regularly,
and is about to give one of a series of 24 concerts held to mark his
80th birthday next Saturday (he looks nearer 60). It is only 90 minutes
before the curtain rises on an audience of 3,800, which Aznavour,
accompanied by a 20-piece orchestra, will entertain for two hours.

It is a prospect that does not appear to unnerve him: “I shave,
I change my suit, and then I am ready,” he says. “One of the good
things about getting old is that the critics run out of things to
criticise. What can they say any more? All my concerts are sold out.
I have become a sacred cow.”

The pandemonium outside suggests that this is so. A dozen or so
young Frenchwomen are at the stage door, clamouring for an autograph;
at the entrance a queue snakes around the block, hoping for ticket
returns. When the doors finally open, there is a further stampede for
the concert-hall shop, which swiftly sells out of T-shirts and posters.

I later watched the show, in which Aznavour left little doubt that he
is still worth queueing for. He performed 21 songs without a hint of
flagging, his voice so forceful that his three back-up singers were
rendered virtually inaudible. For his more doleful songs, he simply
cradled his microphone; during the faster ones he cavorted around
the stage like a tap-dancer.

He has a strong female following, but the audience was at least
half-male and, for the most part, fairly venerable. The woman on my
left looked about 50; the man on my right was nearer 90. Either way,
he was greeted with youthful fervour. He bowed out to a six-minute
standing ovation and a shower of red roses.

Since the passing of Piaf, it is Aznavour who has probably done most
to keep the tradition of the French chanson alive. His songs range
from cliched evocations of lost love to more off-beat themes, such
as a husband lamenting that his wife is fat. One of his most famous
songs is She, which reached number one in Britain in 1974 and, more
recently, was used in a cover version by Elvis Costello as the theme
to Notting Hill. His songs are wistful, but he rebuts the suggestion
that they are sad: “They are realistic. But they can be a little
melancholic. I was a visionary in that I believed that the chanson
had to change and be more personal. I came up with things nobody had
written before. Nobody had the guts to do so, and I’m proud of that.”

Until 1960, several of his songs were considered sufficiently risque to
be banned by French radio. The biggest rumpus came in the 1950s when,
years before gay liberation, he scandalised France with a lament about
a struggling homosexual. “Every time people wrote about homosexuality,
they were making fun,” he says. “It was a form of segregation and
I hate segregation. I’m not a homosexual, but someone had to defend
them.”

He says that he has not lived through all the anguish conveyed in his
lyrics (“If I had, I’d be mad”) although he has certainly weathered
the odd romantic gale. He has had three wives, and his relationships
include an affair with Liza Minnelli when she was 17. “Of course I
had some love affairs with known or unknown people,” he concedes. His
eyes suddenly light with mischief: “But I am a man who will never
talk about that. Some of my girlfriends might have children, or maybe
husbands, so it’s not nice to talk about it. I am a very discreet
man.” He is clearly also a playful one. At times he looks as naive
as a choirboy, but he appears to remain fairly confident of his adult
appeal. When I allude to his womanising days he dismisses the subject
with a nonchalant shrug, as though I were enquiring after something
as mundane as his latest cold.

The actress and singer Juliette Greco once commented that he was also
“a man of extremely stormy and unhappy love affairs. Women adore
Charles, and it’s perfectly natural”. What does he think they see in
him? “I’m not fresh enough to know,” he says, adding that he might
have been more forthcoming had I asked him 20 years earlier. Today,
he is disarmingly modest as to his selling points: “What is love?
Beauty is not the only thing in life – money, power, intelligence,
humour – those are forms of beauty, too. I am known, and that appeals
to people.”

Among those to whom he appealed before he became famous was his
mentor, Edith Piaf, with whom he lived in the 1950s for several
years. He served as her chauffeur, handyman and bottle-washer but
not, as he has repeatedly stressed, her lover. “We were very close.
We had less than love, but more than friendship.

“I learned everything from her. I learned that you must do your work
with love, not because you have to do it. I learned how you have to be
humble on stage, too. I am not a star, I’m a craftsman. And I learned
that from Piaf.” She also persuaded him to have his nose fixed. “It
had been broken when I was a child and I trusted her that this might
improve it.”

He gets upset at some of the rumours fanned about Piaf. She was not
a drug addict (“only things to help her sleep”), and she never peed
on the floor, but he admits that she wasn’t deft with a duster. “She
was terrible with housework. Terrible. She couldn’t cook an egg. But
she had nothing, so there wasn’t much mess. She just had a piano and
a bed.” And an awful lot of clothes: “She used to buy lots of hats,
which she never wore. And when she was in love she’d buy new dresses.
She didn’t wear those, either.”

