State Dept. fails to address bipartisan demands for Azerbaijan’s release of Armenian POWs

Public Radio of Armenia

The State Department’s response to a detailed Armenian Caucus letter was unresponsive to six specific policy priorities raised by over 100 Congressional signatories – failing to address or even mention the plight of over 200 Armenian prisoners of war still being held, abused, and killed by the government of Azerbaijan, reported the Armenian National Committee of America.

The May 6 State Department letter, signed by Naz Durakoglu, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs, came in response to a February 19 Armenian Caucus letter outlining a broad range of bipartisan policy concerns. In the months since the Caucus sent this letter in February, it has forwarded two additional Congressional letters to the Biden Administration, the first calling for Armenian Genocide recognition and the second seeking a robust aid package of at least $100,000,000 for Artsakh and Armenia.

Armenian American community members and coalition partners can call for sanctions on Azerbaijan by visiting www.anca.org/907 and support robust U.S. aid to Artsakh and Armenia by visiting www.anca.org/aid.

The six policy priorities left unaddressed by the Administration’s letter are listed below.

1. Prisoners of War:  The bipartisan Armenian Caucus letter stressed that Azerbaijan has refused to free Armenian prisoners of war and apprehended civilians.

The State Department entirely ignores Congressional concern for the release of Armenian prisoners of war, failing, in this letter, to even cite their existence, despite sustained Congressional pressure.

2. Azerbaijani and Turkish Aggression:  The bipartisan Armenian Caucus letter identified Azerbaijani and Turkish forces as having initiated the September 27, 2020 attack that killed an estimated 5,000 people and forced more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians to flee from Artsakh.

The State Department fails to identify Baku and Ankara as aggressors, choosing instead to speak generically of “last year’s fighting.”

3. U.S. Humanitarian Aid:  The bipartisan Armenian Caucus letter called for “significant U.S. commitments” of urgently needed humanitarian aid for the people of Artsakh, to help them reconstruct their communities and rebuild their lives. (A subsequent Armenian Caucus letter called for at least $100 million in U.S. aid.)

The State Department dismisses Congressional calls for a significant U.S. commitment, citing just $5 million in humanitarian aid it has sent to support affected populations of both Armenians and Azerbaijanis.

4. Section 907:  The bipartisan Armenian Caucus letter supported ending the waiver of Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act, sanctioning Turkish and Azerbaijani leaders, and ceasing military aid to Azerbaijan through the Section 333 Building Partner Capacity program.

The State Department neglects to mention that the White House officially waived Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act, and fails to respond to Congressional concerns about withholding U.S. aid to Baku.

5. Turkish Drones and Prohibited Munitions:  The bipartisan Armenian Caucus letter cited Azerbaijan’s use of Turkish Bayraktar drones utilizing American components and technology, and also Baku’s illegal use of cluster and white phosphorus munitions.

The State Department disregards Congressional concern over Azerbaijan’s illegal use of cluster and white phosphorus munitions, and fails to address Baku’s deployment of Turkish Bayraktar drones utilizing American components and technology.

6. Foreign Mercenaries:  The bipartisan Armenian Caucus letter cited Azerbaijan’s deployment of Turkish-backed foreign mercenaries, many with ties to internationally recognized terrorist groups.

The State Department refuses to address Congressional concerns about the foreign mercenaries recruited by Turkey to fight alongside Azerbaijani forces.

At meeting with Georgian PM, Pashinyan highlights maintaining balanced stance over sensitive issues

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 16:49,

YEREVAN, MAY 12, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian-Georgian partnership is one of the most important guarantees for ensuring stability in the region, Caretaker Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said during a joint press conference with his Georgian counterpart Irakli Garibashvili in Yerevan, noting that regional security matters were addressed during their meeting.

“I expressed conviction that the Karabakh conflict must get its final resolution within the framework of the process under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs and based on the principles proposed by them. I also expressed conviction that each conflict has its peculiarity. In this context I attached importance to maintaining balanced and constructive stance over issues that are sensitive for one another,” Pashinyan said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan


CivilNet: Three POWs Returned to Armenia From Azerbaijan

CIVILNET.AM

05 May, 2021 10:05

  • Three Armenian prisoners of war were transferred from Baku to Yerevan on May 4th. 
  • Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov arrives in Armenia for talks. 
  • Over 20 Australian political leaders call for the recognition of the Armenian Genocide. 
  • Vaccination could be a prerequisite for traveling, according to Armenia’s acting prime minister.

credits: Ruptly

Russia, Armenia discuss starting production of Sputnik V vaccine, Lavrov says in Yerevan

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 13:49, 6 May, 2021

YEREVAN, MAY 6, ARMENPRESS. Armenia is discussing with Russia the issue of starting a production of the Russian Sputnik V vaccine against coronavirus, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said during a joint press conference with Armenia’s caretaker FM Ara Aivazian in Yerevan.

