ANCA testimony to U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee calls for an end to Israeli arms sales to Azerbaijan

 13:49,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 21, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), in testimony submitted this week to the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, called upon America’s next Ambassador to Israel to advance U.S. interests by working to end Israeli arms sales to Azerbaijan and encouraging Israel to join with the U.S. government and the American people in recognizing the Armenian Genocide.

In testimony submitted by Programs Director Alex Galitsky, the ANCA explained that up to 70% of Azerbaijan’s arsenal is sourced in Israel, and that these weapons – among them illegal cluster munitions, missile systems, and unmanned aerial vehicles – played a central role in Azerbaijan’s subjugation and ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh, and the perpetration of war crimes against the Nagorno-Karabakh population, including targeting civilian infrastructure, churches, schools, and medical facilities, ANCA reports. 

“As a party to the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution process, the United States has a responsibility to ensure that our military partners are not undermining long-term prospects for peace by pouring fuel on raging regional fires,” stated Galitsky. He further stressed that the US must ensure that “any Israeli military technology that is jointly developed with or subsidized by the U.S. is not used in a way that further undermines U.S. interests, promotes regional instability, or violates international law.”

Regarding the Armenian Genocide, the ANCA urged that Israel Ambassador-designate Jacob Lew “impress upon the leadership of Israel, a nation of genocide survivors, the moral imperative of ending its denial of the Armenian Genocide and joining with the American people in honest recognition and remembrance of this crime.” As US Treasury Secretary during the Obama Administration, Lew led a U.S. delegation to Armenia on the 100th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in 2015.

The ANCA testimony went on to note that the U.S. Ambassador should raise with the Israeli government the growing number of violations of the rights of Armenians and other faith-based and ethnic groups in Jerusalem. According to U.S. State Department human rights and religious freedom reports, “numerous cases of extremists spitting on and physically assaulting Christian clergy and pilgrims – including Armenians.”

“Such hate crimes need to be confronted wherever they take place,” stated Galitsky.

The ANCA’s full testimony is .

https://armenpress.am/eng/news/1122500.html?fbclid=IwAR2RV4YHiZiX3lNlvL4Fero0FFcwLTOpX4tbN6l3XPX8CeKrFpMo_oPTWUI

US and Israel weigh a future for the Gaza Strip without Hamas – Bloomberg

 12:50,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 21, ARMENPRESS. U.S. and Israeli officials looking to the future of the Gaza Strip after dislodging Hamas have begun discussing possibilities, including potentially installing an interim government backed by the United Nations and with the involvement of Arab governments, Bloomberg reported citing people familiar with US government deliberations.

The discussions are still at an early stage and hinge on developments yet to unfold, not least of which would be success in an Israeli ground assault, according to the people, who asked not to be identified detailing private deliberations. And any such possibility would need buy-in from Arab nations around the region, which is by no means certain.

Israeli officials have said repeatedly that they don’t intend to occupy Gaza, but they’ve also said that continued rule by Hamas is unacceptable after the Oct. 7 attack.

The challenge of achieving both of those objectives has helped fuel US worries that Israel hasn’t given sufficient thought to what comes after a ground assault. The US is also worried that a Gaza attack with no clear objective beyond ousting Hamas could fan the conflict into a regional war.

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 19-10-23

 17:12,

YEREVAN, 19 OCTOBER, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 19 October, USD exchange rate up by 0.15 drams to 401.82 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 0.20 drams to 424.04 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate stood at 4.13 drams. GBP exchange rate down by 1.90 drams to 487.17 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 364.57 drams to 25265.32 drams. Silver price up by 6.96 drams to 299.85 drams.

The Next Surge of Conflict in the South Caucasus Is Still Preventable

Oct 17 2023

The tragic exodus of the Armenian population from the Nagorno Karabakh region has closed a chapter in the long saga of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The disappearance of this self-proclaimed republic provides the opportunity to bring these bitter hostilities to an end; it takes, nevertheless, plenty of wishful political thinking to believe that a peace treaty could be swiftly negotiated. Mutual animosity is a profound, but not necessarily insurmountable obstacle. The greater problem is that it is hard to expect from Azerbaijan, ruled by the hereditary autocratic regime of President Ilham Aliyev, a magnanimity in victory. Pushing the defeated adversary further yet and maximizing the damage is much more in the nature of this regime, rendering the prevention of a new spasm of armed conflict an urgent task for all stakeholders in peace in the South Caucasus.

