West wants to undermine Nagorno Karabakh peace deal, warns Russia

Prensa Latina
Nov 18 2020
Moscow, Nov 18 (Prensa Latina) The West is trying to cancel the agreement reached between Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan to end the conflict centered around Nagorno Karabakh, the head of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Russia, Sergei Narishkin, warned.
Western powers encourage Armenian and Azerbaijani nationalists to torpedo the settlement brokered on the 9th of this month by Russian President Vladimir Putin, his Azerbaijani counterpart Iljam Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the official said.

The intention is for the Armenians to see that the compromise was a defeat for Nagorno Karabakh and Yerevan, while the Azerbaijanis are presented with the thesis of the need to have continued warring until the final victory in the confrontation, which began on September 27th, the politician explained.

For Narishkin, such manipulations demonstrate that the United States and its European friends, as always, solve their tasks at the expense of the interests of ordinary people and, this time, the Armenians and the Azerbaijanis are on the line.

Americans and Europeans are not at all concerned that their provocative activities could lead to new bloodshed when the region becomes once again embroiled in a harsh war, the official said.

The tripartite agreement provides for the end of the fighting, the exchange of prisoners and the evacuation of bodies, the deployment of a contingent of almost two thousand Russian military personnel on the line of confrontation and in the so-called Lachin corridor, as well as the return of refugees.

The spokesman for the Ministry of Defense of Russia, Igor Konashenkov, reported that the peacekeeping contingent made a change of observation posts and changed the number of them in the Nagorno Karabakh region.

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Pashinyan unveils rehabilitation roadmap, announces major reforms

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 10:09,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 18, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has presented his ways, methods and programs for overcoming the situation in the country following the Artsakh war.

Pashinyan reiterated that he finds himself to be the main responsible person for the current situation, as well as overcoming it and establishing stability and security in the country.

“Dear people, dear countrymen,

During the last week we numerously talked about the war that began on September 27, our failures, the subsequent situation and details of this situation.

The time has come to speak about the ways, methods and programs for overcoming this situation. I have already said that I am the number 1 responsible person for the situation. I am also the main responsible person for overcoming the situation and establishing stability and security in the country. I am underscoring, not only don’t I intend to refuse from this responsibility, but I am entirely engaged in this work.

The roadmap of our actions is the following:

  1. The restoration of the Karabakh negotiations process in the OSCE MG Co-Chairmanship format, with the emphasis of prioritizing the status of Artsakh and the return of Artsakh residents to their place of residence.
  2. Ensure the return of the residents of Artsakh to their [homes]. Entirely restore normal life in Artsakh. Restoration of damaged homes, apartments and infrastructures in the territories that are under the control of the Nagorno Karabakh authorities.
  3. Ensure social guarantees for the families of killed servicemen and citizens.
  4. Restoration of residential and public buildings and infrastructures in the territory of Armenia that were affected during the war.
  5. Ensure social guarantees, prosthesis process and professional training for servicemen who suffered disabilities.
  6. Speedy return of captured servicemen and civilians. Ensure social guarantees for their families. Speedy clarification of the fates of those missing in action. Ensure social guarantees for their families.
  7. The development of a psychological rehabilitation system for people who participated in the war and overall the entire society.
  8. Confirmation of a military reforms program and launch of reforms.
  9. Overcoming of the coronavirus pandemic and elimination of its consequences.
  10. Restoration of the economic activity environment.
  11. Activation of programs for solving demographic problems.
  12. Amendments of the Electoral Code and adoption of a new law on political parties.
  13. Introduction of the institution of specialized judges, as the first step in creating the Anti-Corruption Court. Launch of implementation of the illicit asset confiscation law.
  14. Holding permanent thematic consultations with representatives of Armenia’s political and civil community.
  15. Holding permanent thematic consultations with Armenian organizations and individuals in the Diaspora. Involvement of individuals and organizations of Armenia and the Diaspora in the above-mentioned processes.

 

The most important purpose of this is to ensure the democratic stability of Armenia and create guarantees that nothing is threatening the formation of government in Armenia through the free _expression_ of will.