“We have discussed our joint efforts in the fight against the coronavirus pandemic. Russia has provided Armenia with several tens of thousands of doses of Sputnik V vaccine and currently the issue of acquiring another 1 million doses by Yerevan, as well as organizing its production in the territory of Armenia is being discussed”, Lavrov said.

The first batch of the Russian Sputnik V vaccine in 15,000 doses has been delivered to Armenia on April 8. A new batch for 14,000 people has been imported to Armenia on April 26.  

Russian FM Sergei Lavrov has arrived in Armenia on May 5 on a two-day visit.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Schrödinger’s Iskanders: a two-level game in Karabakh

New Eastern Europe
April 27 2021

The Iskander missile system has become a central topic among the three sides responsible for maintaining the ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh.

April 27, 2021 - Mahammad Mammadov

Following the war in Karabakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan finally signed a ceasefire agreement in November 2020 with the help of Russian President Vladimir Putin. However, recent political developments in both countries indicate that certain military manoeuvres in the last phases of the war will come back to haunt the trilateral agreement. These issues could increase uncertainty for all sides.

Alongside Azerbaijan’s accidental shootdown of a Russian helicopter and Armenia’s purported missile launch against Baku just a few hours before the ceasefire, the possible use of Russia-made Iskander missiles against Azerbaijani targets in Shusha has raised serious questions regarding who was responsible for such actions and why. Leaders in both Armenia and Azerbaijan have used the topic to achieve certain goals in both the domestic and external arenas. While it led to further polarisation in Armenia and triggered harsh rhetoric from Russian officials, the Iskander issue is viewed as an opportunity in Azerbaijan. This is because Baku hopes to indirectly signal grievances against certain Russian moves in Nagorno-Karabakh that have not taken into account its national interests.  

Armenia vs Russia: fired/not fired

It was former Chief Military Inspector of the Armenian Armed Forces, Movses Hakopian, who first claimed in November that Armenia had used the Iskander tactical ballistic missile system during the war. Despite this, he did not name the target. This issue rose to national prominence on February 16th when former President Serzh Sarkissian accused Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan of failing to use the missiles in the early days of the war. This move could have hypothetically prevented further Azerbaijani advances on the battlefield. In an interview with local online news portal 1in.am on February 23rd, Pashinyan responded to the criticism by stating that the Iskander missiles were useless weapons from the 1980s. He also complained that even if they had been used against Azerbaijan that they would not have been very effective. His comments were met with controversy in Armenian politics and may have affected bilateral relations with Russia.

Domestically, Pashinyan faced unprecedented opposition from the Armenian military’s leading figures. He even asked the president to fire the deputy chief of the Armenian general staff, Lieutenant General Tiran Khachatrian, who claimed that Pashinyan’s comments regarding the Iskander missiles were “nonsense”. Several influential military figures, as well as the chief of the general staff Colonel-General Onik Gasparyan, subsequently challenged his decision and claimed that Pashinyan had become incompetent. In response, the prime minister accused them of organising a coup. He called on his supporters to come out on to the streets of Yerevan and defend the government.

Pashinyan’s remarks regarding the Iskander missiles understandably angered Moscow. His attempt to justify his decision to not use the missiles during the war threatened to damage the reputation of the Russian military-industrial complex at an international level. Russia’s Ministry of Defence was quick to issue a statement denying the prime minister’s assertions regarding the weapons and claimed that Russia had successfully used the Iskanders in Syria against several terrorist groups. At the same time, ministry officials denied the use of any type of Iskander missiles in Nagorno-Karabakh and claimed that the Armenian prime minister was being misled with inaccurate information. Facing stiff pressure from both domestic competition and the country’s external ‘patron’, Pashinyan agreed to a telephone conversation with Vladimir Putin on February 25th. During the call, he stated that he had received inaccurate information about the situation. 