The fate of Nagorno Karabakh was predetermined by the outcome of the 44-day long air-land battle in autumn 2020, in which the Armenian forward defense positions were breached, leading to the capture of Shusha, a key stronghold in the rugged theater of operations, by the Azeri forces. In that triumph, Aliyev showed strategic patience and accepted the Russian offer of a ceasefire. Much in the same way he calculated the right moment for starting the offensive operation, he assumed a total victory was inevitable in a matter of a few years, lessening the need to push forward with the military conquest of the whole enclave. The timeframe for the Russian peacekeeping operation was set on five years, but Russia’s aggression against Ukraine made it possible for Azerbaijan to force the closure of the postponed final act of geopolitical drama two years beforehand.

It is futile to look for a direct connection between the wars in Ukraine and in the South Caucasus, but the start of the former, with Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014, altered the political context of the latter. The escalation of violent conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan at the start of the 1990s was one of the peripheral ruptures caused by the generally peaceful breakdown of the Soviet Union, and the determination of the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh to secede from Azerbaijan was perceived by many international observers (who at that time did not qualify as stakeholders) as a case of national self-determination. Russia, which in the early 1990s managed to negotiate and enforce ceasefires in chaotic hostilities in Moldova and Georgia, was seen as a natural external manager for this conflict, and the ceasefire was indeed agreed upon in May 1994, though no peacekeeping force was deployed. Moscow had few doubts selling arms to both parties of the smoldering conflict, but Azerbaijan was able to diversify its military modernization by importing high-tech arms systems from Turkey and Israel. Twenty years later, not only did Russia’s role become dubious due to its grab of Ukrainian lands, but also the occupation by Armenian forces of vast territory in Azerbaijan beyond Nagorno Karabakh was then perceived as crude aggression.

Yerevan remained blind to these changes, and also underestimated the shift in Moscow’s attitude following the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia. For President Vladimir Putin, who positions himself as a champion of the counter-revolution cause, every step Armenia took in upholding democratic institutions became a personal challenge warranting punishment. In Baku, on the contrary, both the changed context of the old but never solidly “frozen” conflict and Russia’s altered stance were assessed carefully, so the opportunity to deliver a decisive blow for breaking the seemingly immovable deadlock around Nagorno Karabakh was identified and exploited to the maximum. International mediators, who maintained that a military solution to this entrenched conflict was impossible, were proven wrong.

Moscow was also surprised by the collapse of the habitual and exploitable structure of irreconcilable conflict, and it appears probable that Russia’s assessments of the balance of forces in the General Staff were influenced by Armenian confidence in its impregnable defensive positions. What the Russian military and policy planners had underestimated most of all, prior to the surprise Azerbaijani offensive (that they are still having trouble digesting), was the strength of the security cooperation between Azerbaijan and Turkey, as well as the readiness of the Turkish leadership for proactive engagement with the South Caucasus. The Kremlin presumed that its initiative in terminating the active phase of hostilities in November 2020 and the deployment of the Russian peacekeeping force would restore its dominant role in the region, only to be proven wrong once again. The failure of Russian peacekeepers to deliver humanitarian aid to Nagorno Karabakh during the nine month-long blockade since the start of 2023 proved the irrelevance of this operation, and Baku is now in a perfect position to prompt its discontinuation.

Turkey’s role in the South Caucasus has gained new prominence since the start of the war in Ukraine, as Moscow is compelled to go to great lengths in order to uphold its strategic partnership with Ankara. Turkey has played the balancing act very skillfully, and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan assumed that his key role in negotiating the “grain deal” in July 2022 would lead to his ascension to the role of mediator. Putin’s decision to cancel that deal in July 2023 was seen in Ankara as a bargaining tool, and it was only at the meeting in Sochi on September 4th that Erdogan discovered that the agreement was beyond rescue. Two weeks later, Azerbaijan delivered the final blow to the rump Nagorno Karabakh, and while Aliyev made his own calculations in terms of timing, conspiracy is typically the prevalent pattern of thinking in the Kremlin, thus making a retribution by Erdoğan likely for Putin’s uncompromising stance.

