Author: Greg Madatian

Existential crisis for Iran in South Caucasus

Greg Madatian

OPINION

The question now is whether diplomacy will be enough to pull all sides back from the brink
By NIKOLA MIKOVICMARCH 30, 2023

Tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia are threatening to destabilize the South Caucasus, prompting some to worry that Iran could eventually be pulled into a wider regional conflict. But is Iran really prepared to invade its Shia-majority neighbor to protect Armenia, or are recent military moves little more than bluster?

While Azerbaijan’s military continues to capture parts of Nagorno-Karabakh – internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan despite being under Armenian control for three decades – leaders in the energy-rich country accuse the Islamic Republic of amassing troops near its exclave of Nakhchivan, on Iran’s northwestern border.

Tehran hasn’t denied the allegations. On the contrary, the al-Quds Force – one of five branches of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) – has reported that its bases near the Armenia-Azerbaijan border are on high alert for a possible attack.

Heavy logistical movements of the Azerbaijani army raised concerns in Iran that an operation against Armenia was imminent, and IRGC commander Brigadier-General Mohammad Pakpour visited the area last Friday.

There are even reports that IRGC forces in Iran’s provinces of East and West Azerbaijan – where ethnic Azeris make up most of the population – have been ordered to full combat readiness. 

But despite the recent spike in tensions, the current situation in the South Caucasus remains manageable, and Iran’s calculations are more strategic than tactical. At least for now. 

Azerbaijan uses the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict as a way to pressure Armenia to build its section of the Nakhchivan corridor, a land route that would connect mainland Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan via southern Armenia’s province of Syunik. If built under Baku’s terms, the corridor would in effect cut off Iran from Armenia, something that Alireza Monadi, a representative of the Iranian city of Tabriz, said Tehran “will not allow.”

(Indeed, Mohammad-Reza Mirtajodini, Iran’s former vice-president for parliamentary affairs, has even called for Tehran to annex Nakhchivan in response.) 

The IRGC was even more direct. On its official Telegram channels, the Revolutionary Guard posted open threats to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev over his “hostile actions against Armenia.” Iran seems determined to prevent a potential Azerbaijani attack on southern Armenia, though it remains unclear how far it might go to avert such a scenario.

The reason for Iran’s concern is simple: Azerbaijan’s control over southern Armenia would jeopardize Tehran’s positions in the South Caucasus, and pose an existential threat to the Islamic Republic itself.

In the north, Iran would be completely surrounded by Turkic countries, and Tehran fears that Azerbaijan could eventually allow Israel to use its territory for attacks on the Islamic Republic. Already, Azerbaijan is strengthening its military and intelligence relations with Israel – Iran’s arch-enemy. 

If Tehran turns a blind eye to Azerbaijani-Israeli cooperation, such a move could be interpreted as a sign of weakness. That’s why Tehran is expected to continue flexing its military muscles in the region – aiming to demonstrate that the territorial integrity of Armenia is Iran’s red line.

Time may be on Iran’s side, as the only major incident recently was in Nagorno-Karabakh, where Azerbaijani forces took “urgent measures” to prevent the construction of a road to bypass the Lachin corridor – the only road connecting Armenia with Nagorno-Karabakh.

For now, diplomacy appears to be the desired course of action. On March 11, Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry summoned the Iranian ambassador in Baku to protest against the presence of an Iranian warplane over the disputed area. 

Earlier this year, Azerbaijan closed its embassy in Tehran and evacuated staff and their families after a gunman stormed the diplomatic mission, killing the security chief and wounding two guards. Thus diplomatic relations between the two neighbors remain tense, and both sides occasionally add fuel to the fire.

The question now is whether diplomacy will be enough to pull all sides back from the brink. Azerbaijan has considered engaging ethnic Azerbaijanis living in Iran as instruments against the Islamic Republic.

Last November, President Aliyev stressed that Azerbaijan would “do everything to protect the rights, freedoms, and security of Azerbaijanis living abroad, including Azerbaijanis in Iran.” His statement was a direct message to the Islamic Republic, designed to show that Baku has significant leverage in, and over Tehran. 

Iran, for its part, could use the Shia factor as its trump card against Azerbaijan. But this could backfire, given that Baku frequently arrests members of Shiite groups that are allegedly planning to carry out acts of sabotage and disruption under the guise of religion.

If, however, Iran decides to raise the stakes and attack Israeli-backed Azerbaijan under any pretext, it risks an open confrontation with a country that will be strongly supported not only by Israel, but also by NATO member Turkey.

Thus policymakers in Tehran will have to think twice before taking any action in the South Caucasus. Direct confrontation can be avoided, but only if cooler heads prevail.

This article was provided by Syndication Bureau, which holds copyright.


Azerbaijani blockade of Nagorno Karabakh leads to widespread business closures, mass layoffs

Greg Madatian

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 09:46, 21 March 2023

STEPANAKERT, MARCH 21, ARMENPRESS. 782 businesses were forced to shut down and 1,170 people lost their jobs in Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh) as a result of the ongoing Azerbaijani blockade.

It has now been 100 days since the Azerbaijani blockade of Nagorno Karabakh began.

The blockade has led to significant economic impact and reduced tax revenues.

Manush Hovhannisyan, the Director of the Department of Revenue Registration and Organization at the Artsakh State Revenue Committee presented the situation to ARMENPRESS.

ARMENPRESS: What’s been the impact of the blockade on the tax revenues in Artsakh?

Hovhannisyan: During January-February of 2023, 4 billion 23,9 million drams in tax revenues and duties was collected to the state budget, which amounted to 75,9% of the projected 5 billion 300 million or 1 billion 276,1 million less. The collected revenues underperformed by 18,6% or 922,2 million less compared to the same period of the previous year. The decreased figures are a result of the partial of complete closure of businesses due to the situation in the economy resulting from the ongoing blockade of Artsakh by Azerbaijan.

ARMENPRESS: How many businesses have either partially or completely shut down operations?

Hovhannisyan: During the blockade 782 businesses, or 18,3% of the total, shut down operations, as a result 1,170 people became unemployed. 317 businesses, or 7,5%, are still open but were forced to lay off 1,502 employees, while the remaining businesses are working either partially or with government support. The closures pertain to nearly all sectors.