Azerbaijan: not fired/fired

Watching from the sidelines, Azerbaijan had more time to work out its position on the issue in relation to Armenia and Russia. Commenting on the possible use of Iskander missiles at a press conference on February 26th, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said that he did not believe that Armenia had used the missiles during the war. He also stated that Prime Minister Pashinyan’s claims were simply a public blunder.

Despite this, it is perhaps more interesting to discuss President Aliyev’s claims that Armenia had acquired Iskander missiles free of charge from Russia alongside tanks, artillery, and air defence systems. This was not the first time that the Azerbaijani leader had openly denounced Russia’s military support for Armenia. He expressed similar ideas during and after the war on numerous occassions. It was therefore expected that Baku would build an Iskander narrative focused on expressing its grievances against Russian policy in Nagorno-Karabakh. This was favoured over doubling down on the Armenian leader’s comments.

In this context, a report from Azerbaijan’s national mine agency (ANAMA) on March 31st that claimed to have found traces of Iskander missiles fired on Shusha, proved to be a turning point regarding Baku’s approach to the issue. According to the report, the remains of different parts of the Iskander-M missile with the index code 9M723 were found on March 15th in Shusha 780 metres apart from each other. ANAMA’s evidence strengthened the credibility of video footage that was shared online a few days after the signing of the peace deal. The footage reportedly shows Armenian forces launching two Iskander missiles against Azerbaijani targets.

Later, Azerbaijani media went a step further and claimed that Russia was directly involved in the use of the Iskander missiles in Karabakh. The type of Iskander missiles employed in the war (9M723) are supposedly different to those that Armenia received from Russia in 2013 (9K720-E). Questions have subsequently been asked in Azerbaijan as to how these missiles could have been used against Shusha, if Armenia did not possess any of them in its military arsenal. When asked about Russia’s position on the issue on April 2nd, presidential spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said that the Kremlin was unaware of any report on Iskander missile fragments found in Karabakh and recalled that Russia-made missiles were not used during the war last autumn. According to sources close to the Azerbaijani government, Russian security services have supposedly launched an investigation into potential illegal deliveries of Iskander-M missiles to Armenia and their use in Nagorno-Karabakh.  

Recent changes in Baku’s tone can be attributed to its dissatisfaction with some aspects of Russia’s peacekeeping activities in Nagorno-Karabakh. First of all, Baku believes that Russia is not eager to fulfill its share of responsibilities mentioned in article four of the November 10th peace agreement. This states that Armenian forces in Karabakh would be replaced with Russian peacekeepers. Despite this, allegations have been made that Armenian soldiers in civilian clothing have been deployed to the region through the Lachin Corridor, which has been under Russian control since the signing of the deal. Russian officials have also seemingly strengthened ties with the authorities in the disputed area. For example, Russian Deputy Defence Minister Dmitry Bulgakov visited the region on March 31st. At the same time, Russia’s seeming unwillingness to help Baku on a range of issues has also increased Azerbaijan’s unease with the Russian presence in the region. These problems include potential Armenian resistance in the region, the sharing of mine maps, and the release of militants that were detained following an infiltration attempt after the ceasefire.

The recent change in Azerbaijan’s approach to the Iskanders issue indicates that Baku may want to use the dispute to strengthen its hand in Karabakh. Unlike Armenia, which is currently experiencing domestic issues and reliant on Russia for much of its security, Azerbaijan has a wider ‘margin of error’ regarding its neighbour to the north. In the current period, Baku possesses a more stable domestic political system, as well as wider security links with other states.

Mahammad Mammadov is a research fellow at the Topchubashov Center in Baku. He holds an MA degree in Central and East European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies from the University of Glasgow and University of Tartu.


Dear Readers - New Eastern Europe is a not-for-profit publication that has been publishing online and in print since 2011. Our mission is to shape the debate, enhance understanding, and further the dialogue surrounding issues facing the states that were once a part of the Soviet Union or under its influence. But we can only achieve this mission with the support of our donors.  If you appreciate our work please consider making a donation.

 

The Aegis Trust welcomes President Biden’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide

The Aegis Trust
April 25 2021




tatement by Dr James Smith CBE, Chief Executive of the Aegis Trust:

“Staff and supporters of the Aegis Trust remember and mourn all those murdered during the Armenian Genocide, in which the Young Turk regime systematically planned and executed the deportation and mass murder of some 1.5 million Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, together with hundreds of thousands of Assyrians and other Christian minorities.

