Author: Hagop Kamalian

"2023 was quite successful for Armenia" – Finance Minister’s assessment

Hagop Kamalian
Dec 30 2023
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

“We will end 2023 with economic growth close to eight percent, although a month ago we forecast growth of about seven percent,” Armenian Finance Minister Vahe Hovhannisyan said.

In financial terms, he assessed last year as “quite successful” for Armenia, as the high economic growth rate of 2022 was maintained. More in taxes were received than planned, but the minister did not say what amount was expected. He said that in 2023, the country saw a significant increase in capital expenditure, which is likely to continue next year.

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It has been reported for a long time that income declaration will be mandatory for residents, and the minister said that everyone who has an employment contract will have to submit a declaration of income. The declaration for 2024 will have to be submitted next year.

“In the near future, an information platform will be launched through which everyone who has to submit a declaration will have the opportunity to do so. There will be a website as well as a mobile app so that people can easily fill out the declaration,” he said.

By launching the system of mandatory declaration, according to Vahe Hovhannisyan, the aim is not to “gather significant financial inflows”. The goal is to obtain information about who receives what type of income, and this “will be useful for policy development and better targeting of assistance programs.”

There will also be an incentive scheme in education, health and housing. Individuals who have completed a declaration will be able, for example, to get back some of the expenditure made in education from the income tax they have paid.

“It will be possible to reduce expenses in the education sphere by 100 thousand drams [about $250] per year, and in healthcare by 50 thousand drams [about $125],” the minister clarified.

Expenditures on programs to support Karabakh refugees will amount to 47.3 billion drams [about $120 million]. This item is included in the state budget for 2024. With this amount, the government will try to solve their most urgent needs. But according to the Finance Minister, it will not be enough to solve all the problems. In addition, it is planned to develop new programs in January and February, and additional funding from the reserve fund will be allocated for these projects.

Financial aid to refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh will lead to a budget deficit of 4.6 percent instead of the originally planned 3.2 percent, says Hovhannisyan. But he immediately explains that this “will not be an additional burden on the state debt.”

“The additional debt burden is not due to these expenses at all, but due to the fact that the government of Nagorno-Karabakh had debts to the banking system of the Republic of Armenia. And a few days ago it was decided that the Armenian government will take over this debt. In this regard, there will be an impact on our debt in the amount of a little more than three percent.”

According to the finance minister, new spending obligations will result from paying this debt:

“In 2024 the budget was approved with a reserve fund of RD$156 billion [about $390 million]. However, the government has already cut 20 billion drams [about $50 million] due to the assumption of Nagorno-Karabakh’s debt.”

Hovhannisyan once again proudly emphasized that this is an unprecedented reserve fund. Presumably it will be used to manage various risks, including in a possible devaluation of the national currency.

Hovhannisyan said that 554 billion drams [about $1.4 billion] will be allocated to the defense sector in 2024, and there is an “annex of priorities” in the draft state budget, where additional needs of the country are outlined.

“If there is an opportunity, we will allocate an amount 200 billion drams [about $500 million] more to the Defense Ministry,” he said.

This would only be possible if additional funds become available.

“And new funds may appear, for example, if tax revenues are oversubscribed or some planned program is not implemented and the money returns to the reserve.”

He notes that there are other areas that may also need funds, such as infrastructure development, social protection and education.

Armenia-Russia Sign Key Deal for Metsamor Nuclear Plant Modernization

Hagop Kamalian
Dec 22 2023
By Eurasianet - Dec 21, 2023, 1:00 PM CST

  • The modernization, costing $65 million, will be carried out by Rustatom Service JSC, a Rosatom subsidiary.
  • Metsamor NPP, contributing 31% of Armenia's electricity, will be upgraded to operate until 2036 before decommissioning.
  • Amid political efforts to diversify alliances, Armenia remains heavily reliant on Russia for energy, with Russia supplying most of its gas and all uranium for the nuclear plant.

On December 15, Armenia and Russia signed a contract on modernizing and extending the lifespan of Armenia's Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) until 2036. 

The renovations will be carried out by Rustatom Service JSC, a subsidiary of Russia's state nuclear energy company Rosatom, and will cost the Armenian government $65 million.

The deal is another reminder of the vast extent of Russia's influence over Armenia's infrastructure and economy amid Yerevan's efforts to politically distance itself from Moscow. 

Metsamor plays a significant role in Armenia's energy landscape, contributing an average of 31 percent of the country's yearly electricity output.

It is the only nuclear power plant in the South Caucasus, located about 30 kilometers west of Yerevan. It consists of two units, Metsamor-1 and Metsamor-2, activated in 1976 and 1980, respectively. In 1989, the plant was shut down due to safety concerns after the devastating earthquake in Spitak in December 1988. In 1995, Unit 2 was reactivated due to energy shortages in Armenia, and since then has been the only nuclear unit in operation.

In 2021, Rosatom repaired and upgraded the NPP to operate until 2026. The modernization was implemented under a loan agreement signed between Armenia and Russia in 2015. 

Under the new agreement, Rosatom will help to extend the lifespan of Unit-2 until 2036, after which it will be decommissioned. 

The upgrading operations will be financed in the form of a "budgetary loan" provided by the Armenian government to the state-owned plant's management, which will subsequently enter into a contract with Rosatom. In 2023-2026, Rosatom will modernize Metsamor NPP in close cooperation with Armenian specialists.

As the reactor will be decommissioned in 2036, the Armenian government intends to build a new nuclear unit at Metsamor. Different estimates assert that the construction of a new nuclear power plant or unit will take 6-10 years, which means that construction works must be started in the next couple years.

It appears those construction works will be implemented by Rosatom, judging by Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk's remark on December 15 that negotiations were underway regarding new nuclear power units. 

Overwhelming energy dependence on Russia 

The new Metsamor deal comes at a complicated time in Armenian-Russian relations. Resentment against Russia is high in Armenia Azerbaijan's military takeover – apparently with Moscow's blessing – of Nagorno-Karabakh in September.