Like Piaf, who called herself his “sister of the pavement”, Aznavour
was poor. His parents were Armenian actor-singers who fled to Paris
shortly before his birth to escape massacre by the Turks. He made
his stage debut at the Theatre du Petit Monde, at the age of nine.
“People say that they put me on the stage, but I put myself there. It
was natural. It was what I wanted to do.”

At 10 years old he was singing in nightclubs, but it was not until
he started touring with Piaf in his thirties that he discovered the
sort of popularity he now enjoys. He had his first solo success in
Casablanca, which was swiftly followed by top billing at the Moulin
Rouge. “When I started, my height was a disadvantage,” he concedes.
“Everything was. But I proved that even with my kind of voice, with
my kind of look, and as the son of an immigrant, I could make it.
That’s the lesson I give to people.”

He tells me twice that he is “a happy man”, and he certainly looks
it. He attributes this less to his commercial success than to his
third wife, Ulla, a former Swedish toothpaste model who is 17 years
his junior. They married in Las Vegas in 1967 with Petula Clark as
matron-of-honour. Nearly four decades on, they are living “quietly,
and perhaps a little boringly” in Switzerland. For one of her recent
birthdays, he gave her a vacuum cleaner: “She likes to have one in
every room, so I thought it would please her.”

How does she please him? “Because she sees me as Charles Aznavour,
the family man, not Aznavour, the singer. We store my music trophies
in the basement.”

By now it is after 7pm, and fans are converging on the Palais des
Congres to hear the family man sing. Perhaps after 750 songs and
the sale of his 100 millionth record, Aznavour might have started
making plans for his retirement. “Not yet,” he says, bustling down
the corridor in search of his toy-sized manager. “I used to work 24
hours a day, but now I work only 12, so I’m on half-time. But if I
worked any less, I’d die of inactivity.”

Charles Aznavour is in concert at the Palais des Congres, Paris,
until Saturday

BAKU: Azeri daily says cease-fire plays into Armenia’s hands

Azeri daily says cease-fire plays into Armenia’s hands

Yeni Musavat, Baku
17 May 04

Text of Elsad Pasa report by Azerbaijani newspaper Yeni Musavat on
17 May headlined “Protracted cease-fire” and sub-headed “Why are the
authorities speaking out against Heydar Aliyev’s ‘heritage’?”

The news that the question “Is there an alternative to the
cease-fire?” has finally been answered affirmatively by a number of
people representing the circles close to the incumbent authorities
for the first time in the last 10 years continues to reverberate.

Members of the [ruling] New Azerbaijan Party and those patronizing them
have been eulogizing about the cease-fire since 12 May 1994, heaping
praise on [former Azerbaijani President] Heydar Aliyev for signing
the accords equivalent to acknowledging defeat. They even ignored
the death of thousands of their compatriots who fell victim to enemy
sniper shots already after the agreement and continued describing
the cease-fire as something extraordinary. They kept saying in all
election campaigns that “there are no more war victims, mothers are
no longer shedding tears for their killed sons”, trying to convince
the nation that the cease-fire was the best available option.

Eventually, the fact that several opposition candidates standing in
the latest [presidential] elections voiced their intention to start
war if they come to power won considerable support in society. It is
the result of Heydar Aliyev’s unsuccessful “peace-loving” policy that
Azerbaijani society now believes in the inevitability of war in order
to regain control over our lands. Moreover, many see [Azerbaijani
President] Ilham Aliyev’s suggestion to start the Karabakh talks
from scratch as a conclusive proof of the collapse of his father’s
“wise policy”.

And finally, the deputies known for their dedication and intimacy
to the tribal leader are clearly expressing their concern with the
fact that the cease-fire has become so protracted. It is noteworthy
that even MP Qudrat Hasanquliyev voiced his protest at calls to view
the cease-fire as a victory, suggested that military expenditure
from the state budget be increased, stressed that the cease-fire was
playing into the hands of the Armenians and that the enemy should be
given one year to vacate our lands or face war. His colleague Elman
Mammadov also acknowledged that the cease-fire was more in Armenia’s
interests than in Azerbaijan’s. In any case, the fact that calls for
war are being made by the people close to the authorities, especially
members of the parliament, makes the issue quite serious. Those who
earlier accused us of impeding Heydar Aliyev’s peace negotiations
and vehemently blamed us for condemning the cease-fire regime are
now making exactly the same statements.

According to political analyst Rasim Musabayov, there are people in
the parliament who seem to understand that the cease-fire is not in
Azerbaijan’s interests.

“On the other hand, the Azerbaijani authorities want to reinforce their
positions by using the military tone in the negotiations. However,
they don’t realize that it is no longer possible to intimidate anyone
in the modern world by such methods. Everyone knows only too well
the real strength of the parties to the conflict. They should try
to appear more flexible in the talks and in the meantime change the
balance of forces in their favour.”