The forceful elimination of the Nagorno Karabakh autonomy by Azerbaijan was definitely a setback for Russia, but one proposition Moscow is certain about is that the conflict in the South Caucasus is far from over. Many international stakeholders tend to assume that the removal of the long-festering core of the conflict opens opportunities for a peace process, but the Russian leadership believes that its ability to keep Armenia anchored to its security structures, ensured by the continuation of Russia’s military presence on its territory, depends on the unfolding of a new phase of the old conflict. The focal point has shifted to the Zangezur region, where Armenia borders Iran.

The geopolitical issue with this region is that it separates the main territory of Azerbaijan from the Nakhichevan enclave, which has a small (just 17 kilometers long) but crucially important border with Turkey. Baku has long cherished the vision of a transport corridor to this province and managed to insert a point on its implementation into the ceasefire agreement of November 2020. Yerevan had to accept this proposal, hoping that it would ensure survival of the curtailed autonomy for Nagorno Karabakh (which no longer exists), but never agreed on the condition of “extraterritoriality”, which implies ceding control over this as of now hypothetic transport route. Azerbaijan and Turkey could now join efforts to pressure Armenia in the hopes of maximizing gains from its military defeat and political isolation.

A large-scale military offensive by Azerbaijan might seem too ambitious, not least because it would constitute – unlike the establishment of full control over Nagorno Karabakh – an act of aggression and a violation of Armenia’s territorial integrity. Azerbaijan, nevertheless, is not only advancing a discourse on its “historic rights” to Zangezur and the “voluntarist character” of old Soviet borders. It has also executed several incursions into Armenian territory in the course of hostilities, while Armenia has been very cautious not to put any pressure on Nakhichevan, which is a “home ground” for the Aliyev political clan.

Preventing this transformation of conflict from an externally supported secession to an inter-state war over territory is a difficult and urgent task, and Yerevan cannot count on support from Moscow in working on it. Russia will be interested primarily in ensuring its control over the as of now hypothetic “extraterritorial corridor” across the Zangezur region by deploying a grouping of military and border guard forces. In case of a large-scale offensive by Azerbaijan, the Russian 102nd military base in Gyimri would probably remain “neutral”, so that in the post-conflict phase, it would be conveniently positioned to provide “peacekeepers”.

Rushing forward with the new military operation may seem out of Aliyev’s character, as he had carefully prepared every previous strike and waited patiently for the right moment. The stalemate in the trenches of Russo-Ukrainian war does not quite fit into the risk-opportunity calculations, but a possible Ukrainian breakthrough toward Tokmak, for instance, may be recognized as a useful opening. Erdoğan is also attentively monitoring the flow of combat operations, particularly on the maritime Black Sea theater, and will evaluate the response in Moscow to the international conference on promoting peace plans for Ukraine, scheduled to take place in Istanbul in late October 2023.

A new impact that may resonate in the South Caucasus is the war in the Gaza Strip caused by the massive attack by the Hamas terrorists on Israel. This escalation focuses international attention to such extraordinary degree, that Baku may assume its invasion to be barely noticed. Such calculations may be underpinned by the fact that the exodus of Armenians from Nagorno Karabakh has not produced a lasting impression on Western policymaking nor on public opinion. Dissuasion – if applied convincingly and consistently by a broad coalition of external actors (including even Iran) – can work for deterring this escalation. Conflict prevention is a political endeavor that the European Union is supposed to be good at, and its closer engagement with the fledgling democracy in Armenia combined with its cultivation of energy ties with Azerbaijan might make a difference in keeping the geopolitical rivalries in check.

https://www.ifri.org/en/publications/editoriaux-de-lifri/next-surge-conflict-south-caucasus-still-preventable

HRW: Driven by Fear from Nagorno-Karabakh: One Family’s Flight to Armenia

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
Oct 17 2023

One Family’s Flight to Armenia


In September this year, Azerbaijan regained control of all of Nagorno-Karabakh, which had been de facto controlled for 30 years by its majority ethnic Armenian population. Ethnic Armenian forces surrendered to Azerbaijan after one day of fighting, and nearly all of the region’s 120,000 ethnic Armenians fled. Agnessa and her family were among them.