Despite persistent efforts to diversify its political alliances and build closer ties with the West, Armenia's economy remains overwhelmingly dependent on Russia. Russia is Armenia's largest trade partner, and Armenia is a member of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). 

And then there's energy dependence.

Russia supplies 87.5 percent of Armenia's gas (the rest comes from Iran), and Gazprom Armenia, the local subsidiary of the Russian state gas company, owns all of the country's gas distribution infrastructure. 

Armenia says it generates 98 percent of the electricity it needs but that claim hides even more dependence. 

That electricity is generated by hydropower and thermal plants and by the Metsamor NPP. Metsamor is entirely fueled by uranium imported from Russia while thermal power plants depend on (largely Russian) natural gas. 

"Our self-sufficiency depends on the countries from which we import the gas and the uranium that operate our thermal and nuclear power plants. And when our government officials speak about our self-sufficiency, why do they forget to say how we maintain it?" energy expert Armen Manvelyan told the Institute of War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), stressing that over 70 percent of Armenia's electricity depends on Russia.

And Armenia's energy demands keep growing. In 2022, Armenia's imports of Russian natural gas increased by 6.1 percent from the previous year, reaching 2.6 billion cubic meters. 

Iran's ambassador to Armenia, Mehdi Sobhani, recently mused about the possibility of tripling or quadrupling Tehran's gas exports to Armenia. But such a move would require Russia's consent and facilitation, as Gazprom controls the gas pipeline to Iran.

Armenia is exploring the possibility of obtaining small modular nuclear reactors from the United States, France, and South Korea as part of its efforts to diversify its energy sector. But so far concrete progress on this front remains elusive.

By Lilit Shahverdyan via Eurasianet.org

https://oilprice.com/Geopolitics/International/Armenia-Russia-Sign-Key-Deal-for-Metsamor-Nuclear-Plant-Modernization.html

Russia reportedly transfers ‘kidnapped’ deserter from Armenia to Rostov

Hagop Kamalian

Dec 20 2023


 

ByArshaluys Barseghyan

Russia has reportedly transferred a man they are alleged to have kidnapped in Gyumri to the Russian city of Rostov-on-Don, despite Armenian authorities claiming to have no knowledge of his detention or departure from the country.

On Tuesday, Idite Lesom (‘go through the woods’), a project created to help Russians avoid military service, said that Dmitry Setrakov was being held at the Southern Military District’s Regional Military Police Directorate.

The project added that they were looking for a lawyer to represent Setrakov in Russia.

According to the group, Setrakov was abducted by members of the Russian military police posing as Armenian personnel on 6 or 7 December.

How Setrakov could have been transferred to Russia remains unknown.

On Wednesday, Armenian authorities denied that Setrakov was extradited, with the Prosecutor General’s advisor, Lusine Martirosyan, stating that they had not ‘received, discussed, or approved’ any request to ‘to arrest, detain and hand over Dmitriy Setrakov’ to Russia. 

‘The General Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic of Armenia does not have any information regarding the investigation of Dmitriy Setrakov by the competent authorities of the Russian Federation, as well as his discovery in the territory of the Republic of Armenia’, added Martirosyan.

The Armenian National Security Service did not respond to a request for comment on how Setrakov could have crossed the border without their knowledge.

Setrakov reportedly moved to Armenia in late November to avoid fighting in Ukraine. Vot Tak, a Belarusian news outlet, reported that Setrakov could face up to 10 years in prison if found guilty of desertion.

Setrakov’s alleged abduction and transfer to Russia has raised questions about the authorities’ willingness to confront illegality by Russian troops stationed in the country.

Artur Sakunts, the head of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly-Vanadzor, a local rights group, decried the lack of ‘reasonable explanation at any official level’.

‘I am amazed at the universal silence at the political level, at the level of the National Assembly [parliament], law enforcement bodies, that they did not consider it an encroachment on the security of the Republic of Armenia’, Sakunts said in an interview on Tuesday with Levon Barseghyan.

Sakunts added that he had asked the National Security Service about the circumstances in which Setrakov left the country.

‘What documents and justifications were presented? [Setrakov] crossed the border on his own, but was caught on the other side of the border?’

‘Does the National Security Service border guard service exist or not?’, he asked. 

A day prior to Setrakov’s reported transfer to Russia, Sakunts had appealed to the authorities to take measures to close ‘all possible channels for the possible illegal transportation of Setrakov’. 

Sakunts previously called on the Prosecutor’s Office to press charges against the Russian officers involved in abducting Setrakov.

The prosecutor’s office responded that Setrakov’s case had been handed over to law enforcement agencies to verify the circumstances surrounding his disappearance.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee said they had ‘processed’ Sakunts’ application, but have yet to announce whether they planned to launch an investigation.


Embrace the 32 and demand the release of remaining hostages

Hagop Kamalian
 Stepan Piligian In Sight, Columns 0

The media currently is saturated with references to hostages but not in the context of Armenians. The term hostage refers to an abduction or forced incarceration, usually for the purposes of leveraging something in return. The Armenian military personnel, civilians and Artsakh government officials illegally detained against international protocols by the Azerbaijani government must be referred to as hostages and not prisoners. Last week, it was reported that a “prisoner exchange” took place, with 32 Armenians released for two Azerbaijani soldiers. Most of those released were detained during one of the fabricated Azeri “counter-terrorism operations” in late 2020 in Hadrut, Artsakh after the negotiated end of the 2020 Artsakh War.