Musabayov thinks the Azerbaijani authorities are unlikely to decide
to start military action in the foreseeable future.

“To make the decision to go to war, the Azerbaijani army has got to
be adequately prepared. I cannot say how prepared the army is now,”
he said.

Regional coop should promote to implement Russo-Armenian agts

Regional coop should promote to implement Russo-Armenian agts
By Lyudmila Yermakova

ITAR-TASS News Agency
May 14, 2004 Friday

SAMARA, May 14 — Cooperation between regions must help implement
agreements reached by Russian and Armenian presidents, believe the
participants in a conference on the interregional Russian-Armenian
cooperation that opened in the Russian city of Samara on Friday.

The conducting of Samara interregional conference simultaneously with
the meeting of the two presidents in Moscow has a particular meaning,
Sergei Mironov, the Speaker of the Federation Council, or the upper
house of Russian parliament, told reporters.

“The fact that President Robert Kocharyan went to Moscow at the same
time as Armenian parliament speaker, Artur Bagdasarian, went to Samara,
one of Russia’s 89 constituent territories, testifies to the stability
of our relations,” Mironov said.

He is sure that the Armenian president’s visit to Moscow and his
dialogue with Vladimir Putin would promote a solution of the problems
witnessed by regions of the Caucasus.

Armenia is “our strategic partner, and our countries have a traditional
special relationship,” Mironov said.

During the conference, Russian and Armenian parliamentarians signed
a number of documents on inter-parliamentary cooperation, as well
as on interaction between the Samara Region and some regions of the
Republic of Armenia.

“We’ve agreed in principle on building up friendship between our
regions,” Artur Bagdasarian said.

He stressed Armenia’s position of the most stable partner that Russia
has in the Caucasus.

Bagdasarian said it was important to augment mutual understanding
at the high level with specific actions and contacts between regions
and with cooperation between regional populations.

Governor of the Samara Region, Konstantin Titov, shared that opinion,
saying that the partnership between the regions “is the most effective
form of cooperation between states”.

The framework agreements that the sides signed Friday “are a serious
basis of the multifaceted Russian-Armenian cooperation,” Titov said.
“The authorities should set up conditions for economy and business
development, essential for implementation of political accords.”

Azerbaijani officer confesses to premeditated murder of Armenian cla

Azerbaijani officer confesses to premeditated murder of Armenian classmate
by PABLO GORONDI; Associated Press Writer

Associated Press Worldstream
May 13, 2004 Thursday

BUDAPEST, Hungary — An Azerbaijani officer who hacked to death an
Armenian classmate during a NATO course has confessed to the murder
and said he planned it as revenge for a 1992 Armenian assault of
Azerbaijanis, police said Thursday.

Lt. Ramil Safarov of Azerbaijan on Feb. 19 used an ax to hack Lt.
Gurgen Markarian of Armenia to death in a dormitory that was being
used by participants of a NATO Partnership for Peace English language
course in Budapest.

At the time, police said the murder had been committed with “unusual
cruelty” and that Safarov had tried, unsuccessfully, to enter the
room of another Armenian with the intention of killing him.

A police statement released Thursday said Safarov had confessed to
committing the murder and claimed that the long-standing conflict
between Azerbaijan and Armenia was at the root of his act.

“There was no concrete grievance between the killer and the victim
before the (murder),” the Budapest police said.

Safarov initially had planned to kill an Armenian on Feb. 26 –
the anniversary of a 1992 Armenian assault which killed dozens of
Azerbaijanis in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan – even
before coming to Hungary for the NATO course, police said.

He told police he later decided to commit the crime ahead of the
anniversary date because “the presence of the Armenians was getting
on my nerves.”

Police investigators have recommended that the Budapest Attorney
General’s office charge Safarov with premeditated murder carried out
with unusual cruelty and with vile motives and aims.

The NATO program attended by the two men is aimed at increasing
cooperation between neutral and former Soviet bloc nations and NATO
in peacekeeping and other areas.

Relations between the two former Soviet Republics remain tense after
Armenian-backed forces drove Azerbaijan’s army out of the ethnic
Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in the early 1990s.

Despite a 1994 cease-fire ending the war that killed 30,000 people
and left about 1 million homeless, no agreement has been reached on
the territory’s final status.

Shushi Is The 7th Occupied Territory

A1 Plus | 16:04:01 | 12-05-2004 | Politics |

SHUSHI IS THE 7TH OCCUPIED TERRITORY

“Karabakhi conflict issue has transformed into the one of
Armenian-Azerbaijani bilateral relations, which is already
considered as a territorial demand”, Babken Ararqtcyan, Chair of
“Armat” /”Root”/ social organization and ex Parliament Speaker,
said during the conference on the 10th anniversary of truce. He is
sure the armistice arranged 10 years ago is uneasy so that it can be
violated just because of that “transformation”.