ARMENPRESS: Are there any tax privileges for businesses during the blockade?

Hovhannisyan: We have three relief programs for mitigating the socio-economic consequences of the blockade, the first one is being implemented by the State Revenue Committee, while the remaining two – which pertain to the unemployed persons – are implemented by the Ministry of Social Development and Migration. Given the three-year tax privileges instituted after the 2020 war, we don’t have the need to provide individual privileges at this stage. In 2023, businesses are still exempt from fixed and patent payments, while taxes for trade and general tax regime is determined by turnover.

ARMENPRESS: Who is eligible for the one-time grants and financial support?

Hovhannisyan: The government designated the 41 sectors of the economy that have been affected the most, such as retail and wholesale trade, construction, interstate passenger transportation, cargo transportation, restaurant businesses, mining industry – excluding the iron ore mining and some other areas. Private entrepreneurs in these sectors, with the exception of patent tariff payers, receive a 136,000-dram support, while the patent tariff payers receive 68,000. Under the one-time grant program, the support is in the size of taxes and social payments calculated by maximum of 136,000 drams per each employee, or the factual amount of revenue in case of the revenues being less. The support and grant payments began from February 21, 2023.

ARMENPRESS:  How much money has been paid in support in total?

Hovhannisyan: As of March 17, 2023, a total of 555,6 million drams in support and grants was paid to 1,959 businesses.

The official added that the program’s application deadline was extended from the original February 28 to March 15 and the provision of payments is still ongoing. Applications from 400 other businesses are still being processed.

Interview with Hovhannes Movsisyan, Director Gen. of Armenia Public TV

Greg Madatian
EBU
March 21 2023

I was 28 when I was elected DG two years ago. I think my age brings advantages and disadvantages: while I aspire for innovation, my responsibility is to lead Armenian public TV, which is a 67-year institution with 800 employees of an average age between 30 and 40. It has its traditions and it’s vital to balance change with these traditions. This can be challenging. It’s very important for me that experience and impetus for change work hand in hand.

It’s challenging to finance innovation through an annual budget that doesn’t change and needs to prioritize content. But we are trying and have launched a number of initiatives. Not all innovation necessarily needs funding, and I count on my staff who are very motivated and creative. But of course, we try to increase funding and the last two years have shown that we can achieve this. 

There are many things. Our priority is to be more competitive and grow our audience and we have launched a few strong projects to do this. 

One of the key initiatives is to segment content. As part of this strategy, we launched a 24-hour news channel 18 months ago that is already delivering high ratings. This new channel complements our main channel, 1st Channel, and a satellite channel serving Armenia’s significant diaspora.

We’re also working on developing and getting funding for archive, youth, and sports channels. As a priority, we’re shaping the team that will produce the Youth channel that is really needed to reach young audiences. Our plan is to start this spring and brand the offer New Wave, targeting the 14-30 year age group. We want to produce topics and formats that reflect how young people behave on social media. This new approach and narrative might be challenging for older demographics who are used to a more conservative approach from public service media (PSM), but we are confident we can face this. 

Our main first channel is now second in the ratings and sometimes ranks first, compared to fifth when I joined Public TV. Our main competition is Armenian domestic drama which is very popular in Armenia, with a strong offer from commercial players. We produce one or two series each season. However, commercial TV has nearly ten, making it hard to compete.

The news channel is ranked between six and seven, which is satisfactory for a new channel in a competitive environment with about 25 TV channels, the majority of which are Armenian.

Human resources is a challenge and we’ve taken some bold initiatives to address this. We launched a Media Academy at Armenian TV two years ago as our main funnel for recruiting young staff. We already have more than 200 alumni, of whom 40 work at AMPTV. It’s good to see this younger cohort work in different places across public TV. They are highly motivated, want to work for public TV, and understand that the way in is through the Media Academy. 
 
I want to provide these young people with an environment where they can create the TV of the future. We ask them what they want to watch and how they see the TV of the future. We also keep them separate from the main TV staff because we want them to be different, and in an environment where they can freely create their own ideas and processes. 

It’s a problem here like everywhere, with online being the biggest challenge. 

Every company is trying different tactics, that can be aggressive or positive. We have chosen the positive way. Two years ago we started a TV programme on media literacy. In Armenia it’s not enough for a programme to talk about disinformation. People need to believe in a personality. So we selected a host, who is well-known and reputable in Armenia. The programme is only five minutes long and we schedule it when there is a window, which can be two or three times a day, and not only on our main TV channel. We also broadcast it on our news channel and on our satellite channel for our diaspora because they also read and watch Armenian news. 

When we started the programme there was a high level of disinformation in Armenia, and this programme became one of the most watched in just a month. We were surprised because it's not easy for people to understand what media literacy is. We show how manipulation is done, how resources have been used or we just answer questions and explain how to trust a newsletter, news website and so on. And, it’s working well. 

It's very hard to rely on surveys. We look at international ones such as the International Republican Institute that does socio-political research. They carry out polls in the streets and use phone calls. According to their research, Armenian public TV is recognized as the most trustworthy and reliable in Armenia, not only compared to other television stations, but also other media outlets. We are very proud of this and we have been working to maintain this trust already for two years.

We have many international correspondents abroad and we need them to ensure quality output. Sometimes we change reporters to have more qualified content from the regions. 

According to the law on PSM, our budget cannot be less than the previous year which is a guarantee of stability. When we have strong projects that need additional funding we start knocking on doors and making the case. Of ten projects we have pitched, we managed to get funding for nine such as Junior Eurovision which required a big budget! 

Now, we have been in the process of digitizing our first studio. We invested nearly EUR 3 million of which about EUR 700,000 was covered by the government.

I remember the day we won Junior Eurovision in Paris in 2021. One of my colleagues broke a glass out of joy! It was a great day for us and for all Armenia because this is a popular show in our country and people were experiencing hard times. From that day on, we started the preparations, confirming that we were ready to host the 2022 edition and would do our best to make it great. This was something new for us, also coming at a time when management was still new, just one year in office. 

We started to study and learn, not only from Junior Eurovision, but also from the Eurovision Song Contest. We sent people to understand how both events work and how others have organized them. While we wanted to know everything about previous events, we also knew we wanted to make an Armenian version of Eurovision, not imitate something from somewhere else. 