The media has reported the exchange as a confidence building measure resulting from direct negotiations. This, of course, supports the narrative that Azerbaijan and Armenia are mutually engaged in peace negotiations. Although the release of Armenian hostages is a positive development, it is important to note that the exchange coincided with the visit of U.S. Deputy Secretary of State James O’Brien to Baku. It is reasonable to assume that Aliyev’s agreement was the result of western pressure, specifically from the United States. Given the racist and volatile position of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev towards Armenia, it would be naive to view this as an olive branch. Aliyev has been more isolated from the west in recent months, due to his continued aggression and refusal to participate in trilateral peace negotiations. Armenia has compromised, at the urging of the west, in order to entice Azerbaijan to participate in talks. Shortly after the prisoner exchange, it was rumored that both countries were open to discussing pulling their troops back from the border. Azerbaijan quickly refused to agree to such a proposal and is engaging in rhetoric around delimitation and demarcation of its border with Armenia. For its part, Armenia also removed its objection to Azerbaijan hosting the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP29). In return, Azerbaijan supported Armenia’s candidacy to the COP Bureau of the Eastern European Group. Outside observers, eager for good news, view these as confidence building measures, but they are generally a continuation of Azerbaijan’s policy of committing only to minor moves.

Western actors are forcing Azerbaijan to choose between the east and the west. Western nations, such as France and the United States, view the South Caucasus through the prism of the new Cold War with Russia. The end game for the west is to build a western-leaning support base in the southern backyard of Russia. Putting aside the rhetoric of supporting democracy, it is in the interests of Europe and the United States to bring the South Caucasus into the western sphere. Taking a page from their Turkish cousins, the Azeris have built their foreign policy on playing both ends of the east/west divide. Given the complex and volatile dynamics, Azerbaijan will find it difficult to leave the Russian orbit. Although Azerbaijan’s family dictatorship creates a value dilemma for the west, Azerbaijan’s energy leverage has enabled it to burn both ends of the candle with measurable success. 

Aliyev will continue attempting to buy time until the geo-political environment is more favorable. His recent decision to hold snap elections in early 2024 illustrates this point. Azerbaijan is a rogue, corrupt dictatorship with no democratic institutions. Parliamentary snap elections, in reality, are a mechanism for delay and can only have one outcome. It would be easy for Aliyev to postpone any further agreements and wait for the will of his people. Delay tactics are Aliyev’s primary weapon, given the trending support for Armenia in the current process. For decades, Armenians have asked when the Azeri abuse of power and lack of respect for international law will run their course. The tolerance of the west was on full display during the ethnic cleansing of Artsakh, but its patience has been depleted with Azeri aggression towards Armenia. The west senses an opportunity with the Armenia/Russia tension to alter the regional dynamics. It remains to be seen whether the western overtures will translate into security for Armenia, but some interesting options have been defined.

Recent history tells us that Azerbaijan has never implemented any bilateral agreements with Armenia and continues to hold hostages illegally and occupy sovereign territory of Armenia. Human rights advocate Siranush Sahakyan reported that Azerbaijan officially still holds 55 Armenian detainees, including 41 military personnel, eight former members of the Artsakh government and six civilians. Some unofficial reports claim the list of those held is as high as 80. Against all rules of civility, Azerbaijan offers little insight into the hostages’ current status. The recent release of the 32 Armenians is gratifying, but no credit should be given to the Azerbaijani government. It should not be interpreted as an act of benevolence, humanity or confidence building. Azerbaijan was forced to make a move to relieve some of the pressure of isolation. While the private negotiations continue, the Armenian public should have renewed focus on the outrageous nature of the incarceration.

Among the remaining hostages are political prisoners from the former Artsakh government. The eight Artsakh detainees are: David Babayan, former Minister of Foreign Affairs; Arkady Ghukasyan, former President; Arayik Harutyunyan, former President; Davit Ishkhanyan, chairman of the National Assembly; Davit Manukyan, deputy commander of Artsakh forces; Levon Mnatsakanyan, commander of the defense forces; Bako Sahakyan, former President; and Ruben Vardanyan, former State Minister.

These are not prisoners of war detained during a declared war. They are government officials who are political prisoners held illegally along with other soldiers and civilians. These are committed Armenians who served their nation and are being held in violation of international law by a criminal state. Remember their names…pray for them, advocate for them…demand for their release. The Armenian public should know their names, as well as those of all of the remaining 55 captives. 

During the time of the Artsakh government, Armenians held a variety of opinions on these state politicians. This is expected when people are in office and are experiencing the trials and tribulations of national life. Whatever your opinion, we need to focus on the humanity and patriotic element of their captivity. They were deported from Artsakh like the rest of the 120,000 Armenians, the difference being that the Azeris arrested them to demonstrate the subordination of Armenians and retain negotiating capital. We must remind the world of their captivity until they are free. These are the people who created a functioning democracy with a market economy within a blockaded state and without the benefit of global recognition. This is a remarkable accomplishment, and their courage and valor will always be a source of inspiration. Forget your disappointment and disagreements long enough to advocate for fellow Armenians in need. 

The character of a nation is often defined in times of adversity. The Azeri government has an obvious disdain for all Armenian hostages, but it holds particular contempt for those from Artsakh. They consider the Artsakh soldiers as rebels and the government officials as traitors. This is outrageous and must be vigorously opposed until their freedom is secured. A genocidal assault on the peaceful people of Artsakh under the false pretense of an “anti-terrorism operation,” which resulted in the deportation of all Armenians, can only produce victims. There is no legitimacy to holding any Armenian as a result of the Azeri campaigns of atrocity. A vicious dictatorship has violated international law, destroyed a functioning democracy and detained military and political personnel. This is why the debate between “territorial integrity” and “self-determination” is biased to support the status quo. All powers maintaining the need for territorial integrity began with a struggle for self-determination sometime in their history. As Armenians, we must resolve that there is no difference between detainees from Armenia and Artsakh, nor does it matter if they are common soldiers or political figures. They are all victims of illegal detention.