Changes are underway in the government composition for realizing this roadmap.

The meaning and goal of the changes will be the more effective implementation of this program and the maximal adjustment of the government composition to the realization of this roadmap.

Dear countrymen, dear people,

Getting the realization of these programs on irreversible institutional tracks will take 6 months. In June 2021 I will deliver the performance report of this roadmap, and the public opinion and reaction will be taken into account for deciding future actions.

I would like to express special gratitude to employees of the state administration system of Armenia, as well as the My Step parliamentary bloc for their work and unity during this difficult period of time. We have a lot of work to do and we are obliged to succeed. Let’s get to work,” Pashinyan said in a statement.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Status of Nagorno Karabakh is not decided yet, it will be done in the future – Putin

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 21:47,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 17, ARMENPRESS. The status of Nagorno Karabakh is not decided yet, ARMENPRESS reports Russian President Vladimir Putin told Russia-24.

''We have agreed to preserve the status-quo, and it's still necessary to decide what will happen in the future. I think that if favorable conditions are created, relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan are restored, including between the peoples at the social level, they will also create conditions to decide the status of Nagorno Karabakh'', Putin said.

''As refers to recognizing or not recognizing Karabakh as an independent and sovereign state, it can be variously assessed, but that was undoubtedly an important factor, including recently, during I hope the already finished bloody conflict, because Karabakh’s not being recognized, including by Armenia, left a significant mark on the course of events and their perception.

It is necessary to say directly that after the criminal actions of the former Georgian leadership, I mean the attack on our peacekeepers in South Ossetia, Russia recognized the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. We also recognized that the _expression_ of the will of the people living in Crimea and the desire of the people living there to reunite with Russia is fair, we met the expectations of the people, we did it openly.

Some may like it, some may not, but we did it based on the interests of the people living there, on the interests of Russia, and we are not ashamed to speak directly about it.

This had not been done for Karabakh, and that, of course, left a significant impact on the developments'', Putin said.

Iran the big loser in Nagorno-Karabakh war

Arab News, Saudi Arabia
Nov 13 2020
An almost three-decades-old conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh was brought to an end this week after 45 days of hard fighting.
The conflict had its origins in the collapse of the Soviet Union. During this period, ethnic Armenians living inside Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh region tried to break away and join Armenia. Armenia took advantage of the chaos and invaded the region, capturing a sizable chunk of Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territory.
A ceasefire agreement was signed in 1994, which, for the most part, held — albeit there were occasional minor skirmishes over the years. That same year, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe established the so-called Minsk Group to help broker a final peace — but it failed to do so.
Having grown impatient over the lack of progress in peace talks and the bellicose rhetoric coming from Armenian leaders, Azerbaijan decided to act. Major fighting kicked off in late September and was brought to an end this week by an Azerbaijani victory. With the help of Turkish and Israeli drones, and a lot of bravery from its soldiers, Azerbaijan was able to liberate large swathes of its territory from Armenian occupation.
Armenia is estimated to have lost approximately 40 percent of its equipment, including hundreds of tanks, armored vehicles and pieces of artillery. It is likely that Azerbaijan ended up capturing more equipment from Armenia than it lost on the battlefield — probably one of the few cases in history of an army ending a war with more equipment than it started with.
Turkey and Russia played a big role in the conflict. Russia traditionally backs Armenia, but in this conflict took a standoffish approach to the dismay of Yerevan. Turkey has always been close to Azerbaijan and has been in a protracted geopolitical competition with Russia over places like Syria, Libya, and to a certain extent Ukraine in recent years.
The peace agreement announced earlier this week was brokered by Russia with Turkish influence behind the scenes. It led to the surrender of Armenian forces inside Azerbaijan and the deployment of a small Russian peacekeeping force to regions in Nagorno-Karabakh with a sizable Armenian minority. While a lot of the commentary has been focused on what Armenia’s defeat means for Turkey and Russia, one country that was a big loser in this conflict was Iran.