“We commend US President Joe Biden for his historic statement recognising the Armenian Genocide and we also commend other World leaders and nations who have acknowledged the truth.

“Just because genocide was not criminalised under international law until 1948 does not mean that it does not apply to preceding instances of the crime. Raphael Lemkin was inspired to define and outlaw precisely the widespread and systematic extermination of a people for which the perpetrators of the Armenian genocide enjoyed impunity at the time.

“Denial is the final stage of genocide. Refusal to acknowledge the crime adds to the pain of survivors and following generations. It also contributes to a climate of impunity for existing and would-be perpetrators of mass atrocities.

“We therefore urge the present Government of Turkey, all media organisations and all Governments around the World which have not yet done so, simply to recognise and accept the historic fact of the Armenian Genocide.

“In 1918, former US President Theodore Roosevelt described it as “the greatest crime of the war,” stating, “the failure to deal radically with the Turkish horror means that all talk of guaranteeing the future peace of the world is mischievous nonsense”.

“The World failed to bring justice for the Armenian Genocide, but Roosevelt’s words ring as true today as they did then. The rest of the World should now follow President Biden’s example and accept the truth.”

Mirak, whose family has a long history of giving, comments on Armenian genocide

Your Arlington

History Bob Sprague Wednesday, 352 Hits

When Joe Biden became the first U.S. president to declare officially that the World War I massacre of Armenians as "genocide," the reaction was swift and sharp.

Armenian-Americans praised the statement as helping to heal more than a century of national pain. Turkey, in whose territory the years of killings occurred, condemned it, acknowledging that atrocities occurred but declined to accept a word associated with the Holocaust.

Bob Mirak was clear where he stands. The man whose car dealerships that bear his surname and whose family donated so much to this town told YourArlington:

"On a personal level of someone who lost all grandparents in the genocide of 1915-1923, I am thankful for President Biden's courageous recognition of the terrible losses inflicted on the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire.

"Further, his statements help the Armenians recover the history (if not the lands and treasures) which the Turkish government have sought to steal for over a century. Each and every Armenian is grateful."

These words recall those of Elie Wiesel, who has written so movingly about the Holocaust: “To forget the dead would be akin to killing them a second time,” a 2018 remembrance at his death reported.

Father's legacy

Mirak, 88, has not forgotten the legacy of his father, Zaven Mirakian, orphan of the Armenian genocide, who became John Peter Mirak, a prominent business success of 20th-century Arlington. In Genocide Survivors, Community Builders: The Family of John and Artemis Mirak (Armenian Cultural Foundation, 2014), he bears witness to what his family has experienced.

Bob describes events that were not discussed when he was young. They were "too painful to bring up," he said in a 2015 interview.

John grew up in Revere and Malden, graduating from New England Automotive School in Boston. At his first mechanic's job, he made $3 a week. His Arlington history began in 1928, repairing trucks for Arlington Dye Works, at a Mystic Street shop where Armstrong Ambulance is now.

Four years later, he and three other immigrants launched Arlington Center Garage and Service Corporation, at 440 Mass. Ave. On the site today lie the Legacy apartments, which Mirak built. In the next 40 years, the family left its mark on Arlington.

Part of that came from the debt John felt to the town and society. In 1965, the 50th anniversary of the start of the genocide, his ad in The Boston Globe began, "Gratefully yours …." Bob said his father offered gratitude to the region for allowing him to prosper.

The charitable work of the John Mirak Foundation includes establishing the Armenian Cultural Foundation along Mystic Lake, which marked its 75th anniversary this year.

The Miraks' generosity toward Arlington includes Bob serving on the board of Symmes Hospital, the donated main reading room at the Robbins Library and bequeathing the historic Jefferson Cutter House, moved from in 1989 to Whittemore Park, where the Chamber of Commerce and the Dallin Art Museum are now.

See a video showing, near the beginning, how the house was moved and including an interview with Bob Mirak >>

Behind the family's charity lies a religious conviction, Bob's book says — that his life had been spared "for some reason …. from gratitude, wonder, and probably survivor guilt, he felt compelled to repay society through donation and service."

Armenian Apostolic Church condemns Azerbaijani ban on previously agreed priest ordination in Dadivank Monastery

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 12:52,

YEREVAN, APRIL 27, ARMENPRESS. Head of the information department at the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin Vahram Melikyan commented on the reports according to which Azerbaijani servicemen banned pilgrims to enter into the Dadivank Monastery on April 25.