Protesters in Geneva demand the release of Armenian POWs and other detainees held by Azerbaijan, April 2021 (Iskender.Giragossian/Wikimedia Commons)

Freeing the remaining Armenian hostages in Baku prisons is an intersection of the regional geo-political dynamics with humanitarian empathy. In our cynical world, the latter is often a casualty of the bigger picture or subordinated from our view. Ruben Vardanyan is a visionary leader of our people. He took significant personal and political risk by surrendering his Russian citizenship and moving to serve Artsakh. After his brief tenure as state minister, he stayed to work for the nation in other ways. These men did not use their influence to abandon Artsakh. They are more than deserving of our respect and admiration. Who among us should judge them from our comfortable box seat in the diaspora while they are subjected to “Azeri justice”? Vardanyan, along with his partners, has brought much-needed vision to our global nation. Some of these illegally held soldiers were 18 or 19 when detained. While our children are home from university semester breaks, these young men are sitting in Azeri prisons because they faithfully served their nation. We should think about these people with families and dreams of a better life. We must translate the cold realities of political jousting into the names and faces of those impacted.

Next week we will celebrate western Christmas, and shortly thereafter Armenians will remember His birth and baptism. During our family celebrations of a religious and social nature, save some time to pray for our hostages. It is also an opportunity to respect anyone who serves our communities both in the diaspora and the homeland. It is one of the lessons of Artsakh. Unity starts with respect for each other. 

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Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


The California Courier Online, December 21, 2023

Hagop Kamalian

The California
Courier Online, December 21, 2023

 

1-         Armenia Could
Have Gotten a Better Deal

            In the
Prisoner Exchange with Azerbaijan

            By Harut
Sassounian

            Publisher, California Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

2-         ‘Amerikatsi’
Review: Armenia’s
Oscar Submission

            Is A
Wayward, Blackly Comic Tale Of Hope

3-         Greg
Martayan Named Valley Economic Alliance Vice President

4-         150
Prominent Leaders Demand Release of Armenian Prisoners from Baku Jail

 

************************************************************************************************************************************************

 

1-         Armenia
Could Have Gotten a Better Deal

            In the
Prisoner Exchange with Azerbaijan

            By Harut
Sassounian

            Publisher, California Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

 

Thirty two Armenian prisoners of war, languishing in a Baku jail for a long
time, were finally freed and returned back to their overjoyed families. I will
analyze the background and circumstances of their release, pointing out why Armenia should
have gotten a much better deal.

1) The agreement to end the 2020 war, signed by Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev, and Armenia’s Prime
Minister Nikol Pashinyan, included a clause that mandated that “an exchange of
prisoners of war, hostages and other detained persons and bodies of the dead is
to be carried out.” Pashinyan’s blunder was that no deadline was set for the
implementation of this clause, thus allowing Azerbaijan to keep the Armenian
prisoners as long as it wished.

2) Pashinyan’s second mistake was that, shortly after the
end of the 2020 war, Armenia
released all the Azeri prisoners, while Azerbaijan released only some of
the Armenian prisoners. There was no all for all exchange.

3) Even though the 2020 agreement did not impose any
preconditions for the release of the Armenian and Azeri prisoners, Pashinyan
made his third mistake by turning over to Azerbaijan
the maps of Armenian landmines in Azeri-occupied Artsakh in return for the
release by Azerbaijan
of a few more Armenian prisoners. Pres. Aliyev learned the valuable lesson that
he can extract more concessions from Armenia by the slow and gradual
release of the Armenian prisoners. In other words, Aliyev discovered that the
Armenian prisoners were more valuable for him if he kept them in a Baku jail, and released a few at a time in return for
further concessions from Armenia.

4) Pashinyan’s obsession over an unnecessary ‘Peace Treaty’
with Azerbaijan provides yet another opportunity for Aliyev to extract further
concessions from Armenia, including the demand for additional Armenian
territories during border adjustment negotiations, the return of Azeris to
their previously inhabited villages inside Armenia, and acceptance of the
so-called ‘Zangezur Corridor’ linking Eastern Azerbaijan to its exclave of
Nakhichevan instead of a road under Armenia’s control, as mentioned in the 2020
agreement.

5) Pashinyan should have refused all meetings and
negotiations with Azerbaijan
until the removal of its forces from the territory it occupies inside Armenia and the
return of all Armenian prisoners of war.

6) Azerbaijan
agreed to exchange two Azeri soldiers with 32 Armenian prisoners of war because
Armenia withdrew its own
candidacy and lifted its veto of Azerbaijan
hosting next year’s prestigious international climate change conference (COP29)
in Baku. This
is the only reason why Aliyev agreed to have such a lop-sided exchange of
prisoners. None of the other publicly mentioned reasons are true. Contrary to
baseless speculations, the U.S.,
EU, NATO, Russia, Turkey, and Iran played no role in arranging
this prisoner exchange. It was Aliyev’s strong desire to use the conference as
a means to show off Baku as an internationally
significant capital in order to deflect attention away from Azerbaijan’s
serious human rights violations and war crimes. Aliyev had gone to great
lengths to host other major events in Baku,
such as the Formula One Car Race, the Non-Aligned Conference Summit,
Eurovision, European Games, etc.

7) Given Aliyev’s fixation on hosting the Climate Summit in Baku at any cost, Armenia should have sought the
release of all Armenian prisoners of war, not just 32 of them. In addition,
Pashinyan should have demanded the release of the high-ranking Artsakh
officials who were captured and jailed by Azerbaijan at the end of September
2023.

8) In the meantime, over 100,000 exiled Artsakh Armenians
are suffering in Armenia,
deprived of the most basic necessities, such as housing, food, and medicines.
Artsakh Armenians have left behind all of their possessions. The Armenian
government should file a lawsuit in the World Court demanding that Azerbaijan pay
compensation for the confiscated properties of Artsakh Armenians.

9) The above cited issues raise serious questions about the
high praise lavished on Pashinyan by his supporters who are proud that he
scored a major success with the release of 32 Armenian prisoners. Little do
they know that a more competent Armenian leader could have gotten much more
concessions from Azerbaijan
than the return of some of the Armenian prisoners.