Iran will have to devote time, resources, and troops to adjust to the new geopolitical reality along its northern border with Azerbaijan.

Luke Coffey

For historical reasons Iran sees itself as entitled to a special status in the South Caucasus. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan were once part of the Persian empire. Today, Armenia and Iran enjoy cozy relations.
Azerbaijan is one of the predominately Shiite areas in the Muslim world that Iran has not been able to place under its influence. While relations between Baku and Tehran remain cordial on the surface, there is an underlying tension between the two. During the war in Nagorno-Karabakh in the 1990s, Iran sided with Armenia as a way to marginalize Azerbaijan’s role in the region.
There are three reasons why Iran is a big loser in this conflict.
Firstly, it remains to be seen how Azerbaijan’s victory will play out with Iran’s sizable Azeri minority. Azeris are the second-largest ethnic group in Iran. During the conflict there was a lot of pro-Azerbaijani rhetoric and protests on social media and on the streets in support of Baku by ethnic Azeris. The Iranian regime was very careful to appear balanced during the conflict, but at the same time stifled many of these pro-Azerbaijani protests. There is a constant low-level push for self-determination and increased autonomy in northern Iran for the Azeri minority. Although this has not materialized into a mass movement for independence, it makes some in the Iranian leadership nervous.
Secondly, Iran will have to devote time, resources, and troops to adjust to the new geopolitical reality along its northern border with Azerbaijan. This could mean less Iranian focus on other places such as the Gulf and Syria. Part of the Azerbaijan-Iran state border has been under Armenian occupation since 1994. Now that this border is back under the control of Baku, a new security dynamic has been created between the two countries. Also, the presence of 2,000 Russian peacekeepers — now only 100 km from the Iranian border — is bound to make many in Tehran nervous. Although Russia and Iran have enjoyed good relations in recent times, the two have been rival powers in the region for centuries. Iran has already started to deploy more military assets along its northern border. It remains to be seen whether this is just a temporary measure or will become permanent due to the new security situation on the ground.
Finally, it is unclear how Azerbaijan’s success in the war will affect its bilateral relationship with Iran. Azerbaijan has strived to maintain cordial relations with Iran because it relied on access to Iranian airspace and territory to supply its autonomous region of Nakhchivan — an exclave of Azerbaijan nestling between Iran, Armenia and Turkey. In addition to transit rights, Azerbaijan also relied on Iran to provide natural gas to Nakhchivan. As part of the recent peace deal, Armenia is opening up a corridor through its territory to allow Azerbaijan to transport goods directly to Nakhchivan. In addition, earlier this year Turkey announced a new natural gas pipeline to supply Nakhchivan with energy. Iran is less important for Azerbaijan now and it is likely that the dynamics in the bilateral relationship will change in Baku’s favor.
Iran has many problems. A stagnant economy, political unrest at home, the fallout from the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic and the never-ending costly interventions in places such as Syria and Iraq. The last thing Tehran needs right now is a change to the cozy status quo it has enjoyed in the South Caucasus for the past three decades.
Unfortunately for Iran, this is exactly what is happening.

  • Luke Coffey is director of the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy at the Heritage Foundation. Twitter: @LukeDCoffey


COVID-19: Armenia reports 2175 new cases, 921 recoveries in one day

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 11:06, 8 November, 2020

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 8, ARMENPRESS. 2175 new cases of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) have been confirmed in Armenia in the past one day, bringing the total number of confirmed cases to 106,424, the National Center for Disease Control and Prevention said today.

921 more patients have recovered in one day. The total number of recoveries has reached 64,179.

4790 tests were conducted in the past one day.

26 more patients have died, raising the death toll to 1559.

The number of active cases is 40,281.

The number of patients who had a coronavirus but died from other disease has reached 405 (2 new such cases).

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Downing Russian helicopter in Armenia is an attack against both Armenia and Russia – PM’s advisor

Downing Russian helicopter in Armenia is an attack against both Armenia and Russia – PM's advisor

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 22:35, 9 November, 2020

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 9, ARMENPRESS. Vagharshak Harutyunyan, Chief Adviser to the Prime Minister of Armenia, assesses the downing of the Russian Mi-24 helicopter in the sovereign territory of Armenia an obvious act of aggression, Harutyunyan told ARMENPRESS.