Azerbaijani authorities have repeatedly said everyone’s rights will be protected in Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijani authorities have repeatedly said that everyone’s rights will be protected in Nagorno-Karabakh, yet such assurances are difficult to accept at face value after decades of conflict, impunity for alleged crimes, including against civilians during hostilities, the Azerbaijani government’s overall deteriorating human rights record, and the recent Azerbaijan-imposed, nine-month de facto blockade of the region, which left the Armenian population without enough food, medicine, and fuel.

Click to expand Image

Ariana, 11, Agnessa, 22, Melinda, 12, and Amanda, 18, in Tatev, Armenia, the day after their long journey from Nagorno-Karabakh, September 29, 2023.  © 2023 Tanya Lokshina/Human Rights Watch

Agnessa Avanesyan, a 22-year-old in a black t-shirt with a sparkly “Be Happy” inscription, smiles shyly from across the wooden table in Tatev, a mountain village in southern Armenia. She and her parents, grandpa, and four siblings arrived there from Nagorno-Karabakh on September 28. They are staying with relatives, all crammed into a small rural house for now – homeless, destitute, and still disoriented after an arduous three-day journey. Like tens of thousands of other ethnic Armenians, they fled Nagorno Karabakh when Azerbaijan re-took control.

They were driven by fear. 

Agnessa and her 18-year-old sister, Amanda, lived in Stepanakert (Khankendi in Azeri), Nagorno-Karabakh’s largest city. Agnessa, a recent university graduate, taught at school there, and in September Amanda had begun her first year at the university. In the early afternoon of September 19, when Azerbaijani forces attacked, the city lost electricity and phones stopped working. The sisters felt distraught and did not know what to do: Their family were all in Khndzristan (Almali in Azeri), a village 24 kilometers away. They spent the night in the basement shelter of a hospital, shuddering at the sounds of explosions, hungry and cold.

At 6:00 a.m. the next day, the sisters headed to the village on foot, desperate to reunite with their loved ones. They hitched a ride for part of the way, running uphill for the last five kilometers. “We didn’t think we’d make it,” Agnessa says. “The shelling was so close, the ground seemed to shake … but when we finally got there, not only our family, the entire village was waiting for us. They thought we disappeared or died. Our little sisters, they’re just 11 and 12, they were crying so hard.…”

On September 25, as soon as Azerbaijani forces opened the “Lachin corridor” – the road linking Nagorno-Karabakhto Armenia – the villagers started leaving. The head of the local de-facto administration warned that Azerbaijani soldiers would come at any moment, and no one wanted to risk staying. Agnessa’s family did not have a car, so they split up, squishing into three different vehicles driven by neighbors. Agnessa and Amanda perched on the back seat, sitting on top of the hastily packed things of a four-person family, who all squeezed into the two front seats. The car was so jam-packed the sisters could not take any of their own belongings, except a little bread and water. There was no space.

The car barely had any petrol. Since Azerbaijan’s de facto blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh, petrol was a rare commodity. They heard that some petrol was available at the gasoline warehouse near the Stepanakert-Askeran highway, on the way to Stepanakert/Khandendi. And indeed, there was a huge gas tank there, provided by Azerbaijani authorities and open for all. In their desperation, people were literally storming it, no one was supervising the distribution of fuel, and a tragedy struck.

“We queued up for two hours before finally getting gas and driving on. And in another hour, when our uncle was there, also waiting for gas, the whole thing just blew up. And our uncle was right there, he was hurt so badly.… They evacuated him to a hospital in Armenia, but he is still in very bad condition, it’s touch and go.… Over a dozen of our neighbors were also hurt there. We were lucky to have left there just a little earlier,” Agnessa sighs. Later, de facto authorities of Nagorno Karabakh reported that that 220 people died as a result of the explosion, the cause of which is unknown.  

The road to Armenia was so clogged – cars, trucks, tractors, construction vehicles, you name it – that the tiny distance from the village to Stepanakert/Khankendi took three hours, not counting the time they queued up for gas. The trip onward to Goris, on the Armenian side of the border, which under normal circumstances takes less than 90 minutes, took another 42 hours. Agnessa had no idea where the cars with the rest of her family were. You could not find anyone in the colossal stand-still traffic jam on the twisted mountainous road.