10) Pashinyan’s supporters are also ecstatic that various
international leaders expressed their satisfaction with the exchange of the
prisoners, hoping that this would lead the two countries to signing a ‘Peace
Treaty.’ What Pashinyan’s supporters do not understand is that a ‘Peace Treaty’
would not actually bring peace to the two countries, since Aliyev has already
violated most of the terms of the 2020 agreement. What assurance can anyone
have that he will respect future agreements? These foreign powers care about only one thing: their
self-interest rather than the national interests of Armenia.

They are pleased that Pashinyan is making repeated
concessions to Azerbaijan,
so that the international community can benefit from Azerbaijan’s oil and gas, while
ignoring Armenian interests and turning a blind eye to Aliyev’s violations of
the human rights of his own people.

 

************************************************************************************************************************************************
2-         ‘Amerikatsi’ Review: Armenia’s
Oscar Submission

            Is A
Wayward, Blackly Comic Tale Of Hope

 

By Damon Wise

 

(Deadline)—There’s a lot to take in and even more to process
in American-Armenian director Michael Goorjian’s ambitious period piece: What
he’s tilting at here is not beyond the realms of comedy, as Armando Iannucci
proved with his 2017 jet-black satire The Death of Stalin. But tone is crucial,
and Amerikatsi has a waywardness that too often undermines its intent — there’s
a lot that works here and so much that doesn’t. There are moments that are
sensitive, thoughtful, and really quite moving — in an elegant, silent-movie
way — but the framing is so dark in its humor that many viewers may never make
it to them.

In Eastern European literature, the greenhorn caught in the
crosshairs of bureaucracy has long been a staple, and Amerikatsi pushes that
tradition by placing an emigrant American at the heart of its drama. The film
opens in 1915, in what was then the Ottoman Empire, and a young boy named Garo
is sent away in the thick of what he will later come to know as an adult, in
fevered flashbacks, as the Armenian genocide.

The story itself, however, begins 30 years later, following
Josef Stalin’s invitation to survivors of that dark period of history to return
home, now that Armenia is
part of the Soviet Union. After the death of
his wife, Garo — now Charlie (Goorjian), a New Yorker from Poughkeepsie who never quite settled there —
sees his chance to figure out who he really is and sets off to his homeland. By
chance, after saving her son from a mob that swamps a passing bread van, the
first person Charlie meets is Sona, the wife of a high-ranking Soviet general,
who invites him to dinner with her husband Dmitry. Dmitry indulges his wife,
promising to help Charlie find a good job and housing, too. Instead, the
jealous apparatchik secretly arranges to have Charlie arrested, on the grounds
that he is a spy, and sent back to America after a bit of roughing up.

Until now, there’s a goofy quality to Amerikatsi that’s
reminiscent of the self-awareness that sprang up after the fall of the Berlin wall, like the fake supermarket posters in Prague’s Museum
of Communism that say,
“We don’t have it, we’re not open, go and bother someone else.” Charlie, on
account of his “very fancy tie,” is indicted on grounds of spreading propaganda
and the more speculative charge of “cosmopolitanism.” There’s a lot of
dim-witted box-ticking going on (“Filling quotas is always good”), and the visual
presentation — a fusion of Aki Kaurismäki, with its deadpan performances, and
Wes Anderson, in its stylized use of movie grammar — has a lot of fun with
that.

But instead of being let go, Charlie, after a near-miss with
a firing-squad, gets sent to Siberia for 10
years hard labor. As he and others are about to get their marching orders, an
earthquake hits Armenia
and the prisoners are reprieved, but only so they can rebuild the prison walls.
The mood is much darker now; Charlie is beaten, has his head shaved, and is
sent back to his cell with a noose “for the dumb American.” The damage means
that Charlie now has a view; looking out of his prison bars he can see into the
home of an Armenian couple nearby. Living vicariously through their mealtimes,
parties and arguments, Charlie is now inured to the brutality of his everyday
existence and becomes intoxicated by theirs, living a proxy version of the
authentic life he came for.

His Russian captors call him Charlie Chaplin, and with good
reason, since the better part of the film is largely silent, as Charlie absorbs
and gorges on the outside world much like Chaplin did as The Little Tramp in
The Gold Rush. Goorjian is at his best in these scenes, which are the most
effective at expressing the film’s themes of diaspora and identity. The
brutality and cruelty, however, are hard to laugh off, and while it’s clearly
not the film’s intention that we should ever do so, Goorjian’s film asks a lot
of its audience to stay with it as a vehicle for his no doubt heartfelt thoughts
of hope and reconciliation.

 

************************************************************************************************************************************************
3-         Greg Martayan Named Valley
Economic Alliance Vice President

Greg Martayan was tapped to serve
as The Valley Economic Alliance’s Vice President of External Affairs.

The Valley Economic Alliance is a
strategic private-public collaboration comprising governments, corporations,
small businesses, educational institutions, and community organizations whose
mission is to engage and unite behind the principles, policies, and practices
necessary for economic vitality and prosperity.

Bringing together a sustainable
economic future for the five-city San Fernando Valley region, including Burbank, Calabasas, Glendale,
Los Angeles and San Fernando is a top priority. An area of
more than 160,000 businesses, over 2 million residents, and covering more than
400 square miles.

“I look forward to working closely
with the five cities represented in the San Fernando
Valley and their elected officials, to create a more economically
sustainable Valley. In addition, I recognize that small businesses,
corporations, and the entrepreneurial spirit are what drive the Valley, which
is why I want to make sure they know they are heard in the halls of government.
I’m honored to be working with President and CEO Sonya Blake, who has been a
true visionary both for the Valley and the Alliance. The future is bright,” Greg
Martayan said.

“Greg is such an amazing addition
to our administrative team, with his notable and successful service, I know he
will be a great champion for the Valley economy and our partners,” said Sonya
Blake.    