In an interview to Armenpress, Mr. Melikyan confirmed the reports, condemning Azerbaijan’s behavior.

-There has been a report that on April 25 Azerbaijani servicemen didn’t allow the pilgrims to visit the Dadivank Monastery. Is this report true?

-Yes, the report is true. On April 25, the Azerbaijani servicemen banned Primate of the Artsakh Diocese, Bishop Vrtanes Abrahamyan and a group of pilgrims to enter into the Monastery, mentioning the pandemic as a reason. However, an ordination of a priest was scheduled in the Monastery on that day, which has been notified earlier and agreed upon with the Russian peacekeeping command.

However, it was impossible to approach the Monastery despite the agreements.

It’s obvious that the Azerbaijani side wished to fail the priest ordination, but the ceremony was held in the Gandzasar Monastery on the same day in the evening.

-How would you comment on Azerbaijan’s such behavior, which, in fact, violates the agreements reached by Russia’s mediation over the visits of pilgrims to Dadivank?

-Such rejectionist behavior of Azerbaijan must be condemned as it creates artificial barriers for the Armenian historical monastery and its spiritual congregation mission, violates the agreements reached by the mediation of the Russian authorities.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Erdogan treads carefully as Biden recognises Armenian genocide

BNE Intellinews

A photograph from the Armenian Genocide Museum showing Ottoman Armenians being deported.
By bne IntelIiNews 

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan trod carefully on April 24 as Joe Biden became the first US president to declare formal recognition of the Armenian genocide.

As Soner Cagaptay, a historian and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, explained in an opinion piece, Turkey’s leader knows well that now is not the time for a furious response from Ankara to the Biden administration’s historic declaration. “Erdogan faces a brittle Turkish economy. If his relations with Washington are in freefall, that can cause the Turkish economy to tank,” Cagaptay wrote in his analysis of the designation—announced on the 106th Remembrance Day of the genocide—for NBC News THINK.

“It took President Joe Biden more than three months in office to call Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. That alone was a sign of the fall in status of a country that was once one of America’s closest strategic allies across the Middle East, Southeastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. But much worse for Ankara was the message Biden delivered when he finally picked up the phone Friday, as first reported by Bloomberg: The U.S. government was finally recognizing the 1915 Ottoman killing of Armenians as a genocide,” he added.

Addressing the question of why Biden is “treating Erdogan with such apparent political condescension”, Cagaptay concluded that the American president of three months “is simply aware that for the first time in many years, Erdogan needs the U.S. more than Washington needs him”. “Biden is,” added Cagaptay, “accordingly, using this window as a lever, hoping to correct some of Erdogan’s behavior, including his anti-democratic actions and close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin”.

Cagaptay continued: “The crux of the issue now isn’t that Biden is mad at Erdogan, but rather that almost the entire U.S. government is. Many inside and outside the administration see Erdogan as an autocrat who poses a threat to U.S. interests regionally. Where Turkey was once a beacon of democracy among Muslim-majority nations, Erdogan’s clampdown on fair elections, freedom of speech and judicial independence have repulsed Americans.”

“Even at the State Department’s Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, which has traditionally dealt with Ankara, Turkeyphilia is fast going out of fashion,” pointed out Cagaptay, adding: “The overall sentiment inside the U.S. government is that Erdogan responds better to Putin-style toughness than to a warm embrace.”

However, the historian, noting that Putin can cause immense trouble for Erdogan in regional hotspots including Syria, the South Caucasus and Libya, should the Turkish president choose certain paths not in Russia’s interests, warned: “I’ve always thought that stuck between Biden and Putin, Erdogan would pick Putin. That point of reckoning might be around the corner.”

“I have written Erdogan’s political biography and know that he can be very pragmatic, but also quite Machiavellian,” concluded Cagaptay. “I am certain that whichever disconsolate and evasive words he chooses in his response to Biden’s designation, he will be looking for an opportunity to get back at the U.S. president—once the Turkish economy bounces back.”

Honouring the perished

“The American people honour all those Armenians who perished in the genocide that began 106 years ago today,” Biden said in a statement. “Beginning on 24 April 1915 with the arrest of Armenian intellectuals and community leaders in Constantinople by Ottoman authorities, one and a half million Armenians were deported, massacred or marched to their deaths in a campaign of extermination.”