''The downing of the Mi-24 helicopter of Russian aerospace forces in the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia is an obvious aggression and attack against both Armenia and Russia. The Azerbaijani Republic could clearly see that the helicopter was flying in the Armenian territory, posing no danger to them. Despite this fact, they used air defense system and destroyed the helicopter.

On the other hand, the destroyed helicopter belonged to the Russian 102nd base, while the attack against helicopters and aircrafts is considered as an attack against the country, in this case Russia'', Harutyunyan said.

The advisor to the PM says it's necessary to investigate Turkey's participation in the attack against the helicopter of Armenia's ally, Russia, since the helicopter was downed from Nakhichevan, which is under the Turkish influence.

''It's obvious that the direction of the flight of the helicopter could not be assessed as a threat for the Azerbaijani-Turkish side, and no explanation in this regard is not convincing. This has similarities with the Turkish style of downing the Russian Su-24 in Syria'', Harutyunyan concluded.

Conflict in the Caucasus: when the soldiers are younger than the war they are fighting

The Economist
Oct 23 2020

Fear and fervour fuel conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan


There is a certain mood in Azerbaijan these days. My first taste of it came on a recent flight from Istanbul to Baku. As the Azerbaijan Airlines plane prepared for take-off, the pilot made an announcement to thunderous applause from the cabin. A neighbour translated his words: “Our armed forces have liberated the city of Zengilan. Glory to our army. Glory to our president and commander-in-chief.”

Landing in Baku a few hours later I was greeted at passport control with fluorescent signs: “Karabakh is ours. Karabakh is Azerbaijan”. Further patriotic spectacles awaited me when I checked into my hotel: the trio of flame-shaped skyscrapers that dominate the skyline of Baku were covered in giant images of Azerbaijani soldiers waving flags, illuminated by 10,000 high-power led lights. It did not seem like the backdrop to peace talks.

The contested city in question, Zengilan, sits close to the southern edge of Nagorno-Karabakh, a beautiful wooded, mountainous stretch of land less than 5,000 square kilometres in size, which few people outside the Caucasus could point to on a map. Yet this forgotten region, in a forgotten part of the world, is now threatening to trigger a conflict of far wider consequence.

Nagorno-Karabakh was the focus of a bloody war between Azerbaijan and Armenia from 1992-94, in which 30,000 people died. Though violence over the disputed area has flared periodically since then, the fighting that erupted in late September seemed to open a new and more dangerous chapter.

For weeks missiles and shells have been launched at urban areas on both sides, killing dozens of civilians. Successive ceasefires have been broken. Armenia says that half of the 150,000-strong population of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh have been displaced; those who stay cower in basements to avoid the shelling. Though few Azerbaijanis live in Nagorno-Karabakh these days – hundreds of thousands were displaced from Armenian regions in the late 1980s and early 1990s – the government refuses to say how many of Azerbaijan’s troops have died. Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, said on October 22nd that the overall death toll was “nearing 5,000”.

The current conflict has deep roots. The area is a patchwork of religions and ethnicities. Nagorno-Karabakh, which is populated by ethnic Armenians, who are Christian, sits within the internationally recognised borders of Muslim Azerbaijan. The peoples of Azerbaijan and Armenia both claim Nagorno-Karabakh as their Jerusalem, the cradle of their civilisation, central to their identity and statehood. Both countries identify deep cultural links with the area, the historical home of Armenian princes and Azerbaijani poets.

During my time in Baku, I realised that shows of nationalism were designed not to rally people around the flag – they needed little encouragement – but to channel the upsurge of national sentiment. Equally, the 9pm curfew in the city, and blocking of social media there, were aimed at managing uncontrolled expressions of nationalism, as well as the government’s claim to be preventing terrorist attacks and the spread of disinformation.