“But the fear was the worst,” she said. “Seeing all those Azerbaijani soldiers on the road.… All we were thinking of was to get away.”

Agnessa describes the multiple traumas on the road, starting with the first, cold and rainy night:  

"Whatever warm clothing our family was able to pack were in the tractor grandpa was riding. We were shivering all night from the cold because the car was moving half a meter per hour. An old man died in a truck close to us. He was too sick, too frail.… Many cars broke down on the road, the brakes didn’t work, there were crashes.…

"A construction crane, in which three people were riding, fell on top of a car full of people, they all got banged up, but fortunately, no one got killed. We had a large canister of petrol, so we could fill up the tank on the way, but many did not and had to stand on the road for hours waiting for a truck which could spare some. There were also people who abandoned their cars all-together. Our bread and water ran out before nightfall. We were starving and so thirsty. Grandpa actually had water and some food with him in the tractor, but we could not get to him, and he couldn’t find us in that madness. The cold, the hunger, the thirst, we were half-dead ourselves by the time we arrived at the border."

Today in Armenia, Agnessa and her sisters talk about their native village, about their cellar full of potatoes and other produce, about their chickens, ducks, and geese. Unlike their friends in Stepanakert/Khankendi, they never had to go hungry during the blockade. But their family has left everything behind. “I don’t know what we are going to do,” Agnessa says. “If we could only go back to pick up our things, our poultry.… But how can we do this? Who is going to guarantee our safety? If it were safe for us there, we would never have left our home.” 

https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/10/17/driven-fear-nagorno-karabakh








We Just Saw What the World Is About to Become

New York Times
Oct 9 2023
OPINION

GUEST ESSAY

Oct. 9, 2023

Mr. Derluguian is a sociologist at New York University Abu Dhabi and the author of “Bourdieu’s Secret Admirer in the Caucasus.”

The history of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh was ended in the old manner of conflict resolution: siege, conquest, expulsion. After a 10-month blockade, Azerbaijan launched an attack on Sept. 19, claiming the enclave in a day and causing nearly the entire ethnic Armenian population to flee. Give war a chance, as the saying goes.

For Armenians, a classic relic ethnic minority whose Christianity and peculiar alphabet date to the epic struggles between the Romans and the Parthians, it was another genocide. For the Azerbaijanis, Turkic in language and historically Shia Muslim, a great triumph. Yet despite appearances, the conflict is not a Samuel Huntington-style clash of civilizations. Instead, in its emboldening of traditional regional powers like Turkey, scrambling for geopolitical spoils after the retreat of superpowers, it’s a harbinger of the coming world disorder.

Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous region in the South Caucasus, is perennially contested. Ceded by Persia to Russia in the 19th century, it fell into dispute with the emergence of the Soviet Union, Armenia and Azerbaijan both claiming it. In 1921, Stalin attached the enclave to Azerbaijan, home to oil resources and a thriving intellectual culture. Yet the thin crust of Azeri modernist intelligentsia was eliminated in Stalin’s purges of the 1930s and replaced by corrupt functionaries overseen by the formidable K.G.B. general Heydar Aliyev. (His son, Ilham Aliyev, is the dynastic president of Azerbaijan.)

In 1988, Mikhail Gorbachev’s dreams of achieving a more rational, humane Soviet Union emboldened Armenian intellectuals to start a tremendous popular movement for uniting the Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh with mainland Armenia. This seemed deceptively easy: transfer a province from one Soviet republic to another. But the Armenian demands ran into protests in Azerbaijan that almost immediately turned violent. Gorbachev looked impotent in the face of disasters he had provoked. From there to the end of the superpower, it took just three years.

In the chaotic aftermath of Soviet collapse, the Armenians undertook to defend Nagorno-Karabakh by force. Instead of poetic intellectuals, the wartime generation of Armenian leaders became militia commanders. They proved earthier and, soon, brazenly corrupt. Defending the country became their sole means of legitimacy, ruling out the concessions that peace would require. By 1994 the Armenians, mobilizing around the traumatic memories of genocide, succeeded in expelling scores of Azeris from the enclave. Last month, Azerbaijan got more than even.