From the first day, we actively collaborated with the core Eurovision team and recruited local professionals and international specialists. This was an opportunity to show our professionalism and what we can do in Armenia. 

What we achieved set a new standard for live production by public TV in Armenia. People are still talking about the whole event and this is really important for us. The public was proud when they saw the scale of this international event in their country. There were no negative comments, not even on the budget. There were street polls asking people what they thought. Did Armenia need to spend so much money for Junior Eurovision? And people answered yes. It was about a big event in Yerevan, and an opportunity to have many guests from Europe. That's why we needed to push the boat out. The public gathered for the opening ceremony to see the guests and lights on the traditional Christmas tree in Yerevan. It was a great day for us and I'm really proud of what we achieved. 

I have actually changed our structure four or five times!

The main problem, like everywhere else, is that we need people who take decisions and take responsibility for these decisions. It is very hard for some managers or for some employees to judge what is right and what is wrong. It is harder to take a decision and to take responsibility than asking a superior to do it. We are facing this challenge, but we are changing. 

I always say that I am just one, and we are around 800 people in this organization and everyone should work and everyone should be able to take decisions and take responsibility. I know this is hard, but we must do it. And that's why I rely on our top management while they rely on their managers, the managers rely on their employees and so on. In every circle there are roles and responsibilities for everyone and everything should be in a flow. One can't do anything good alone. I believe that this is the right way to manage such a big company.

I have 12, down from 15. And maybe more changes will be needed. You can write the best structure for your company in principle, but it may not always work in practice. That's why I change. Maybe it’s me: I like change. I see how something works in practice and assess its effectiveness. I work out the problems and if they come from the structure, I change it. 

I was elected for five years and my strategic plan is for five years. The programmes mentioned above, the innovations, the segmented TV channels, the Academy are all part of this strategy. Two years and three months have elapsed since the strategy was mapped out. We continue to revisit it because it shouldn't be a paper set in stone. We adapt it every time we need to keep things moving forward. 

I mentioned the segmented TV channels and the channel for younger audiences, but we have also another priority, to boost Armenia’s film industry. This is a priority not only for public TV, but for the whole country. 

We, as public TV, need to do some work here, because we have the biggest media budget in Armenia. 

Of course, we face many challenges. This year we are celebrating 100 years of Armenian film. Most of that is from Soviet times. When Armenia became independent we lacked budgets for this industry, like everywhere else in post-Soviet countries, Now, we are trying to develop it and promote Armenian production internationally

I think they are worth it and we are positive about the opportunity. For instance, we are discussing a co-production with the Georgian Public Broadcaster that will be a musical show. More generally, I believe we should look more into co-productions because everyone needs content, and we can learn from each other and help each other. 

We have to plan and prepare now what we will be in ten or even fifty years. Where we are in the future will also depend on how well we adapt to disruptive technological change such as AI, that will transform us into something new. We already see anchors who are holograms in some markets. Maybe one day we will have AI for a director. And maybe you and I won't have anything to do! 

We have this great organization where we can meet one other and talk about critical topics in a trusted, non-commercial environment. There is no other organization where we, as PSM, can meet peers and talk about things of common interest. So, I value seeing what others are doing and want to continue to share and exchange. 

Flyone Armenia adds Airbus A330 to its fleet to offer flights to new destinations

Greg Madatian

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 13:38, 21 March 2023

YEREVAN, MARCH 21, ARMENPRESS. Flyone Armenia plans to add an Airbus A330 to its fleet as it’s about to launch new flights.

Flyone Armenia Chairman of the Board Aram Ananyan told ARMENPRESS that they plan to launch flights to five new destinations.

The Airbus A330 has a longer range and can fly not only to Europe, Middle East, Russia, but also to China, Southeast Asia, India, and also conduct transcontinental flights across the ocean.

“It is a 252-seat plane, 222 seats are economy class while 30 are business class. Soon the aircraft will enter our fleet. We will soon acquire other planes of this class too, and they will change the quality of our services, raising it to a new level,” Ananyan said.

The five new destinations offered by Flyone Armenia are Dusseldorf, Larnaca, Tehran, Samara and Novosibirsk, bringing the number of destinations to over 20.

During the summer season Flyone Armenia will offer a wide charter program. Ananyan reminded that Flyone Armenia flies to Egypt’s Sharm el Sheikh and Hurgada, and Marsa Alam, Albania, Bulgaria and Greece will also be added. Pilots will undergo the required trainings.

The Flyone Armenia executive said they select new destinations based on studies into the demand.

Ananyan said it is interesting that due to geopolitical changes Armenia has not only become a convenient country for point-to-point travel, but is also an interesting destination for transit travel, and Yerevan has all opportunities to become a transit hub.

“We’ll have news in this regard as well. We focus on the Indian and Chinese markets. We are expanding our involvement in all directions – passenger transportation, cargo shipments, and tourist destination offers for the market,” Ananyan said, adding that Flyone Armenia is the top aviation taxpayer among Armenian airlines.

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 03/21/2023

Greg Madatian 
                                        Tuesday, March 21, 2023


Aliyev Rejects U.S. Calls For Lifting Of Karabakh Road Blockade
March 21, 2023

Nagorno-Karabakh - Azerbaijani protesters block Nagorno-Karabakh's only land 
link with Armenia, December 26, 2022.


In a phone call with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Azerbaijani 
President Ilham Aliyev reportedly dismissed on Tuesday U.S. calls for an end to 
the three-month blockade of the sole highway connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to 
Armenia.

“Secretary Blinken encouraged finding solutions to outstanding issues and 
underscored that there is no military solution,” said Vedant Patel, a spokesman 
for the U.S. State Department. “He reaffirmed the importance of reopening the 
Lachin corridor to commercial and private vehicles.”

According to an official Azerbaijani readout of the call, Aliyev again claimed 
that the corridor was not blocked by Azerbaijani government-backed protesters 
and described reports to the contrary as “false Armenian propaganda.” He said 
that Russian peacekeepers and the International Committee of the Red Cross have 
escorted thousands of vehicles through that road over the last three months.

Aliyev again accused Armenia of shipping military personnel and weapons to 
Karabakh and said that an Azerbaijani checkpoint must be set up at the corridor.