The existence of an Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan is no historical accident. In 1918, as the Russian empire crumbled, the three Caucasus republics declared their independence, only to be captured by the Bolsheviks soon after. Lenin assigned the predominantly Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh to Soviet Azerbaijan a century ago, as a prize for securing control over its oilfields, and in the hope of installing a red beacon in the Muslim world.

Nagorno-Karabakh is only one of many such outposts that litter the former Soviet states today. Centralised powers have long viewed local allegiances with suspicion and sought to assert a unifying political ideology over what they see the divisive influence of ethnicity or religion. So it was in the Caucasus: Lenin hoped that communism would supersede other identities.

It didn’t. Fear, not faith, kept the Soviet Union together. Nagorno-Karabakh was the first ethnic conflict to blow up on Mikhail Gorbachev as he started loosening Moscow’s repressive grip on the Soviet empire in the 1980s. In February 1988 demonstrators gathered in the enclave’s capital to demand that the region become part of the Armenian Soviet Republic. A week later a mob staged a bloody pogrom against ethnic Armenians in the Azerbaijani city of Sumgait. The violence shattered the façade of friendship between nations within the ussr.

After the Soviet Union collapsed, the violence escalated into full-scale war in 1992. The conflict killed tens of thousands of people and forced a million more out of their homes. Backed by Russia, Armenia took over Nagorno-Karabakh and seven adjacent districts, depriving Azerbaijan of a large chunk of its territory. For Armenia that victory was a foundation of its post-Soviet statehood. In Azerbaijan, it was a cause of trauma and humiliation. Yet Russia saw the continued dispute as a way both to maintain influence over its former vassals and to block Turkey’s influence in the region.

Today the pieces have all shifted. A recent oil boom in Azerbaijan has fuelled both military spending and popular demands to correct what most of the country’s population sees as a historic injustice. Armenia’s current, populist president, Nikol Pashinyan, did not establish his credentials in the Nagorno-Karabakh war, unlike previous leaders, and seems to be compensating with incendiary rhetoric.

Meanwhile the historical imperial rivalry between Russia and Turkey continues to play out. By backing Azerbaijan militarily, Turkey is entering Russia’s former backyard, just as Russia has done with Turkey during recent conflicts in Syria and Libya, once part of the Ottoman Empire. In the past Russia has restrained Azerbaijan from attempting to regain territory by force; now it appears to be giving it a green light.

As ever, the people of the Caucasus are caught in the middle. Many of the soldiers now fighting on each side are younger than the conflict itself. The wounded and displaced civilians are unlikely ever to see a light show on a skyscraper. As nations rise and fall, and wealth ebbs and flows, one story remains the same. The fate of those on the ground in Nagorno-Karabakh relies on geopolitical games playing out far, far away.

PHOTOGRAPHS: LORENZO MELONI


More photos at


Violent Conflict Explodes Between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Here’s What You Need To Know.

The Daily Wire
Oct 17 2020


On September 27, a century-old conflict reignited when Armenia’s Muslim-majority neighbor, Azerbaijan, launched an unprovoked military incursion into the ethnic, indigenous-Armenian populated enclave of Artsakh  better known by its Russian-Persian name of Nagorno-Karabakh. The coordinated attack, involving artillery and aerial strikes, targeted civilian settlements, placing the region’s capital Stepanakert in its crosshairs.

According to the latest report from the Defense Ministry of Artsakh, Armenia’s death toll continues to clime, exceeding 604 people. Azerbaijan has not reported on its casualties.

Shortly after the attack began, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey announced his full support of Azerbaijan and their campaign to conquer ethnic Armenian territory, calling for Armenia to withdraw from the disputed region.

Erdogan’s support for Azerbaijan’s attack goes beyond vocal enthusiasm. Since the fighting began, Turkey has armed and deployed Syrian mercenaries  including Islamic terrorists, actions which were confirmed by Syrian President, Bashar Al-Assad. The Turkish state have denied such involvement, despite further photographic evidence of Turkey supplying Azerbaijan’s air force with F-16 Viper fighter jets.