In that project, it had a powerful backer: Turkey. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a master of vertiginous visions, has already tried Islamic liberalism, joining Europe, leading the Arab revolts, challenging Israel and negotiating peace in Ukraine. He now has another dream: opening a geopolitical corridor from Europe through Central Asia, all the way to China. This is the “Zangezur corridor,” a 25-mile-long strip of land to be carved through Armenia as part of a peace deal imposed at gunpoint.

Iran is not happy with Azerbaijan’s victory. As openly as the Iranians ever do, they’ve threatened to use force against any changes to the borders of Armenia. Iran, a millenniums-old civilization central to a whole continent, cannot tolerate being walled off behind a chain of Turkish dependencies. India, similarly, is on Armenia’s side and has been sending a regular supply of weapons. One spur for such support, no doubt, is Pakistan’s joining the Azeri-Turkish alliance. In the jargon of American lawyers, this opens a whole new can of worms.

Then there’s Russia, whose absence from the denouement in Nagorno-Karabakh was striking. Even after the 1990s, Moscow still remained by far the biggest supplier of weapons to both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Their economies and societies, above all the elites and their corruption networks, were until very recently molded together. What we are seeing now, as both nations slip out of Russia’s orbit, might be the second round of Soviet collapse.

Once again, Armenia started the shift. In spring 2018 a tremendously hopeful uprising, reminiscent of 1989 in Central Europe, forced the post-communist elites to surrender power. Vladimir Putin was visibly displeased to meet Nikol Pashinyan, the anticorruption journalist and street rebel elected Armenia’s premier by an overwhelming majority. Mr. Pashinyan admittedly had neither political team nor experience; he is learning statesmanship on the job, often at great expense to his nation. Yet he managed to significantly reduce corruption, helping to unlock the legendary entrepreneurship of Armenians. Amid all the grim news, the Armenian economy, led by the I.T. sector, is registering impressive growth.

All that, to Moscow, is punishable. When in September 2020 Azerbaijan launched a massive offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh lasting 44 terrible days, Russia effectively allowed Azerbaijan and Turkey to nearly destroy its Armenian ally, under the pretext that Karabakh was outside the mutual defense treaty. At the cusp of Azeri victory, however, Mr. Putin personally brokered a cease-fire and ordered a crack force of his peacekeepers into the enclave.

That brought nearly all the perimeter of the former Soviet Union into Russia’s sphere of influence. Rebellious Belarus, its dictator dependent on Russian support, was in hand; so too the war-torn Caucasus. The large and oil-rich Kazakhstan itself requested Russian peacekeepers during a bewildering bout of street violence in January 2022. Strangely, the elite Russian troops soon departed from Kazakhstan. A month later, the whole world realized that they had been dispatched to Ukraine, the last sizable piece of Mr. Putin’s post-Soviet gambit. And there his plan broke down.

History has a habit of serving the same lessons with changed variables. In 1988, it was the dreamer Gorbachev stumbling over Nagorno-Karabakh that unwittingly shattered the world order. Today, Mr. Putin could become the second, much darker incarnation of the Kremlin aggrandizer going awry on all fronts. The consequences — from emboldening international aggression to reanimating the West under the banner of NATO — will be profound. As events in Nagorno-Karabakh show, the fragile post-Cold War order is giving way to something else entirely.

The Caucasus might seem strange and distant. Yet it might prove the wedge that turns the fortunes of world order. Trieste, Smyrna, Sarajevo, Danzig and Crimea were all such places. Let us not have to relearn history at the cost of yet another ethnic cleansing.

Georgi Derluguian is a professor of social research and public policy at New York University Abu Dhabi and the author of “Bourdieu’s Secret Admirer in the Caucasus.”


 

Roman Catholic and Armenian churches to honor 850th anniversary of St. Nerses Shnorhali

The year 2023 marks a milestone for a little-known but tremendously influential figure in the history of worldwide Christianity: the 850th anniversary of the death of St. Nerses Shnorhali, meaning “the Graceful” (1102-1173)—a saint of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

This commemoration has been included among the important milestones of eminent historical figures featured in the 2023 UNESCO calendar.