“Since the time that NKR status turned into a territorial conflict
we don’t master the truce. Azerbaijan owns it since it can say Azeri
territories have been occupied”, Ararqtcyan says.

He drew the attention of journalists to the recent statements by
Azerbaijani diplomats saying 7 occupied territories must be returned
while 6 districts are under control of Armenian forces.

“They consider Shushi the 7th. Shushi was a separate district in
Sovereign Territory of Nagorno Karabakh. Azerbaijan turned 6 into 7
within a year”, Mr. Ararqtcyan said. He called this policy line of
Azerbaijan “document occupation”.

He assured no progress in the negotiations over Karabakhi conflict
has been registered since the suggestions in 1997.

Yesterday Mr. Ararqtcyan read a publication in “New York Times”,
under which peace is needed in our region or else it will be doomed:
“In other words, we aren’t the ones to settle the conflict. And the
worst is that we well may not to partake in solution”.

As to prospects of meetings between two presidents, Mr. Ararqtcyan
said: “Just those meetings led to that Karabakh was left out of the
negotiations. In 1994 Levon Ter-Petrosyan took Karabakhi President
wherever he went. In 1994 September Kocharyan and Aliev even had a
private talk”, Ararqtcyan reminded.

He is sure phase version is the only possible settlement to the
conflict.

Genocide victims deserve respect

Massachusetts Daily Collegian
University Wire
May 5, 2004 Wednesday

Genocide victims deserve respect

By Dan O’Brien, Massachusetts Daily Collegian; SOURCE: U.
Massachusetts-Amherst

AMHERST, Mass.

I grew up in the small town of Watertown, Mass. Despite being nestled
between the boarders of the large cities of Cambridge and Boston, the
town is not very well-known to those who live outside the area. But
there is something unique about my town that warrants inspection.
Many people from my town have taught me a valuable lesson: What it
means to fight for one’s beliefs. It’s a lesson from history that
should be explained more thoroughly in the history books than it is,
if it is ever explained at all.

The story comes not from my hometown, but from the people who live
there, particularly my Armenian friends and neighbors. Armenians make
up approximately 20 percent of the town’s population. This is a
considerable percentage because they represent less than 1 percent of
the American population. Watertown has the second largest community
of Armenians in the country. This community, located in Watertown’s
east end, is known to locals as “Little Armenia.” It is surrounded by
five Armenian churches and an array of Armenian specialty shops and
restaurants.

Last month I returned home to Watertown for a weekend visit. Without
fail, I saw the giant billboard on Mount Auburn Street that goes up
around this time every year. The billboard said, “Never Forget,” in
bold print, followed by, “The Armenian Genocide: April 24, 1915.”
This year, April 24, 2004, was the 89th anniversary of the Armenian
Genocide. Being a non-Armenian, these billboards brought me back to
my high school days when a handful of Armenian classmates would stay
home from school. I remember speaking with some of these students,
who complained that this event was never taught in their high school
history classes. A valid point, considering that the public school
system would deny the third largest ethnic group in town a chance for
their children to learn about a significant part of their personal
history.

The genocide began in 1915 in the Ottoman Empire — present-day
republic of Turkey — with the eradication of the Christian Armenians
and lasted until 1918. The Ottoman Empire, which was ruled by Muslim
Turks, carried out the genocide due to a policy of eliminating the
Christian minority. Countless numbers of people were savagely
brutalized and women were often raped. By 1922, the Armenians had
been eradicated from their historic homeland.

The genocide only began after the massacres of 1894 to 1896 under
Sultan Abdul-Hamid II, 19 years before the actual genocide would be
committed by the Turkish government. The sultan was alarmed by
increasing activity in a number of Armenian political groups, many of
which spoke out for civil rights and autonomy. Historians guess that
the massacres killed somewhere between 100,000 and 300,000 people.
The sultan began the systematic brutalization as a way to undermine
Armenian nationalism.

The night of April 24, 1915, was when the Armenian Genocide truly
began to unfold: the Turkish government arrested over 200 Armenian
community leaders in Constantinople and hundreds more were
apprehended soon after. They were all sent to prison; most were
executed. These acts occurred under the cover of a news blackout; a
time when there was no communication between the Eastern nations and
the Western world because of the ongoing World War I. The news
blackout had been happening for some time before April 24, 1915, and
as a result many Armenians had died at the hands of the Turks before
foreign nations had time to react. It is estimated that between 1915
and 1923, over 1.5 million Armenians died in the genocide.