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4-         150
Prominent Leaders Demand Release of Armenian Prisoners from Baku Jail

 

Over 150 Nobel Prize laureates, business leaders, former
heads of state, and humanitarians signed a letter calling for the immediate
release of the Armenian Prisoners in Baku jail,
including eight Armenian political prisoners, who are former leaders of
Nagorno-Karabakh’s government illegally detained following Azerbaijan’s
invasion and seizure of the region in September. Several dozen other prisoners
of war arrested during the conflict also remain in custody. The collective plea
echoes growing concerns over conditions and treatment of these imprisoned
individuals, including prominent Armenian businessman and humanitarian, Ruben
Vardanyan.

“The human rights abuses witnessed in the wake of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict demand urgent attention and action.,” said Noubar
Afeyan, a signatory who is co-founder of the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative.
Afeyan has long collaborated on global and regional economic development and
humanitarian projects with Vardanyan, who has become a symbol of the broader
struggle for political freedom and human dignity in the region. “We call on
President Aliyev to fulfill his obligations to the international rule of law,
ensuring those unjustly imprisoned can return safely to their families,” said
Paul Polman, Vice Chair of the United Nations Global Compact and former CEO of
Unilever. Polman is one of the letter’s signatories, alongside former heads of state,
such as Ernesto Zedillo, former President of Mexico; Mary Robinson, former
President of Ireland; Oscar Arias, former President of Costa Rica and Nobel
Peace Prize Laureate, and Elisha Wiesel, Chairman of the Board of the Elie
Wiesel Foundation for Humanity, Aurora Humanitarian Initiative, and son of the
late Elie Wiesel, former Co-Chair of Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity. Other
prominent signatories represent a wide range of sectors, including Richard
Branson, CEO of Virgin, Marc Benioff, CEO of Salesforce; Ariana Huffington,
founder of Thrive and The Huffington Post; and Serj Tankian, renowned musician
and lead vocalist of System of a Down. “The unjust detention of Vardanyan and
so many others being held in Baku
violates their basic human rights,” said Mary Robinson, Former UN High
Commissioner of Human Rights.

As asserted in the letter, the detention of Armenian
prisoners is a clear violation of international norms, including the Third
Geneva Convention. In recent weeks, members of the European Parliament and
European Council have pursued a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the release of all
illegally held detainees arising from the conflict in Karabakh. In October, the
European Parliament passed a resolution calling on Azerbaijan to release and commit to
a broad amnesty for all the inhabitants of Karabakh who have been arrested
since September 19, including former officials from the region. The European
Parliament has also called for sanctions against the individuals in the Azerbaijani
Government responsible for multiple ceasefire violations and violations of
human rights in Karabakh, as well as investigations into the abuses committed
by Azerbaijani forces that could constitute war crimes.

Congressman Adam Schiff (D-CA) introduced a resolution
calling on Azerbaijan
to immediately release all prisoners of war (POWs) and civilians currently
detained in the years-long attack on Artsakh. The resolution also calls on
President Biden to impose sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights
Accountability Act on Azerbaijani Government officials responsible for the
illegal detention, torture, and extrajudicial killing of Armenian prisoners of
war, civilian detainees, hostages, political prisoners, and others detained
persons.

 

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Armenia and Greece sign an agreement on military-technical cooperation

Hagop Kamalian

 18:06,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. The official visit of the Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Suren Papikyan to the Hellenic Republic commenced on December 14 with a wreath-laying ceremony at the monument of the Unknown Soldier in front of the country's Parliament, the Ministry of Defense said. 

Afterwards a dignified welcoming ceremony took place at the Hellenic Republic Ministry of National Defence, featuring the participation of an honor guard and a military band,

Subsequent to the ceremony, a formal meeting between the Minister of Defense Suren Papikyan and  the Minister of National Defense of the Hellenic Republic, Nikolaos Dendias took place. The issues related to the Armenian-Greek defense cooperation were discussed during the meeting.

At the meeting the considerable potential for cooperative development  was emphasized and, consequently, an agreement  was reached to invigorate the cooperation across various dimensions, encompassing military-technical engagements, experience exchange, educational initiatives, training programs, tactical training, and other directions.

At the culmination of the meeting, the Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia and the Minister of National Defense of the Hellenic Republic signed an Agreement "On Military-Technical Cooperation between the Government of the Republic of Armenia and the Government of the Hellenic Republic".

Afterwards, the ministers issued a joint statement to the press.

 



The Armenian Relief Society courageously continues helping the people of Artsakh

Hagop Kamalian
 Armenian Relief Society International Inc. Non-Profit 0

ARS members and volunteers preparing packages of essential goods for the forcibly displaced Armenians of Artsakh

The Armenian Relief Society (ARS) has consistently taken a lead role in supporting our brothers and sisters in Artsakh since the early days of the Liberation War. The organization’s commitment is evident through various humanitarian programs, the establishment of kindergartens and ongoing assistance efforts. Demonstrating unwavering dedication to the wellbeing of the Armenians of Artsakh, the ARS remains steadfast in addressing the current adversities faced by our Artsakh brethren.

Following the cruel attack on Artsakh on September 19, 2023, the Armenian Relief Society, alongside its global entities, swiftly responded to the critical situation by providing essential financial and moral support. This includes the distribution of over 1,500 boxes of food and essential needs.

In the initial aid phase:

  • 440 boxes were distributed to Artsakh compatriots from funds provided by ARS Australia.
  • Over 100 boxes were dispatched to Goris for distribution to the displaced people of Artsakh seeking refuge across the Armenian border.
  • In collaboration with sister organizations (Homenetmen, Hamazkayin, ARF and AYF) and aided by volunteers from various countries, ARS packaged and distributed 1,000 boxes to Artsakh compatriots settling in different regions of Armenia, including Yerevan, Aragatsotn, Armavir, Ararat, Shirak, Lori, Gegharkunik, Tavush, Syunik, Kotayk and Vayots Dzor.