Yerevan has rejected such demands, saying that they run counter to the terms of 
the Russian-brokered ceasefire that stopped the 2020 Armenian-Azerbaijani war. 
It has also strongly denied any military supplies to Karabakh.

Armenia - U.S. Ambassador Kristina Kvien visits an Armenian border checkpoint 
leading to the Lachin corridor, March 10, 2023.

The United States has repeatedly called on Baku to lift the road blockade that 
has caused serious shortages of food, medicine and other essential items in 
Karabakh. The U.S. ambassador in Yerevan, Kristina Kvien, made a point of 
visiting an Armenian border checkpoint leading to the Lachin earlier this month.

“The Lachin corridor should be opened immediately,” Kvien tweeted during the 
trip.

Blinken phoned Aliyev one day after speaking to Armenian Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian. He told both leaders that Washington remains committed to helping the 
two South Caucasus nations reach a “sustainable peace.”

The top U.S. diplomat organized and mediated the most recent meeting between 
Aliyev and Pashinian held in Munich on February 18. Louis Bono, a U.S. special 
envoy for Armenian-Azerbaijani peace talks, visited Baku and Yerevan afterwards.

In a March 7 interview with RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, Bono made clear that the 
U.S. is not considering imposing sanctions on Baku because of the blockade.

During his phone conversation with Blinken, Pashinian expressed concern over 
“Azerbaijan’s increasingly aggressive rhetoric.” He and other Armenian officials 
have repeatedly accused Azerbaijan this month of planning a “new military 
aggression” against Armenia and Karabakh.

Aliyev on Tuesday blamed the Armenian side for increased ceasefire violations 
reported from the conflict zone in recent weeks.




Senior Prosecutor Set To Become Armenia’s Rights Defender
March 21, 2023

Armenia - Deputy Prosecutor-General Anahit Manasian.


The ruling Civil Contract party said on Tuesday that Deputy Prosecutor-General 
Anahit Manasian will be its candidate for the vacant post of Armenia’s state 
human rights defender.

The party’s parliamentary group revealed the nomination two months after the 
unexpected resignation of the previous ombudswoman, Kristine Grigorian. The 
latter said she is planning to move on to another job.

In line with the Armenian constitution, Grigorian’s successor will be appointed 
by the parliament controlled by Civil Contract.

None of the two opposition groups represented in the National Assembly has 
nominated its own candidate for the post so far.

Manasian, 34, was appointed as a deputy prosecutor-general less than five months 
ago. She previously worked as a deputy rector of Armenia’s Justice Academy and 
an adviser to two former chairmen of the Constitutional Court. She has also 
taught constitutional law at Yerevan State University since 2015.




More Yerevan Officials Arrested
March 21, 2023
        • Narine Ghalechian

Armenia - The Yerevan municipality building.


Two more senior local government officials in Yerevan were arrested on Tuesday 
four days after the resignation of Mayor Hrachya Sargsian.

One of them, Davit Dallakian, is the acting head of the Yerevan municipality’s 
architecture and urban development department, while the other, Seyran 
Mejlumian, served as the chief of the municipality staff until this week.

Mejlumian tendered his resignation right after Sargsian, who had appointed him 
to that position, stepped down on Friday.

Armenia’s Anti-Corruption Committee (ACC), which made the arrests, refused to 
reveal what the two men are accused or suspected of. The law-enforcement agency 
said only that the arrests are not connected with criminal proceedings launched 
by it against Deputy Mayor Gevorg Simonian.

Simonian, who previously worked as a deputy minister of health, was arrested ten 
days ago on charges stemming from what the ACC described as misuse of government 
funds provided for the fight against COVID-19. Also arrested was the head of a 
private clinic accused of defrauding the Armenian government of 119 million 
drams ($305,000) in 2020 and 2021. Both men deny the charges.

It was not immediately clear whether ACC investigators have also questioned 
Sargsian. The ex-mayor did not return phone calls or answer written questions 
sent by RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.

Armenia - Former Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinian attends a session of 
Yerevan's municipal assembly, September 23, 2022.

Sargsian’s resignation is widely seen as being part of the ruling political 
team’s preparations for municipal elections that are due to be held in Yerevan 
in September. Voters in the Armenian capital will elect a new municipal council 
empowered to appoint the city’s mayor.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s Civil Contract party has nominated Tigran 
Avinian, another deputy mayor, as its mayoral candidate. According to some 
observers, Pashinian and his entourage hope that Sargsian’s resignation will 
boost Avinian’s chances in the upcoming elections.

In a Facebook post, Avinian commented on the ACC’s “recent actions in the 
municipality,” saying that he expects a “full and comprehensive” inquiry. He 
also urged all municipal employees to “sober up” and serve only “the interests 
of Yerevan and Yerevan’s citizens.”




Armenia Sees Closer Ties With Iran
March 21, 2023

Iran - Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian make statements to the press, Tehran, November 1, 2022.


Armenia hopes to broaden its relations with neighboring Iran, Prime Minister 
Nikol Pashinian said on Tuesday when he congratulated the top Iranian leaders on 
Nowruz, the ancient Persian New Year.

Armenian-Iranian ties remain of “special importance” to the Armenian government, 
Pashinian said in a congratulatory message to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah 
Ali Khamenei.

“I sincerely hope that in the near future we will witness the expansion of our 
bilateral multi-layered agenda, which will become a stimulus for the further 
deepening of our friendly relations for the benefit of the well-being of the 
Armenian and Iranian peoples and regional peace,” he wrote.

In a separate message to Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, Pashinian expressed 
confidence that Yerevan and Tehran “will give a new rise” to that agenda this 
year.

Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Ali Bagheri Kani announced, meanwhile, that he is 
heading to Yerevan for a two-day visit. He said Tehran is “strengthening the 
neighborhood policy and prioritizing the Caucasus.”

Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian met with his Armenian 
counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan in Geneva late last month. Amir-Abdollahian 
reaffirmed his country’s strong support for Armenia’s territorial integrity and 
opposition to “geopolitical changes” in the region.

Iranian leaders have repeatedly made such statements over the past year amid 
Armenian-Azerbaijani negotiations on restoring transport links between the two 
South Caucasus states.