Today, several nations including Russia, Argentina, France and Greece
have formally recognized the Armenian Genocide. However, the United
States has never officially recognized the events as a genocide.
President Bush in 2001 called it, “the forced exile and annihilation
of approximately 1.5 million Armenians,” which has angered many
Armenian-American interest groups, including the lobby group the
Armenian National Committee. ANC is asking 100 members of Congress to
sign a letter to the President asking for the use of the word
“genocide.” And rightly so. I can’t imagine how a descendant of a
genocide victim would react if President Bush were to walk up to that
person and say, “You’re loved one was murdered at the hands of a
government that was systematically arresting, torturing, and
murdering people solely due to their racial background. But, it
wasn’t a genocide.”

Despite not being fully recognized by our government or in our
history textbooks, there have been several memorials built to honor
the victims of the genocide. These memorials are located around the
world, including several in the Boston area. Meanwhile, as the United
States fails to give those who suffered through one of the worst
human atrocities their proper respect, we join the ranks of countries
such as Turkey, which denies all knowledge of the genocide as a
matter of policy. The Turks blame the deaths as part of World War I
warfare. What is even worse is that Turkey dismisses the atrocities
as mere allegations. The country’s leaders have also allegedly
obstructed efforts for acknowledgment.

If you ever happen to be driving to Boston on the Mass Pike, take a
detour. Get off the highway at exit 17, be sure to drive up Mount
Auburn St. and read the billboards that say “Never Forget.” The
message isn’t asking you to donate your money or join some sort of
animal rights campaign or anything like that. The people of Watertown
and Armenians around the world are simply asking our government to,
at the very least, give their ancestors the proper respect they
deserve. It is imperative to remember atrocities such as these in
order to not repeat mistakes of the past.

Information from the Armenian Museum of America (Watertown, MA), the
Armenian National Institute () and KFWB-AM
(Los Angeles) was used in this column.

(C) 2003 Massachusetts Daily Collegian via U-WIRE

www.armenian-genocide.org

TURKMENISTAN: Focus on Armenian migrants

UN Regional Information Asia, Asia
May 6 2004

TURKMENISTAN: Focus on Armenian migrants

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]

ASHGABAT, 6 May 2004 (IRIN) – Thousands of Armenians from Armenia and
Azerbaijan fled to Turkmenistan in the 1990s, following the war in
the Caucasus and the economic crisis in Armenia. After the
authorities in the Turkmen capital Ashgabat introduced a visa regime
with all the former Soviet republics in 1999, many of these Armenians
found themselves in Turkmenistan with no legal status, many have
sought to return home.

ARMENIANS IN TURKMENISTAN

Armenians living in Turkmenistan fall into three groups: ethnic
Armenians who are Turkmen citizens, Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan
and the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh, and Armenian citizens from
Armenia itself.

According to Aram Grigoryan, the Armenian ambassador to Turkmenistan,
those in the first category constitute the majority of Armenians in
the country. According to some estimates, they number more than
30,000. The total population of Turkmenistan is some 6.5 million.

As for the second and third categories, Grigoryan explained to IRIN
that a well-established Armenian diaspora in the country dating back
to Soviet times prompted their relatives in Armenia and Azerbaijan to
come to Turkmenistan more recently.

Given their illegal status, there are no official statistics on the
number of Armenian irregular migrants in Turkmenistan. According to
the Armenian embassy, they could number between 2,000 and 4,000.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE VISA REGIME INTRODUCED IN 1999

Although the embassy is dealing with these irregular Armenian
migrants, and had sent several hundred Armenians back to Armenia
before Ashgabat’s June 1999 announcement of a visa regime with all
former Soviet republics, the situation became more complicated after
that.

“This [visa regime] made these people victims of the situation. Most
of them never knew what a visa regime meant… They thought they
would continue to live as they had been doing and that it [the
trouble] would pass,” Grigoryan said.

It turned out that thousands of Armenian nationals were living in
Turkmenistan without an entry visa, thus staying illegally and
breaking the visa regime. “These people are formally speaking without
proper documents at this point, but many of them told us they were
actually afraid to register. They were afraid that they wouldn’t get
the [required] status and as foreigners would be obliged to leave the
country. So this is a very specific migration issue,” Zoran Milovic,
head of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in
Ashgabat, told IRIN.

Upon the establishment of the visa regime, these migrants had a
chance to leave the country without a visa. This was done for those
who were not ready to pay for a visa to stay. Such visas cost US $41
for each month of stay in the country.

“And you can imagine what a huge burden $41 would be for anybody here
in Turkmenistan, except for Westerners who come on business,” Milovic
said. The average monthly salary in the energy rich country is no
more than $65.