Some of the items gathered for the displaced people of Artsakh

The ARS Armenia office received generous donations of food, clothing, bedding and kitchen utensils from kindhearted donors to benefit Artsakh compatriots.

Initiating the second phase on November 18, 2023, the ARS continued distributing additional boxes of food and essential needs to the displaced people of Artsakh, with the support of dedicated ARS and AYF members. The “We Are Our Mountains” Foundation contributed significantly to this phase by providing 20,000 tons of pasta.

To date, the ARS has successfully distributed more than 7,000 boxes (each containing $100 worth of food and essential needs), aiding over 30,000 people of Artsakh. The commitment persists as the Armenian Relief Society plans to adopt new long-term and permanent projects in support of our brothers and sisters in Artsakh.

  •  Bio
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Armenian Relief Society, Inc. (ARS) is an independent, non-governmental and non-sectarian organization which serves the humanitarian needs of the Armenian people and seeks to preserve the cultural identity of the Armenian nation. It mobilizes communities to advance the goals of all sectors of humanity. For well over a century, it has pioneered solutions to address the challenges that impact our society.


Armenia underscores unwavering commitment to genocide prevention at Human Rights 75 High-Level Event in Geneva

Hagop Kamalian

 14:43,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 12, ARMENPRESS. On December 11-12, in Geneva, Deputy Foreign Minister of Armenia Vahan Kostanyan participated in the Human Rights 75 High-Level Event dedicated to the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. UN member states presented their pledges and commitments in human rights and a number of related areas, the foreign ministry said in a press release. 

In his remarks Deputy Foreign Minister underscored Armenia`s unwavering commitment to genocide prevention and reiterated the readiness to spare no effort towards strengthening international mechanisms and responses aimed at preventing gross violations of human rights.

The head of the Armenian delegation also noted about steps to be taken towards fulfillment of human rights obligations and the introduction of a national accountability mechanism. 

Armenia reaffirmed its commitment to support the addressing of needs and the protection of fundamental rights of forcibly displaced people as a consequence of the ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The efforts to overcome extreme poverty and the adoption of the law on equal rights were highlighted as future-oriented commitments.

Artsakh’s political and civic actors appeal to int’l community

Hagop Kamalian
Panorama, Armenia
Dec 11 2023

More than 120 parties, public organizations, media outlets, and leaders of the local self-government bodies of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) signed an appeal to the international community on the occasion of the Day of the Referendum on Independence, the Constitution Day of the Republic of Artsakh, and the 75th anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights marked on 10 December.

The addressees of the appeal are: the UN Secretary-General, the UN Security Council, the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office, the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, the Council of Europe (Secretary-General, President of the Parliamentary Assembly, President of the Committee of Ministers), the President of the European Council, the President of the European Parliament, the Secretary-General of the CIS, the Secretary-General of the CSTO, and the Secretary-General of NATO. The invitation remains available for additional signatures. Entities interested in joining are encouraged to send a formal request via email to the following address: [email protected].

The text of the appeal and list of signatories are provided below and are also accessible here.

The STATEMENT made by the political and civic actors of the Republic of Artsakh reads as follows:

THE APPEAL OF THE POLITICAL AND CIVIL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF ARTSAKH TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

Addressees: UN Secretary General, Members of the UN Security Council, OSCE Chairperson-in-Office, Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, Council of Europe (Secretary General, PACE President, Chairman of the Committee of Ministers), President of the European Council, President of the European Commission, President of the European Parliament, CIS Secretary General, CSTO Secretary General, NATO Secretary General.

A free people cannot renounce its sovereign rights and submit to the rule of an alien state, especially one ruled for many years by an authoritarian, corrupt and racist regime, intoxicated by its impunity.

Our collective decision to leave our Homeland – the Republic of Artsakh (the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic), our homes, our Armenian churches, leaving behind the relics of Saint John the Baptist (Surb Hovhannes Mkrtich) and the graves of our ancestors, which we have protected for centuries, is the proof to the whole world that freedom is the highest value for the people of Artsakh. We have made this forced decision amidst ongoing genocidal actions and looming serious existential threats.

We made this decision because those who call themselves champions and defenders of freedom and human rights decided to deny us our right to live with dignity in our homeland and our right to self-determination, thus aiming to achieve an imaginary peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan and for the sake of their own geopolitical interests.

We left because it was the only way to guarantee our safety and preserve our human and national dignity and our gene pool, expose the big lie, on which the political idea of unilateral and forceful resolution of the conflict was based, by forcing us and our children to accept citizenship and swear allegiance to the regime that hates us.

For more than three decades, we have defended with all our might our children's right to peace and free development. We opposed the political deals that were offered to us at the expense of our sovereign right to live in our Homeland, won at the cost of lives and enormous sacrifices of many generations during the long centuries of struggle to preserve our national dignity and identity. And this struggle is not over. We are confident that we will regain our Motherland with the power of truth and justice.

For those who think that the world can be ruled by lies and brute force, we repeat the following:

The Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR) was proclaimed on September 2, 1991, by the legitimate authorities of the Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAO) and the Shahumyan Region of the Azerbaijani Soviet Social Republic, when the authorities of the latter announced their decision to secede from the USSR. The political Declaration on proclamation of the NKR was based on the legal norm of the Soviet law in force at that time and the will of the Artsakh people, expressed in a national referendum. Our right to self-determination was recognized even by the authorities of Soviet Russia and Azerbaijan in 1920, and became the basis for creation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in 1923, was enshrined in the constitution of the USSR, the constitution of the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic and its law “On NKAO”, and was preserved in the Law “Concerning the procedure of secession of a Soviet Republic from the USSR” of April 3, 1990, and is also based on the UN Charter and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966. The referendum of December 10, 1991, confirmed that the absolute majority of voters supported the decision to declare the independence of our Republic. The legitimate parliament, elected according to democratic standards and in the conditions of a genocidal siege and armed aggression, adopted on January 6, 1992 the Declaration of Independence of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic, Artsakh. Thousands of our compatriots paid for this choice with their lives.