A pioneer in the arts of Christian music and poetry, and a leading theologian of the Christian East, St. Nerses was also a figure of international standing in the dialogue among Christian churches. His humane, peace-oriented approach to the controversies of his day was a model of effective diplomacy—and holds vital lessons for the religious and ethnic conflicts of today.

To honor St. Nerses the Graceful’s place in Christian history, the Holy See of the Vatican will be the setting for a series of commemorative events from November 30 through December 2, 2023. 

Under the title, “Armenia’s Apostle of Divine Grace: Honoring the 850th Anniversary of St. Nerses Shnorhali,” the commemorative events include:

  • An international conference (November 30-December 1) at the prestigious Pontifical Oriental Institute, gathering leading scholars and churchmen from various backgrounds, for two days of intensive discussion on the monumental legacy of St. Nerses Shnorhali.
  • Two concerts of St. Nerses Shnorhali’s hymns and liturgical music—a public event at the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore (December 1) and a private event in the Sistine Chapel (December 2)—will bring St. Nerses’s legacy of spiritual music to a worldwide audience.
  • An ecumenical prayer service at the imposing Basilica of St. Peter (December 2), presided over by leaders of the Roman Catholic, Armenian Apostolic and Armenian Catholic churches—His Holiness Pope Francis, His Holiness Catholicos Karekin II, His Holiness Catholicos Aram I, and His Beatitude Patriarch Raphaël Bedros XXI Minassian—who will join together in the spirit of St. Nerses Shnorhali’s calls to religious unity.

All of these events will proceed as a joint commemoration of the Catholicosate of All Armenians, the Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia and the Armenian Catholic Patriarchate of Cilicia, together with the Apostolic See of St. Peter, through its Dicastery for Promoting Christian Unity and Dicastery for Eastern Churches.

Find details on the events in Rome, online ticketing, information on travel arrangements and background on St. Nerses Shnorhali, on the www.StNerses850.com

* * *

CALENDAR OF EVENTS
Armenia’s Apostle of Divine Grace: Honoring the 850th Anniversary of St. Nerses Shnorhali

International Conference at the Pontifical Oriental Institute
Nov. 30 to Dec. 1, 2023 (Thursday to Friday)
A gathering of leading churchmen and scholars from around the world

Public Concert in the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore
Dec. 1, 2023 (Friday evening at 7 p.m.)
Joint choirs pay tribute to Shnorhali’s musical genius
Open to the public; tickets available online

Ecumenical Service at the Basilica of St. Peter
Dec. 2, 2023 (Saturday Morning)
Honoring Shnorhali’s vision of spiritual unity
Presiding:
His Holiness Pope Francis, Roman Catholic Church
His Holiness Catholicos Karekin II, Armenian Apostolic Church (Catholicosate of All Armenians)
His Holiness Catholicos Aram I, Armenian Apostolic Church (Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia)
His Beatitude Patriarch Raphaël Bedros XXI Minassian, (Armenian Catholic Patriarchate of Cilicia)

Concert in the Sistine Chapel
Dec. 2, 2023 (Saturday Evening)
A musical evening in the sublime setting of the Sistine Chapel
Space is limited; audience of 200 by invitation




In Granada, Prime Minister of Armenia and President of European Commission discuss the current situation

 18:02, 5 October 2023

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 5, ARMENPRESS. In Granada, Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan had a meeting with the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen.

The Prime Minister's office stated in a press release,that issues related to the situation created by the forced displacement of the Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, the regional situation and the Armenia-European Union cooperation agenda were discussed.

Ursula Von der Leyen emphasized that the EU is ready to provide the necessary support to Armenia to help to solve the humanitarian issues of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh. It was said that the European Commissioner for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid will arrive in Armenia to assess further needs.

At the same time, the parties referred to the process of democratic reforms carried out in Armenia and further cooperation in that direction.

TOO LATE: After 30 Years, UN Sends Mission to Stepanakert

A UN motorcade meets the convoy of Armenian humanitarian aid trucks in Kornidzor on Aug. 3


The United Nations waited until almost all of Artsakh was depopulated to send a mission to Artsakh. The UN announced Friday that it had accepted an invitation from Azerbaijan to inspect Nagorno-Karabakh, ignoring widespread warnings of Azerbaijan’s ethnic cleansing of Armenians.