Such links are envisaged by the Russian-brokered ceasefire that stopped the 2020 
war in Nagorno-Karabakh. The deal specifically commits Yerevan to opening rail 
and road links between Azerbaijan and its Nakhichevan exclave.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev regularly demands an exterritorial land 
corridor that would pass through Syunik, the sole Armenian province bordering 
Iran. Armenian leaders maintain that Azerbaijani citizens and cargo cannot be 
exempt from Armenian border controls.

Iran has warned Azerbaijan against attempting to strip the Islamic Republic of 
the common border and transport links with Armenia.




Armenian Parliament Refuses To Back Karabakh Self-Determination
March 21, 2023
        • Ruzanna Stepanian

Armenia - Deputies from the ruling Civil Contract party attend a session of the 
National Assembly, Yerevan, March 21, 2023.


The Armenian parliament rejected on Tuesday an opposition proposal to speak out 
against Azerbaijani control over Nagorno-Karabakh and to voice support for the 
Karabakh Armenians’ right to self-determination.

The main opposition Hayastan alliance drafted a relevant parliamentary statement 
on the 100th day of Azerbaijan’s continuing blockade of the Lachin corridor. The 
document says Baku’s actions show that Karabakh cannot be a part of Azerbaijan 
and that self-determination of its ethnic Armenian population is the only way to 
ensure its security.

The parliamentary majority representing the ruling Civil Contract party refused 
to even debate the opposition initiative during an ongoing session of the 
National Assembly. According to Artsvik Minasian, a senior Hayastan lawmaker, 
its leaders objected to the draft statement’s references to “the 
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” and self-determination.

The rebuff sparked bitter recriminations and insults between pro-government and 
opposition deputies.

Armenia - Opposition deputy Andranik Tevanian addresses the parliament, Yerevan, 
March 21, 2023.

Hayastan’s Andranik Tevanian accused the ruling party of breaking its 2021 
election campaign pledge to strive for Karabakh’s self-determination in the 
international arena.

“Dear compatriots, they have fooled you because in their pre-election program 
they pledged to seek the realization of Artsakh’s right to self-determination,” 
Tevanian charged, appealing to voters.

Civil Contract’s parliamentary leader, Hayk Konjorian, responded by alleging 
that Hayastan’s top leader, former President Robert Kocharian, himself had been 
ready to recognize Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh.

The pro-government majority already blocked in December a similar resolution put 
forward by Hayastan and the second parliamentary opposition force, Pativ Unem.

Successive Armenian governments had for decades championed the Karabakh 
Armenians’ right to determine the disputed region’s status. But a year ago, 
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and other senior Armenian officials stopped 
making references to the principle of self-determination it in their public 
statements.

Since then they have spoken instead of the need to ensure “the rights and 
security of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh,” fuelling opposition allegations 
that Yerevan is now ready to agree to Azerbaijani control over the 
Armenian-populated region. Pashinian underlined that policy change during a news 
conference held on March 14.

Nagorno-Karabakh - Demonstrators carry a huge Karabakh flag in Stepanakert, 
September 2, 2022.

On March 13, Karabakh’s leading political groups issued a joint statement 
demanding that Yerevan refrain from calling into question “the Artsakh people’s 
right to self-determination.” They said Pashinian’s administration must comply 
with a 1992 parliamentary act that bans Armenia’s government from signing any 
document recognizing Karabakh as a part of Azerbaijan.

Pashinian stated in January that the international community has always regarded 
Karabakh as an integral part of Azerbaijan. The claim was denounced by the 
Armenian opposition and Karabakh’s leadership.

Self-determination was one of the basic principles behind Karabakh peace plans 
jointly drafted by the United States, Russia and France prior to the 2020 
Armenian-Azerbaijani war. The opposition resolution blocked by Pashinian’s party 
emphasized this fact.


Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

Biden administration NSC’s John Kirby calls for de-escalation around Nagorno Karabakh

Greg Madatian

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 13:40, 22 March 2023

YEREVAN, MARCH 22, ARMENPRESS.  A senior Biden administration official has called for de-escalation and an end to violence between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

“Broadly speaking, what we’ve said before is we urge all sides here to de-escalate,” National Security Council Coordinator for Strategic Communications John Kirby said at a press briefing when asked on the Biden administration’s position on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. “We don’t want to see any of this violence, and we want to see all sides take appropriate steps to de-escalate the tension and to stop the violence.”

Kirby declined to give an answer when asked whether or not the U.S. views the presence of Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno Karabakh as a cause for concern.

Rasmussen warns of serious risk of imminent ethnic cleansing in Nagorno Karabakh, new Azeri offensive against Armenia

Greg Madatian

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 12:13,

YEREVAN, MARCH 25, ARMENPRESS. Former NATO secretary-general (2009-14) and former prime minister of Denmark Anders Fogh Rasmussen, the founder of Rasmussen Global international political consultancy firm, has warned that in clear violation of the 2020 trilateral statement, Azerbaijan is fueling a humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh and once again threatening neighboring Armenia with military aggression.

In an article for Project Syndicate, Rasmussen warned that a new Azerbaijani offensive against Armenia in the coming months cannot be ruled out.

Below is the full article published by Project Syndicate.

“All eyes are rightly fixated on Russia’s war in Ukraine. But that is no excuse for ignoring another crisis that is brewing on Europe’s doorstep. Tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan are rising again, raising the prospect of another war.

Last week, I visited the Lachin corridor, the only road linking the ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia and the outside world. Since December, access to the corridor has been blocked by Azerbaijanis under the pretext of an environmental protest. This is clearly happening with the backing of the regime in Baku.

With the “protesters” blocking all civilian or commercial traffic into Nagorno-Karabakh, Amnesty International warns that some 120,000 ethnic Armenian residents are being deprived of essential goods and services, including life-saving medicines and health care.

Under the ceasefire agreement that ended the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War between Azerbaijan and Armenia, Azerbaijan pledged to ensure free movement along the road in both directions. Recognizing that Azerbaijan is violating its commitment by refusing to lift the blockade, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued an order on February 22 demanding that Azerbaijan take all steps necessary to do so. But a month has passed, and nothing has changed.

Although Russian peacekeeping forces stationed along the corridor are supposed to protect the route, they have failed to act. Unless Europe and the wider international community pressure Azerbaijan to lift the blockade, the current humanitarian crisis could become a humanitarian catastrophe.