Some migrants left, but most remained. “From a technical point of
view, everyone who didn’t have a place of residence and Turkmen
citizenship and failed to register after 1999 became an irregular
migrant,” Milovic explained.

According to the IOM, in some cases Armenian migrants had documents
issued by the old Soviet government or issued by the Armenian
government, while others had lost their papers. But it proved
virtually impossible for them to get new documents, because in order
to get a new passport they had to have the original papers from
Armenia. “You cannot get them unless you travel there and you cannot
travel because you don’t have travel documents. It was a catch-22
situation,” the IOM official noted.

In an effort to organise the voluntary return of those willing to go
home, the IOM has assisted the return of more than 200 Armenian
nationals over the past two years, supported by the Norwegian, Dutch
and British governments, coupled with the cooperation of Turkmen
authorities.

“When it came to the issue of logistics, of organising their
transport, we indeed had excellent cooperation from both the
Ministries of Interior and of Foreign Affairs, and with the customs
and border guard service.” Milovic said.

MIXED MARRIAGES

One of the most problematic aspects related to the issue of Armenian
irregular migrants is that of mixed marriages between them and local
ethnic Armenians who are Turkmen nationals.

Turkmenistan adopted a law defining the conditions for the
registration of marriages between Turkmen nationals and foreigners in
2001. According to the law, every foreigner who wants to marry a
Turkmen national is supposed to pay US $50,000 to a state fund, which
is supposed to take care of abandoned wives and orphans.

But very few people from the former Soviet Union have $50,000 to pay
for registering the marriage. “Then you have the situation when the
marriage exists in reality, children exist in reality. But in terms
of formally recognising this marriage union and then registering the
place of residence and approving certain rights that come with that,
it is not possible and this becomes a huge problem,” Milovic
stressed.

“We had many cases in which one of the spouses was an Armenian
national while the other was a Turkmen national. They usually
encounter problems with visas, registration, residency permits and so
on,” Ambassador Grigoryan said.

Although they cannot register their marriage officially, they usually
marry in church. “But when they have children, they cannot register
them, they can’t be issued with IDs, which creates big problems for
their education,” a local analyst told IRIN in Ashgabat.

The issue of mixed marriages was quite problematic for the recent
group of repatriates who flew to Armenia in late January. Many of the
repatriates left behind children or wives in Turkmenistan, the
Armenian media outlet ArmeniaNow.com reported, quoting some
returnees.

Nune came to Armenia with her daughter, leaving behind in
Turkmenistan her husband and son – both Turkmen nationals. “Since I
have a Soviet passport I hope to get myself a new Armenian passport
here and then to return to my family by invitation,” she said.

Gagik, who worked in Ashgabat, said his wife and his child were still
in the country. “My wife has Turkmen citizenship, so if I bring her
to Armenia she will have the same status here as I do there,” he
said, adding that he didn’t know what to do.

No statistics or estimates are available on the number of mixed
marriages. “People are afraid to contact either the Armenian embassy
or anybody else, including Turkmen government institutions. So, it is
very hard to estimate their number,” Milovic said.

The IOM official urged the Turkmen and Armenian governments to
address this very specific issue. “Although we can say that they are
irregular migrants, this is an example of a very specific migration
issue that I hope the Turkmen and Armenian governments might be able
to resolve in a different way so that we do not have the cases of
divided families,” he said.

Turkmen law stipulates that those foreign nationals who violated
migration and registration requirements are banned from entering the
country for five years, making it very hard if not impossible for the
Armenian spouses to return to Turkmenistan legally.

MANY REMAINING ARMENIANS SEEKING RETURN

Although some Armenians left the country with assistance from IOM,
the Armenian embassy in Ashgabat or on their own account, the
majority remain in the country, most of whom are said to be seeking
repatriation as they have no jobs, social protection or other rights.

According to some analysts, given their illegal status, most of the
Armenian migrants live in constant fear of being discovered,
questioned by the police, detained and possibly deported. There have
been unconfirmed reports of migrants being harassed by the police,
suffering extortion for money or evicted from their homes.

“Many people are detained and kept at detention facilities for
violating the visa regime. Unfortunately, in Turkmenistan the law on
deportation hasn’t been worked out and we’ve developed a middle-way
solution in cooperation with the Turkmen authorities. We send these
detained people back home. It means that the Turkmen side stamps
visas, we find money for an air ticket, and we look for relatives or
sponsor money. Dozens of people have been sent back home in such a
way,” Ambassador Grigoryan said.

Between 1996 and 1999 when the visa regime was introduced the
Armenian embassy repatriated some 700 Armenians.

“I am sure there are still people who want to go home and many of
them have heard about [such repatriation efforts] it, but we cannot
announce them via radio or television. Should that happen there
wouldn’t be a spare space on this street as many will come,” the
Armenian envoy explained.