The mission arrived in Stepanakert on Sunday “to assess the humanitarian needs in the region.”

After concluding its mission, Stephane Dujarric, a representative of the UN Secretary-General, told the reporter that the number of Armenians left in Artsakh ranges from 50 to 1,000.

He added that during the one-day visit to the region, during which the UN representatives visited Stepanakert, they did not find any signs of destruction of civilian infrastructure, including schools, hospitals, cultural and religious infrastructures, although all shops were closed.

“Local residents or other persons did not present to the delegation evidence of violence against the civilian population as a result of the last ceasefire,” Dujarric added.

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan called the UN mission “too late,” telling representatives of international organizations on Monday that continued warnings by Yerevan that Azerbaijan was planning to subject Artsakh Armenians to premeditated ethnic cleansing “with premeditated actions “did not lead to effective steps by the international community to prevent Baku’s policy.”

Hunan Tadevosyan, a spokesperson for Artsakh’s Emergency Services told News.am that arrival of the UN mission was too little too late, much in the same way as visits from all other humanitarian organizations.

Since the end of the 2020 war, Azerbaijan has not allowed the UN or other international organizations to enter Artsakh.

“I was a volunteer working with all the people who were taking shelter in the basements, even those with mental illnesses who did not realize what was happening. I personally put them on a bus, we took them out of Stepanakert,” Tadevosyan said.

“There was information on social networks that a mother with her seven children was left behind, as were a couple. We went around the entire city again, but we didn’t find anyone. There is no population left in Stepanakert. If there are people left, you can count them on your fingers,” he added.

Azerbaijani media reported that the UN mission included representatives from the Food and Agriculture Organization, the UN Refugee Agency, UNICEF and the World Health Organization, as well as a technical team from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the UN Resident Coordinator’s Office and the UN Department of Safety and Security.

The team traveled from Aghdam to Stepanakert, where it met with the local population and interlocutors and saw first-hand the situation regarding health and education facilities. 

“The mission was struck by the sudden manner in which the local population left their homes and the suffering the experience must have caused.  The mission did not come across any reports – neither from the local population interviewed nor from the interlocutors – of incidences of violence against civilians following the latest ceasefire,” an official statement from the mission noted.

There is no alternative to negotiations in internationally acceptable format: Seyran Ohanyan on Nagorno-Karabakh issue

 17:40, 3 October 2023

YEREVAN, 3 OCTOBER, ARMENPRESS. Head of “Armenia’’ Alliance faction of the National Assembly of Armenia Seyran Ohanyan emphasized that Armenia should raise its voice: the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is not settled, and there is no alternative to the negotiations in an internationally acceptable format. As Armenpress reports, Seyran Ohanyanexpressed this position at the time of announcements in the National Assembly.

The Member of Parliament first emphasized that Azerbaijan, being an aggressor state, today makes use of all the levers to put the entire blame on the Armenian people.

"Presenting the heroic army of Artsakh as a 'terrorist group', it dismembers, depopulates, illegally kidnaps dedicated figures of Artsakh naming its operations asanti-terrorist.We all want peace, but under these conditions there cannot be peace with Azerbaijan, which continues to carry out hostile actions against Armenia in an obvious way. For this very reason, Armenia is obliged to speak out that the Artsakh conflict is not settled, and there is no alternative to the negotiations in an internationally acceptable format, as well as to refrain from signing any interstate agreement with Azerbaijan, until Azerbaijan releases the officials, military figures and prisoners of the Republic of Artsakh and stops the encroachments on the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia," said Mr. Ohanyan.

Azerbaijan launched a large-scale attack against Nagorno-Karabakh from September 19, targeting civilian infrastructures and civilians. Civilians were also killed and injured. On September 20, the authorities of the Republic of Artsakh accepted the proposal of the command of the Russian peacekeeping mission regarding the cessation of fire. In recent days, citizens forcibly displaced from Nagorno Karabakh have been transported to Armenia. As of 16:00, October 3, 100 thousand 625 forcibly displaced persons have been transported to Armenia from Nagorno Karabakh.