In an interview with one Turkish news channel, Azerbaijani President, Ilham Aliyev praised Turkish drone technology, stating, “Thanks to advanced Turkish drones owned by the Azerbaijan military, our casualties on the front shrunk… these drones show Turkey’s strength. It also empowers us.”

In order to better understand this eruption of violence between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and why it may present an existential threat for Armenia itself, it is important to understand the wider history of this conflict.

The origins of the Armenia-Azerbaijani conflict over Artsakh are rooted in Soviet history, tracing back to the dissolution of the Russian Monarchy in 1917. Shortly after the Bolshevik uprising that ousted the Tsar, Armenia and its neighbors in the Caucasus region – all of whom were previously part of the vast Russian Empire – attained collective independence as a single South Caucus state known as the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (TDFR). Due to inevitable internal conflicts, however, such independence was short-lived, with the TDFR soon divided into the Democratic Republic of Georgia, the Democratic Republic of Armenia, and the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic.

Between 1918 and 1920, three historically Armenian regions in this area (which had also become home to large Turk populations following nomadic Turkic conquests of the Armenian homeland)  Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), Nakhichevan, and Zangezur  became battlegrounds in Armenia’s attempt to regain parts of its ancestral homeland from Azerbaijan’s expansionist grip.

In 1920, the Soviet Union shuffled the regional map yet again. Zangezur remained within Soviet Armenia, while Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabakh were placed under Soviet Azerbaijan as “autonomous oblasts.” Some say that this was part of Joseph Stalin’s divide and conquer strategy. However, other scholars claim that the annexation of Nagorno-Karabakh and Nakhichevan to Soviet Azerbaijan recognized the political realities of the day. Turkey had committed the Armenian Genocide and were determined to further weaken what was left of Armenia, and were lobbying the Soviets for generosity in favor of a nation which shared with Turkey a common ethnicity and language, Azerbaijan. Then again, others say that the Soviets favored Azerbaijan’s oil reserves over Armenians’ ancient presence and rich history in the South Caucasus.

Over the next few decades, skirmishes between the Soviet states of Armenia and Azerbaijan stalled, shuddering to a standstill under Soviet rule. However, as the Iron Curtain began to decay in the late 1980s and into the early 1990s, the once frozen dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh began to thaw.

Fearing the fate of Nakhichevan’s Armenian residents — who, under aggressive Azeri rule, had been ethnically cleansed from their indigenous Christian-Armenian homeland — Nagorno-Karabakh pursued confederacy with Soviet Armenia in 1988. However, under Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev’s rigid policies, the region descended into chaos as war broke out between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

When the Soviet Union collapsed just three years later, Armenia and Azerbaijan emerged as newly independent states, with tensions rapidly escalating. Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh (which the native Armenian inhabitants call Artsakh) faced an Azerbaijan aided by mercenaries and volunteers from its Muslim-majority compatriots, Afghanistan and Chechnya, and heavily supported by Turkey, which some believe had a plan of attacking Armenia in 1993.

After the death of tens of thousands of people, and the displacement of many more, Russia successfully mediated a cease-fire in May of 1994. Armenians miraculously won the war, with Artsakh becoming a de-facto republic while also gaining a large “buffer zone” territory which was not part of its Soviet boundaries.

A victim of its geography, Armenia remains nestled between, at best, apathetic neighbors to the North and South: Georgia, who even today refuse to support Armenia against the onslaught of Azeri aggression out of fear for its own sovereignty; and Iran: the Shia-Muslim theocracy which would be hard-pressed to rally behind a Christian nation against another Shia-Muslim state. To its East and West, Armenia lies sandwiched between enemies: Turkey  the nation directly responsible for carrying out a genocide against the Armenian people in 1915  and Azerbaijan  a nation of indigenous Turks with the same genocidal ambitions.

Except for an unsuccessful attempt by Azerbaijan to enter the region in 2016, a nominal truce between Armenia and the Azeris had remained stable for decades  until now.