ETHNIC ARMENIAN REFUGEES FROM AZERBAIJAN

Another group of ethnic Armenians living in Turkmenistan, namely
refugees from Azerbaijan, is in a more difficult situation. “As for
the [Azerbaijani] refugees, the situation is more complicated.
Unfortunately the office of the UNHCR provides little helps to them
although it is their direct responsibility,” Grigoryan complained to
IRIN.

We spoke to the UNHCR mission in Turkmenistan, and they said that
donor countries that fund humanitarian assistance to refugees put
some conditions, namely that in a given country, for example
Turkmenistan, only those people who directly came from their former
homeland, that is Azerbaijan, could be considered refugees, he
explained.

“These people are deprived of many rights. But it is not the fault of
Turkmenistan, which accepted all of them. It is the fault of
circumstances that made them leave their countries and homelands. But
they cannot return there because there are now big problems between
Armenia and Azerbaijan. Nobody will accept them there,” Grigoryan
said.

According to the Armenian embassy, the estimated number of
Azerbaijani refugees of Armenian origin living in Turkmenistan is
between 1,000 and 3,000.

Those refugees who came from Azerbaijan directly and can prove that
with documentary evidence are receiving assistance from the UNHCR.
They get a special document which gives them the opportunity to work
and some other rights.

“But those who before coming to Turkmenistan were in other countries
– for example in Armenia and got their refugee status there, but got
into that difficult situation of the early 90s and came here – they
are deprived of assistance. I think it’s nonsense,” Grigoryan said
firmly.

As of April 2004, there were 100 Azerbaijani refugees registered with
the UNHCR office in Ashgabat who are receiving assistance from the UN
refugee agency. “But there are probably others who didn’t register.
We don’t know about them,” Narasimha Rao, a protection officer for
UNHCR, told IRIN in the capital.

“We believe that the majority of them who have refugee claims, which
means those who fled because of the conflict have already approached
us and registered with us. Those who came for migratory reasons don’t
fall under our mandate and as a result we cannot assist them,” Rao
explained.

POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS

When looking at possible solutions for the Armenian migrants,
officials talk about getting Turkmen citizenship for those who
qualify and assisted voluntary repatriation for others.

“I do hope we will have the chance to discuss with the Turkmen
government the situation of those who are still here. Especially
those who are indeed cases of mixed marriages or those who have been
in the country for more than seven years and thus, according to
Turkmen legislation, would have the right to apply for Turkmen
citizenship. I hope that the Turkmen government might be willing to
consider some of these cases, some of these issues in a way that
might enable people to have a choice,” Milovic said.

Meanwhile, those who are happy to return but do not have necessary
resources are awaiting further organised repatriation efforts by the
IOM, provided that donors release the funds needed for a more
comprehensive repatriation programme. The programme is expected to
include some elements necessary for sustainable return as many of the
people in the first group of returnees who were repatriated in late
2002 later went abroad, either to Russia or the US, as they couldn’t
support themselves in Armenia.

The Armenian ambassador urged donors to continue their help in
repatriating Armenians. “There is nothing more noble than to help
people to return home,” he said.

;SelectRegion=Central_Asia

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40929&amp

Turkey not ready to join EU, Chirac says

ArmenPress
April 29 2004

TURKEY NOT READY TO JOIN EU, FRANCES’ PRESIDENT SAYS

PARIS, APRIL 29, ARMENPRESS: French President Jacques Chirac said
Thursday that Turkey’s entry into the European Union, which is set to
expand to 25 members this week, is not “desirable” now but could be
in the future.
Chirac, speaking at his first full-fledged news conference in six
years, said Turkey had not yet met the conditions for entry into the
EU. He pointed to concern about issues ranging from human rights to
judicial reform. “The destiny of Turkey has always been deeply linked
to Europe,” Chirac said. “Turkey has made considerable efforts,” but
has a way to go, he said.
In response to a question whether Turkey’s formal recognition of
the Armenian genocide of 1915 would eliminate some of these
obstacles, Chirac said the question lies within Turkish-Armenian
relations. “I am deeply satisfied with ongoing positive changes in
Turkish-Armenian relations. It would be incorrect to judge about
future prospects of these relations in the light of the past,” he
said.
The European Parliament adopted a resolution in 1987 linking
Turkey’s membership with the EU to its official acknowledgment of the
1915 genocide.

April 13 Will Influence Negatively on All of Us

A1 Plus | 14:34:56 | 30-04-2004 | Politics |

APRIL 13 WILL INFLUENCE NEGATIVELY ON ALL OF US

“It was very bad”, Movses Shahverdyan, Chair of Labor Socialistic
Party of Armenia, labeled the events of April 13 on Baghramyan Avenue
this way at a press conference.