He added: “Over the decades Armenian immigrants have enriched the United States in countless ways, but they have never forgotten the tragic history. We honor their story. We see that pain. We affirm the history. We do this not to cast blame but to ensure that what happened is never repeated.”
 


A map, published in 1916 in Leavening the Levant by Joseph R. Green, with arrows indicating claimed deportations of Armenians (Image: Flickr's The Commons).

The statement came a day after the phone conversation between Biden and Erdogan, which was reported to be tense—the issue of genocide recognition was not mentioned in official accounts of the exchange.

US administration officials sought to soften the impact of Biden’s announcement on relations with Ankara, emphasising that the genocide was carried out before modern Turkey was born and that the intention was not to blame but to embrace remembrance. They also stressed that Washington continues to see Turkey as a critical Nato ally (although the Nato relationship remains under strain, with the US refusing to deliver Turkey the world’s most advanced fighter plane, the F-35, because of Ankara’s purchase of S-400 missile batteries from the Kremlin). Erdogan and Biden remain scheduled to meet in June on the sidelines of a Nato summit in Brussels to discuss the full range of bilateral and regional issues.

Previous US presidents, including Barack Obama, abandoned campaign promises to recognise the Armenian genocide for fear of damaging US-Turkish relations. “With relations already in shambles, there was nothing to stop Biden from following through,” Nicholas Danforth, non-resident fellow for The Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, was cited by Reuters as saying, adding: “Ankara has no allies left in the US government to lobby against this and Washington isn’t worried whether it angers Turkey anymore.”

“Third parties”

Responding to Biden’s genocide recognition, Erdogan accused "third parties" of interfering in Turkey's affairs. "Nobody benefits from the debates—which should be held by historians—being politicised by third parties and becoming an instrument of interference in our country," Erdogan said in a message to the Armenian patriarch in Istanbul.

Denouncing Biden’s move, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on Twitter: “We have nothing to learn from anybody on our own past. Political opportunism is the greatest betrayal to peace and justice. We entirely reject this statement based solely on populism.”

A release from the Turkish foreign ministry said: “It is clear that the said statement does not have a scholarly and legal basis, nor is it supported by any evidence. This statement … will open a deep wound that undermines our mutual trust and friendship. We call on the US president to correct this grave mistake.”

Several Turkish opposition politicians also spoke out against Biden’s genocide announcement, with Faik Oztrak, spokesman for the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), saying that the move “will open wounds that will be difficult to repair not only on US-Turkey ties but also on a potential compromise between the people of Armenia and Turkey”.

Refuting the claim of genocide—the Turkish republic, established in 1923 after the Ottoman empire collapsed, has always denied there was a systematic campaign to annihilate Armenians, arguing that thousands of Turks and Armenians died in inter-ethnic violence as the empire started to fall apart and fought a Russian invasion of its eastern provinces during World War I, and that nothing constituting genocide took place—is a rare issue that unites Turkey’s ruling and opposition parties,

The US Embassy in Turkey said its missions in the country would be closed on Monday April 26 and Tuesday April 27 for visa services due to the possibility of protests.

“Powerful step”

After Biden’s announcement, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian thanked the US president for "the powerful step towards justice and invaluable support for the descendants of the Armenian genocide victims".

Prior to the announcement, in a letter to Biden that referenced the Nagorno-Karabakh war of autumn last year—regarded as the world’s first “drone war” in which Turkish-armed Azerbaijan defeated Armenian forces after six weeks of fighting that ended with a Russian brokered ceasefire—said: "The recognition of the genocide is a matter of truth, historical justice and security to the Republic of Armenia, especially in the light of the events that took place in our region last year."

For its part, Azerbaijan, tightly allied with Turkey, described Biden's statement as "misrepresenting the events that happened 100 years ago".

"The falsification of history, attempts to rewrite history and the use of the issue for political pressure are unacceptable," Azerbaijan's foreign ministry added in a statement.

Aram Hamparian, executive director of the Armenian National Committee of America, said in a statement ahead of the Biden announcement that the US president would be "effectively ending the longest lasting foreign gag-rule in American history". He said the recognition would represent a “powerful setback to Turkey's century-long obstruction of justice for this crime, and its ongoing hostility and aggression against the Armenian people".

Reuters reported that in Montebello, California, a city in Los Angeles County that is home to many Armenian-Americans, members of the community held a small and sombre ceremony during which they placed a cross made of flowers at a monument to the victims. Some attendees wore pins reading “genocide denied genocide repeated”.