Azerbaijan is using the blockade and other measures to strangle Nagorno-Karabakh. Residents are often prevented from returning to their homes, and gas and electricity are regularly cut off without warning or explanation. The intent, clearly, is to make life as difficult as possible for the Armenian population, and there is a serious risk of imminent ethnic cleansing. We must not divert our gaze from what is happening.

For its part, the Azerbaijani regime (and its online trolls) have continued to downplay the effects of the blockade – or even its existence. Yet they also refuse to grant international observers access to assess the situation. The first priority for the international community, then, is to send a fact-finding mission to the corridor under the auspices of the United Nations or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We must make clear that Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, will face consequences if he continues to flout the ICJ’s binding order.

The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War made clear that Azerbaijan has a significant military advantage over Armenia, owing to the weapons that it has bought from Russia, Turkey, and Israel. This fact was reiterated last September, when Azerbaijan took territory within Armenia itself – including strategic positions above the city of Jermuk – after just two days of renewed fighting.

Although Armenia is still a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the regional alliance linking Russia with five nearby former Soviet states, no support was forthcoming when it requested assistance following this attack on its sovereign territory. It was left vulnerable and alone.

Making matters worse, Azerbaijan has kept its troops on Armenian territory and refused to return Armenian prisoners of war. With peace talks having stalled, there are clear warning signs that Azerbaijan believes it can achieve more through military means than through peaceful negotiations. A renewed offensive against Armenia in the coming months cannot be ruled out.

With Armenia’s traditional security provider, Russia, unable or unwilling to help, the European Union must play a greater role to preserve peace and stability in the region. Both European Council President Charles Michel and French President Emmanuel Macron have recognized this and devoted significant political capital to the issue. Following the renewed outbreak of hostilities in September, the EU dispatched a civilian mission to Armenia to monitor the border with Azerbaijan.

But much more still needs to be done. The EU mission, which is currently deployed only on Armenian territory, should be rapidly scaled up to monitor the full length of the Armenia-Azerbaijan border. European leaders need to press Aliyev’s government to allow EU personnel on to Azerbaijani territory. Of course, an unarmed EU mission would not be able to stop hostilities; but scaling up its presence would put further pressure on Azerbaijan to choose negotiation over military confrontation.

Over the last year, the EU has built increasingly close economic ties with Azerbaijan, owing to its rapid shift away from Russian gas and oil. But EU leaders need to be clear with Aliyev that he will not be allowed to act with impunity, and that Europe’s short-term commercial interests will not outweigh its values or its long-term interests in maintaining peace and stability in the South Caucasus. If Azerbaijan continues to flout its international commitments and legally binding court orders from the ICJ, it must face political and economic consequences.

Armenia is an emerging democracy in an immensely challenging neighborhood. With Russia’s influence waning, Europe must play a bigger role in the region. This is not a form of charity. Acting now to prevent another significant conflict – or even ethnic cleansing – in our backyard is in everyone’s interest.”

Armenian Foreign Minister reveals peace treaty proposals made to Azerbaijan

Greg Madatian

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 10:14,

YEREVAN, MARCH 24, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan revealed the peace treaty proposals made by Yerevan to Baku during the rounds of talks.

In an interview with the Egyptian AlQahera News Agency, FM Mirzoyan said that proposals have been exchanged since December 2022 in an attempt to advance the process and find fair solutions to the core issues.

Armenia’s suggestions include clarification of parameters for the delimitation of the state border, distancing of forces from the state border and the creation of a demilitarized zone along the borderline as a confidence-building measure and security mechanism, establishing a mechanism of guarantees, which will ensure the implementation of the obligations, and an international mechanism to address the issues of rights and security of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh.

There are separate tracks of negotiations, the Armenian foreign minister explained.  First is the opening of all transport communications in the region, second, delimitation and border security and the third, the treaty on establishment of peaceful relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Armenia is ready to open all communications at the very moment when Azerbaijan accepts that the roads should be operating under the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the states they are passing through, the FM said.

The Armenian Foreign Minister noted that unfortunately Armenia’s efforts are met with not only the dismissive and maximalist approach by Azerbaijan during the negotiations, but also aggressive actions on the ground despite the ongoing negotiations.

Below is the transcript of the interview:

Question: What is the nature of the relationship between Egypt and Armenia? And what do the coming days hold regarding this cooperation?

Answer: The relations between the two countries are, of course, based on the historically friendly ties between Armenian and Egyptian nations. Starting from the Middle Ages our compatriots have played a significant role in the political, social and cultural life of Egypt. During the World War I, escaping the Genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire, Armenians received a safe shelter in the Arab countries, including in Egypt where they found a new home. This will never be forgotten by the Armenians. And I am proud to note that during my recent visit to Cairo both political figures and religious leaders of Egypt once again emphasised the great contribution of the Armenian community to the progress and development of Egypt.

Based on these ties, the two countries have been demonstrating willingness and commitment to further develop bilateral relations on the state level. During the last three decades, since the independence of the Republic of Armenia, we have developed close relations with the Arab Republic of Egypt, which have constantly been growing and expanding.

So far, this year has been very significant in bilateral relations and in particular in terms of political dialogue, starting with President El-Sisi’s historic visit to Armenia in January. Earlier last year the President of Armenia visited Egypt to attend COP-27 and on March 8, as you know, in the margins of the session of the Council of the League of Arab States at the ministerial level I had an opportunity to discuss questions of mutual interest with my colleague, Minister Sameh Shoukri.

There is willingness on both sides to further deepen our cooperation, including in the economic sphere. The next session of the Armenian-Egyptian intergovernmental committee, along with a business forum, is planned later this year, and we hope that it will bear several tangible results. A business forum between Armenian and Egyptian tour operators was already organised in Cairo in February, the next one is expected in Yerevan. We are convinced that there is huge untapped potential with Egypt that we should explore and firmly realise it.

Question: What about political cooperation with the Arab world?