According to him, any attempt of violence towards people has
pernicious impact on everybody. “I don’t think the situation was too
objectionable to resort to that action”.

Mr. Shahverdyan didn’t want to say whether Authorities or Opposition
are mostly to blame for it.

LSPA Chair thinks that meetings must be held not only for power change
but also for solution to nationwide problems like social, ecological
etc. “Minority of people believes that something will change if the
President changes. Besides, power must be changed through elections”.

Shahverdyan says a new power is needed and moral people must be
engaged in politics.

He assures his party has its ideas and purposes.

Margaryan Killing: Preliminary inquiry nears its end

Margaryan Killing: Preliminary inquiry nears its end
30 April 2004

By Zhanna Alexanyan
ArmeniaNow.com reporter

The lawyer for the family of Gurgen Margaryan has been in Budapest for
consultations on the case against the Azerbaijani officer accused of
murdering him.

Nazeli Vardanyan, a member of the Armenian International Lawyers Union, met
with her Hungarian colleague Gabriela Gaspar to familiarize herself with
details of the preliminary investigation.

Vardanyan is representing the interests of the legal successors of
Margaryan, the Armenian officer violently murdered on February 19 while
attending a NATO Partnership for Peace training program in Budapest. She
also represents a second Armenian officer, Hayk Makuchyan, who is recognized
as a victim in the case.

The preliminary inquiry is expected to be completed within two to three
weeks. Senior Lieutenant Ramil Sarafov, one of two Azerbaijani officers
attending the same NATO program, is accused of hacking Margaryan to death
with an axe while he slept and of attempting to murder Makuchyan. The
soldiers were attending NATO’s “Partners for Peace” conference.

Vardanyan received her legal education in Yerevan and completed postgraduate
study at the Institute of State and Law Studies of the Russian Academy of
Sciences in Moscow . She is also a graduate of the American University of
Armenia. An international law specialist, Vardanyan speaks English and
German.

Tigran Janoyan, head of the union, which is providing legal support to
Vardanyan, states that Sarafov allegedly murdered Margaryan then tried to
break into Makuchyan’s room. The preliminary investigation has recorded that
marks from a sharp-edged instrument were found around the door latch and
that the Azeri officer called to Makuchyan to come out of his room.

“Both of them were recognized as victims and the most important is that the
crime was directed only against Armenian citizens. The national factor, the
fact of being Armenian, was the motive for the crime,” says Janoyan.

Immediately after the incident, Azerbaijani authorities sought to classify
it as a simple dispute. Janoyan says: “So far, the investigation hasn’t
managed to collect any information showing there to have been a conflict
between the Azeri and Armenian officers or demonstration of antipathy.”

The attorney believes that the Azeri side is seeking to cloak a criminal act
in the imagery of national heroism by developing a hypothesis of revenge for
deaths in Khojalu during the war in Nagorno Karabakh.

“This contradiction is also clear to Hungarian authorities, particularly to
the body in charge of the preliminary investigation. If they try to turn the
trial into a political show, I think we will also be ready to present the
reality of the Khojalu events,” says Janoyan, underlining that at present
the Armenian side has no desire to leave the legal field.

He says the investigation found that “the axe recognized as the weapon was
purchased in advance, about two weeks before the incident in Budapest”.

According to a statement from the second Azeri officer who attended the NATO
meeting, Safarov “purchased the axe as a souvenir for his father”. Janoyan
questions whether the huge instrument – 65 centimeters long, with a blade
measuring 17 by 12 – was really “the best souvenir to bring from Hungary to
the Southern Caucasus”.

He argues: “Safarov planned cruel crimes against Armenian officers. He
purchased the crime instrument, chose a residential section of the
educational building and step by step committed the crime. The murder of the
second Armenian officer didn’t take place as a result of circumstances over
which the criminal couldn’t establish control.”

The scene of the crime has been thoroughly examined. Traces of blood
allegedly left by the criminal while searching for Makuchyan’s room were
registered.

Hungarian law provides 10 to 15 years or life imprisonment for murder. The
court has yet to decide whether the trial will be public. If he is
convicted, the possibility of Sarafov being transferred to his homeland to
serve his sentence is not excluded.

“Azerbaijan and Hungary have signed a convention on extradition of convicted
persons, although it doesn’t require mandatory extradition. The Hungarian
side must decide whether to extradite him or not,” says Vardanyan. ” Hungary
is preparing to join the European Union on May 1 and I don’t think there
will be any pressure on the court because they want to prove to the world
that they are ready to be a member of this structure. We are not passive, in
our turn, to allow pressure to be exerted.”