In 1992, all CSCE/OSCE member states recognized the right of elected representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh to participate in the OSCE international conference mandated to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In a referendum in 2006, our people approved the Constitution of the Republic, which defined the procedure for electing legitimate representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh and their powers; in 2017, again in a referendum, the people approved a new Constitution. This Constitution was and remains the only fundamental document by which the citizens of our Republic are guided and obeyed of their own free will.

Accordingly, we, the citizens of the Republic of Artsakh, in an effort to defend our legal rights and the right to preserve the subjecthood of our Republic, affirm that the self-determined Nagorno-Karabakh did not take any part in the formation of the constitution and authorities of the self-proclaimed Republic of Azerbaijan, and, on the contrary, declared its independence. However, the newly formed Azerbaijan did not hide its baseless claims to Nagorno-Karabakh.

It was in such conditions that the international community recorded the fact that there were disagreements over the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, recognizing the disputed nature of this territory. Armenia and Azerbaijan then became participating countries of the CSCE/OSCE on the condition that they recognized the existence of disagreements over the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh and agreed that the future status of Nagorno-Karabakh would be determined at a peace conference under the auspices of the CSCE/OSCE. Both states have assumed an international obligation to resolve the issue exclusively by peaceful means.

However, once it became an CSCE/OSCE participating state, Azerbaijan immediately violated its international obligation to resolve disputes peacefully. Official Baku illegally used force against the NKR as a disputed territory in order to prevent holding an international conference to determine the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. In those conditions, the people of Nagorno-Karabakh exercised their right to self-defense. The armed aggression of Azerbaijan in 1992-1994 resulted in its defeat with significant territorial losses. It is important to emphasize that the Line of Contact between the NKR and Azerbaijan was internationally recognized.

However, during the three decades of the conflict, not a single statesman, politician or international legal authority answered a simple question: why Azerbaijan and other states that have legally recognized the obligation to follow the rule of law as a fundamental principle of their statehood, can disregard the obligation to respect the right of self-determination of Nagorno-Karabakh and the principle of non-use of force, both arising from that fundamental principle?

This circumstance allowed Azerbaijan to retain in its policy arsenal the strategy of annexation Nagorno-Karabakh through the forced expulsion of its indigenous people. Azerbaijan’s aggressive policy has yet to receive due international condemnation. International actors, contrary to their international obligations to bear responsibility for protecting the population from genocide (Responsibility to Protect), unfortunately, did not pay due attention to the warnings contained in the Statement of the Parliament of Artsakh of July 27, 2023 about the most serious existential threats facing the population of Artsakh, did not prevent the criminal actions of Azerbaijan, which committed another military aggression against the NKR in September 2023 and completely expelled the indigenous Armenian population of Artsakh from their historical Homeland.

It should be recalled that after conclusion of truce on November 9, 2020, the President of Azerbaijan stated that the Nagorno-Karabakh problem no longer exists, and everyone must come to terms with the results of the Second Karabakh War. In an effort to change the essence of the conflict, Azerbaijan has introduced into its diplomatic vocabulary a false narrative of “Armenia’s occupation of Azerbaijani lands,” through which it attempts to mute legitimate concerns about its aggressive genocidal policy.

We do not intend to compromise our principles, beliefs and our rights in relation to our own Motherland, neither in the face of force, nor under the threat of destruction, neither in exile, nor under any other political circumstances.

The whole civilized world faces a choice today: either to restore the international order in Nagorno-Karabakh, based on respect for the right to self-determination and other rights and freedoms of peoples and human rights, or to agree that blockade, armed aggression, genocide and occupation are legitimate ways to resolve conflicts.

Today, leaders of many states speak about the need for the return of Armenians to Nagorno-Karabakh. However, we believe that for the peaceful, safe and dignified return and life of our people in their homeland the following indisputable conditions are required:

First, we rule out the return of citizens of the Republic of Artsakh to the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijani armed forces, police and administration must be completely withdrawn from the territory of the Republic of Artsakh, including the Shahumyan region, where too Azerbaijan bears full responsibility for the ethnic cleansing in 1992.

Second, multinational international UN peacekeeping forces should be deployed along the entire border of the Republic of Artsakh, and a demilitarized zone should be created.

Third, the internationally recognized Lachine Corridor should be completely transferred to UN control and management.

Fourth, the territory of the Republic of Artsakh should be handed over to the UN control to ensure the conditions for the return of all refugees, formation of democratic and legal institutions and the restoration of the economy. All refugees must have equal status, equal rights and be subject to the common rules of the transitional period until a referendum is held to confirm the final political status of Nagorno-Karabakh, the result of which will be legally recognized by all states.

Fifth, the possibility of criminal prosecution by Azerbaijan of citizens of the Republic of Artsakh on any charges for the entire period of the conflict should be completely excluded. All arrested and already convicted Armenians in Azerbaijan must be released immediately. We are ready to recognize the competence of an international tribunal to investigate every war crime for which our citizens are accused, provided that in a similar way this tribunal will also address all war crimes committed by citizens of Azerbaijan and its mercenaries.

We are ready to do our best to contribute to achieving a peaceful resolution to the conflict, which will be based on the full respect for the right to self-determination and other internationally recognized human rights and freedoms of peoples.

Serviceman sustains gunshot wound in unknown circumstances

Hagop Kamalian

 12:10, 4 December 2023

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 4, ARMENPRESS. A serviceman of the Armed Forces of Armenia has sustained a gunshot wound in a military base, the Ministry of Defense said in a statement.

The incident took place around 02:50, December 4. The Defense Ministry only released the victim’s initials – A.H.

The conscript is in serious but stable condition, with no immediate life-threatening conditions observed.

Authorities launched an investigation to reveal the circumstances of the incident.