Answer: Armenia attaches great importance to its relations with the Arab world due to the geographical proximity, historical and cultural ties, the presence of large Armenian communities in Arab countries as well as regional security issues. Armenia’s relations with the Arab states have always been based on mutual respect and sincere friendship. A good manifestation of that was my participation and the speech delivered during the Session of the Council of the League of Arab States, as mentioned above. This was the 1st time that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia delivered a speech during the Ministerial Session of the Arab League. The decision within the Arab League was taken by consensus of all member states, which already speaks about a certain political understanding between Armenia and all the members of the League.

Armenia is strongly committed to further strengthen political, economic as well as cultural relations with all the Arab States. We notice a similar approach on the partners’ side and think that there are no major obstacles on our way. It is important for us to be well understood by our Arab brothers and not let any speculation by third parties shadow our century-old relations.

Question: What is the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on Armenia?

Answer: The situation in Ukraine clearly shows the deterioration of the security architecture in Europe. And I believe that it first became clear back in 2020 when many stayed indifferent to the fact that Azerbaijan unleashed a large-scale war against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh trying to solve the conflict by the use of force. The absence of an equivocal condemnation by the international community of the use of force brought us to the situation the whole world is facing now.

Moreover, since February 2022, as the whole attention was concentrated on the developments around Ukraine, Azerbaijan has been using force frequently. The most blatant example of that was in September last year, when the Azerbaijani armed forces conducted unprovoked aggression against the Republic of Armenia, violating the territorial integrity and occupying around 150 sq km of the sovereign territory of my country. I do believe that certain rules, particularly refraining from use of force or threat of use of force, respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity have to be followed by everyone.

Question: What about Armenia's willingness to intensify dialogue with Azerbaijan towards the normalisation of bilateral relations? What specific issues are being discussed?

Answer: After the war in 2020, for the last two years the Armenian government, having the political will to find a real lasting and comprehensive peace in our region, has been engaged in talks with Azerbaijan in good faith. There are separate tracks of negotiations: first, the opening of all transport communications in the region, second, delimitation and border security and the third, the treaty on establishment of peaceful relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Regarding the connectivity issue, our position is clear: Armenia is ready to open all communications at the very moment when Azerbaijan accepts that the roads should be operating under the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the states they are passing through. With regard to delimitation of borders, regrettably, months after the establishment of the commissions on the delimitation of borders in 2022, Azerbaijan not only raised new territorial claims, but also launched another invasion into the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia and then tried to justify its aggression with a fake argument that the border is not delimited.

Coming to the agreement on establishment of peaceful relations, I should mention that since December 2022 we have exchanged proposals on the draft treaty and tried to move ahead with the process to find fair solutions to the core issues.

Here, among Armenia’s suggestions is clarification of parameters for the delimitation of the state border, as we think that without clearly agreed parameters on the delimitation of the international borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan, countries cannot specify which territorial integrity they mutually recognize, and this will lead to another fighting instead of establishing peace.

Next is the distancing of forces from the state border and the creation of a demilitarized zone along the borderline as a confidence-building measure and security mechanism, helping to ensure prevention of any possible future escalation. We also believe that the treaty should establish a mechanism of guarantees, which will ensure the implementation of the obligations, as well as outline ways of resolution of possible misinterpretations and disputes.

Of course, as a key component, there should be an international mechanism to address the issues of rights and security of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Unfortunately, in response to our efforts we face not only the dismissive and maximalist approach by Azerbaijan during the negotiations, but also aggressive actions on the ground despite the ongoing negotiations. Most recently, following the ceasefire violations on March 2-3, three servicemen of the Police of the Nagorno-Karabakh were killed in the Lachin corridor on March 5 as a result of a pre-planned ambush by Azerbaijan. These actions once again demonstrate the lack of sincerity in Baku’s approach to the normalisation process as well as continuous recourse to use of force.

In parallel to these actions, Azerbaijan regularly steps back from agreements, continues its hate speech and xenophobic rhetoric, as well as rejects to resolve humanitarian issues such as the release of confirmed 33 Armenian prisoners of war who are still held hostage in Azerbaijan. The fate of many more Armenians is still unknown, and we have submitted to our partner organizations cases of enforced disappearances. The Armenian religious and cultural heritage, fallen under the Azerbaijani control in 2020, is facing an imminent threat of total erasure. All this is challenging the efforts towards establishing lasting peace and stability in the whole region.

Question: What is the solution to the blockade of the Lachin corridor, in your view?

Answer: First of all, the blockade of the Lachin corridor by Azerbaijan is a blatant violation of the Trilateral Statement of 9 November 2020 which envisages that Azerbaijan “shall guarantee safe movement of citizens, vehicles and cargo in both directions along the Lachin corridor.”

One would think that a legally binding decision of the International Court of Justice, which was adopted on February 22, could have resolved the situation as the Court ordered Azerbaijan to take all necessary measures to ensure unimpeded movement along the Lachin corridor. It is regrettable that so far the decision has not been implemented.

Furthermore, I would like to emphasize that the Lachin corridor is not only a road, but a 5 km security zone. Thus, the sabotage attack of March 5 in the Lachin corridor, which I mentioned earlier, violated not only the ceasefire agreement, but also the contact line and the security zone of the corridor.

In current circumstances, I would like to stress the imperative of strong international engagement and pressure on Azerbaijan to implement the ICJ decision and lift the blockade. Armenia has been calling for an urgent international fact-finding mission to be dispatched to Nagorno-Karabakh and the Lachin corridor to assess the situation on the ground. It’s also not a secret that the proposal of such a mission was repeatedly rejected by the Azerbaijani side, clearly showing the absence of willingness of Azerbaijani leadership to be transparent and accountable towards the international community.

Question: Is there any recent dialogue or international action regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh issue?

Answer: In parallel to blocking the Lachin corridor, the only road connecting the Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia, for more than three months and creating a humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan continues to terrorise the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh by creating unbearable conditions for living in their homeland with the ultimate goal of ethnic cleansing. Along with the humanitarian crisis, Azerbaijan has also provoked an energy crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh. In cold winter conditions, the authorities of Azerbaijan repeatedly disrupted and continue to disrupt the gas and electricity supply.

The actions of Azerbaijan as well as the aggressive and maximalist rhetoric have proven the absolute necessity of international engagement to address the issues of rights and security of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh as well as to prevent the clear attempts of Azerbaijan aimed at the ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh. The position of the international community, including our partners and friends in the Arab world should be clear against any narrative and actions perpetrating another genocide, the international system cannot afford to sustain yet another such failure.