Despite fervent pleas from world powers in support of de-escalation or a cease-fire, Azerbaijan, with Turkey’s support and ardor, has been relentlessly pursuing their military campaign against Artsakh, and by extension, Armenia.

Turkey and Azerbaijan are waging their campaign against Artsakh and Armenia on two fronts. On one front, they attack Armenia militarily, seeking to destroy its people and raze its cities. On the second front, they seek to undermine and delegitimize the plight of the Armenian people through the dissemination of propaganda. While censoring social media within their own borders, Azerbaijan blurs reality, attempting to paint itself as a feeble victim against some supposed Armenian aggression. Funneling money and influence into the Western world, Azerbaijan and Turkey have succeeded in silencing celebrities such as Sir Elton John and Cardi B, both of whom had initially voiced their support for the Armenian people on social media, but later succumbed to surmounting pressure from Azerbaijan and withdrew their statements.

While reams of Turkish propaganda flood social media with misinformation, certain truths cannot be refuted. The indigenously Armenian enclave of Artsakh, with a population of just 150,000 and the Christian, democratic state of Armenia, with a population dwarfed by its diaspora, is outmanned and outgunned by the oil-rich and militarily advanced forces of Turkey and Azerbaijan, with a net population of over 100 million. It is an existential crisis for Armenia: one people descended from the survivors and victims of the 1915 Armenian Genocide is facing annihilation at the hands of a people descended from the very perpetrators of the 1915 Armenian Genocide.

Delivering a speech on the eve of the Second World War and the Holocaust, Adolf Hitler ruminated on the forgotten genocide of the Armenian people, invoking their neglected ruin under the fog of war before embarking on his own campaign of mass-slaughter. It is precisely because history callously forgot the Armenians that today, as the prospect of yet another genocide threatens Armenia, Turkey and their Azerbaijani proxy similarly ponder, “Who, after all, today speaks of the annihilation of the Armenians?”

Harry Khachatrian is a Canadian computer engineer and a contributor at The Daily Wire. Find him on Twitter.

The Daily Wire is one of America’s fastest-growing conservative media companies and counter-cultural outlets for news, opinion, and entertainment.


Armenia, Azerbaijan say Nagorno-Karabakh truce fails to hold

Fox News
Oct 10 2020
 
 
 
They immediately accused each other of derailing the deal
 
By Associated Press
 
 
Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to a Russia-brokered cease-fire in Nagorno-Karabakh starting Saturday, but immediately accused each other of derailing the deal intended to end the worst outbreak of hostilities in the separatist region in more than a quarter-century.
 
The two sides traded blame for breaking the truce that took effect at noon (0800 GMT) with new attacks, and Azerbaijan's top diplomat said the truce never entered force.
 
The cease-fire announcement came overnight after 10 hours of talks in Moscow sponsored by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. The deal stipulated that the cease-fire should pave the way for talks on settling the conflict.
 
If the truce holds, it would mark a major diplomatic coup for Russia, which has a security pact with Armenia but also cultivated warm ties with Azerbaijan. But the agreement was immediately challenged by mutual claims of violations.
 
Minutes after the truce took force, the Armenian military accused Azerbaijan of shelling the area near the town of Kapan in southeastern Armenia, killing one civilian. Azerbaijan's Defense Ministry rejected the Armenian accusations as a "provocation."
 
The Azerbaijani military, in turn, accused Armenia of striking the Terter and Agdam regions of Azerbaijan with missiles and then attempting to launch offensives in the Agdere-Terter and the Fizuli-Jabrail areas. Azerbaijan's Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov charged that "conditions for implementing the humanitarian cease-fire are currently missing" amid the continuing Armenian shelling.
 
Armenia's Defense Ministry denied any truce violations by the Armenian forces.
 
The latest outburst of fighting between Azerbaijani and Armenian forces began Sept. 27 and left hundreds of people dead in the biggest escalation of the decades-old conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh since a separatist war there ended in 1994. The region lies in Azerbaijan but has been under control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia.
 