To conclude, despite all the risks and the fragility of the situation around my country, Armenia remains determined to make its contribution to creating a stable region where our generations won’t just dream about living in peace.

Armenia says soldier killed in Azerbaijan border shooting

Greg Madatian
Inside Paper
AFP - Armenian officials on Thursday accused Azerbaijani troops of opening fire and killing an Armenian soldier along the volatile border between the two Caucasus neighbours locked in a decades-long territorial dispute.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee said an Armenian soldier “was fatally wounded when Azerbaijani troops opened fire in Eraskh” in the southeast part of the border on Wednesday.

Baku and Yerevan went to war twice — in the 1990s and most recently in 2020 — over Azerbaijan’s Armenian-majority breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Occasional shootouts have broken out along the countries’ shared border since a Russian-brokered ceasefire ended their latest fighting in autumn 2020.

On March 15, Azerbaijan accused Armenia of opening fire on its army positions along the border and in Karabakh.

Last week, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan warned against a “very high risk of escalation” in Karabakh. Armenia has also accused Russian peacekeepers of failing to protect ethnic Armenians living in the restive region.

The European Union last month deployed an expanded monitoring mission to the Armenian side of the border as Western engagement grows in a region that is traditionally the Kremlin’s sphere of influence.

Under the 2020 ceasefire agreement, Yerevan ceded to Baku swathes of territory it had controlled for decades.

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, ethnic Armenian separatists in Karabakh broke away from Azerbaijan. The ensuing conflict claimed some 30,000 lives.

Sports: Preview: Armenia vs. Turkey – prediction, team news, lineups

Greg Madatian
 SportsMole 
By Andrew Delaney, Reporter | 1h

Turkey begin their quest to reach Euro 2024 with a trip to Yerevan to face Armenia on Saturday.

Turmoil between Armenia and Turkish allies Azerbaijan make this an extremely politically-charged encounter.

After a sensational start to their previous qualifying campaign, Armenia enter this section with much lower hopes after a drastic falloff in form.

A nine-game unbeaten run between 2020 and 2021 included a five-game winning streak which saw Armenia win their first three 2022 World Cup qualifiers.

Georgia, Iceland and Romania were among the sides they beat and they sat top of the group involving Germany with 10 points from four games in qualification for Qatar.

All has unravelled since though, with the international retirement of Henrikh Mkhitaryan not helping matters, as Armenia took just two points from their remaining six qualifiers, finishing way off the top two.

Two wins in their last 19 fixtures also saw them relegated from League B of the UEFA Nations League last year, conceding 17 goals in their final five games.

Losing 5-0 at home to both Ukraine and North Macedonia in the last 12 months has dented confidence even further too, leaving Armenians with little hope of making progress from this group.

They have also conceded nine goals on two occasions in the past three-and-a-half years, to Italy and Norway.

This fixture will be the first played by the Turkish national side since the devastating earthquake which struck the country last month, so manager Stefan Kuntz will hope his squad can help bring the nation together at such a traumatic time.

On the pitch, it looks set to be a tricky group for Turkey to navigate, as Croatia are major competition regulars and Wales have reached three of the last four major tournaments.

With those two nations facing off in Split on the same night, Turkey must make a fast start with one or potentially both of the sides guaranteed to drop points on opening night.

Turkey cruised to promotion in the Nations League after remarkably finding themselves down in League C, but they completely took their eye off the ball, drawing at home to Luxembourg and losing in the Faroe Islands after promotion was secured.

They are the only two blips in Turkey's last eight matches since they lost to Portugal in a World Cup playoff, winning their other six matches since.

Form was rocky after being the worst-performing side at Euro 2020, but the Crescent Stars were still unlucky not to qualify for Qatar having lost only once in their section.

In a devilishly close group, they were edged out of top spot by the Netherlands, but just about made the playoffs ahead of Norway and Montenegro.

These two nations were drawn together in qualifying for the 2010 World Cup, with Turkey winning both games home and away 2-0.

Armenia form (all competitions):
  • L
  • L
  • L
  • L
  • D
  • L

Turkey form (all competitions):
  • W
  • W
  • D
  • L
  • W
  • W


Armenia's star quality comes in the form of two Argentine-born attacking outlets in Lucas Zelarayan and Norberto Briasco.

Briasco has only been used sparingly since his debut five years ago and will still have to battle with Sargis Adamyan for a starting spot up front.

Grant-Leon Ranos has been rewarded with a first call-up after scoring 16 goals for Bayern Munich II so far this season.

FC Astana duo Kamo Hovhannisyan and Varazdat Haroyan are their two most experienced players and should both start on the right-hand side of Armenia's defence.

Despite never having a great record for Turkey, it will be hard for Kuntz to look past Getafe's Enes Unal as his starting striker here.

The 25-year-old has netted six goals in his last four La Liga outings before the international break, and with there still being no call up for Brighton & Hove Albion's Deniz Undav, who is yet to decide between representing Turkey or Germany, Unal should start.

There is plenty of class in the middle of the pitch for the visitors, with Hakan Calhanoglu, Orkun Kokcu and Kerem Akturkoglu all in excellent form across Europe.

The main worry is at centre-back, as Caglar Soyuncu and Merih Demiral have both barely featured this season, while Ozan Kabak has struggled at lowly Hoffenheim.

Armenia possible starting lineup:
Buchnev; Hovhannisyan, Haroyan, Voskanyan, Calisir; Barseghyan, Spertsyan, Bayramyan, Shaghoyan; Zelarayan, Adamyan

Turkey possible starting lineup:
Cakir; Zeki Celik, Soyuncu, Demiral, Elmali; Calhanoglu, Ozcan, Kokcu; Under, Unal, Akturktoglu

Zelarayan will almost certainly play a key role if Armenia are to do anything, and he may get some joy against a fragile Turkey rearguard.

However, the class in the ranks for the visitors is clear, and they should take three points back to Bursa, where they will face Croatia on Tuesday.

For data analysis of the most likely results, scorelines and more for this match please click here.

https://www.sportsmole.co.uk/football/armenia/preview/preview-armenia-vs-turkey-prediction-team-news-lineups_509725.html