Since the start of the latest fighting, Armenia said it was open to a cease-fire, while Azerbaijan insisted that it should be conditional on the Armenian forces' withdrawal from Nagorno-Karabakh, arguing that the failure of international efforts to negotiate a political settlement left it no other choice but to resort to force.
The foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan signed the truce in Moscow after Russian President Vladimir Putin had brokered it in a series of calls with President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan and Armenia's Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian.
 
ARMENIA, AZERBAIJAN FIGHTING KILLS DOZENS AS TENSIONS MOUNT IN DECADES-OLD CONFLICT
 
Russia has co-sponsored peace talks on Nagorno-Karabakh together with the United States and France as co-chairs of the so-called Minsk Group, which is working under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. They haven't produced any deal, leaving Azerbaijan increasingly exasperated.
 
Speaking in an address to the nation Friday hours before the cease-fire deal was reached, the Azerbaijani president insisted on his country's right to reclaim its territory by force after nearly three decades of international talks that "haven't yielded an inch of progress."
 
Fighting with heavy artillery, warplanes and drones has engulfed Nagorno-Karabakh, with both sides accusing each other of targeting residential areas and civilian infrastructure.
 
According to the Nagorno-Karabakh military, 404 of its servicemen have been killed since Sept. 27. Azerbaijan hasn't provided details on its military losses. Scores of civilians on both sides also have been killed.
 
The current escalation marked the first time that Azerbaijan's ally Turkey took a high profile in the conflict, offering strong political support. Over the past few years, Turkey provided Azerbaijan with state-of-the-art weapons, including drones and rocket systems that helped the Azerbaijani military outgun the Nagorno-Karabakh separatist forces in the latest fighting.
 
Armenian officials say Turkey is involved in the conflict and is sending Syrian mercenaries to fight on Azerbaijan's side. Turkey has denied deploying combatants to the region, but a Syrian war monitor and three Syria-based opposition activists have confirmed that Turkey has sent hundreds of Syrian opposition fighters to fight in Nagorno-Karabakh.
 
In an interview with CNN Arabic aired Thursday, Azerbaijan's president admitted that Turkish F-16 fighter jets have stayed on in Azerbaijan weeks after a joint military exercise, but insisted that they have remained grounded. Armenian officials had earlier claimed that a Turkish F-16 shot down an Armenian warplane, a claim that both Turkey and Azerbaijan have denied.
 
Turkey's involvement in the conflict raised painful memories in Armenia, where an estimated 1.5 million died in massacres, deportations and forced marches that began in 1915. The event is widely viewed by historians as genocide, but Turkey denies that.
 
DEATH TOLL SOARS AS ARMENIA-AZERBAIJAN CONFLICT ESCALATES: 'THIS IS A FIGHT AGAINST JIHADISTS'
 
Turkey's highly visible role in the confrontation worried Russia, which has a military base in Armenia. Russia and Armenia are linked by a security treaty obliging Moscow to offer support to its ally if it comes under aggression.
 
But at the same time, Russia has sought to maintain strong economic and political ties with oil-rich Azerbaijan and ward off Turkey's attempt to increase its influence in the South Caucasus without ruining its delicate relations with Ankara.
 
Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan have negotiated a series of deals to coordinate their conflicting interests in Syria and Libya and expanded their economic ties. Last year, NATO member Turkey took the delivery of the Russian S-400 air defense missiles, a move that angered Washington.
A lasting cease-fire in Nagorno-Karabakh would allow the Kremlin to stem Turkey's bid to expand its clout in Russia's backyard without ruining its strategic relationship with Ankara.
 
The Turkish Foreign Ministry said the deal was "an important first step, but cannot replace a lasting solution."
 
"Since the beginning, Turkey has always underlined that it would only support those solutions which were acceptable to Azerbaijan," it said.
 
While Turkey has aspired to join the Minsk Group talks as a co-chair, the statement issued by Armenia and Azerbaijan contained their pledge to maintain the current format of the peace talks.
Speaking in televised remarks after the talks, Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan emphasized that "no other country, in particular Turkey, can play any role."