Author: Jabejian Elizabeth

PRESIDENT OF LATVIA TO VISIT ARMENIA

armradio.am
08.12.2009 13:23

At the invitation of the President of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan,
the President of Latvia, Valdis Zatlers will arrive in Armenia on a
three-day state visit on December 9. The President will be accompanied
by the Ministers of Economy, Interior Affairs and Environmental
Protection, the Chairman of the parliamentary Standing Committee on
Foreign Relations, other officials.

The same day the President of Latvia, Valdirs Zatlers, and his spouse,
Lilita Zatlers, will participate in the celebration of the 50th
anniversary of Matenadaran.

The official welcome ceremony will take at the President’s Office eon
December 10 and will be followed by the face-to-face meeting between
Presidents Serzh Sargsyan and Valdis Zatlers.

A number of intergovernmental and interstate agreements will be signed,
the Presidents of the two countries will give a joint pres conference.

Within the framework of the visit the President of Latvia will have
meeting with the Speaker of the National Assembly, Hovik Abrahamyan,
Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan and the Catholicos of All Armenians,
His Holiness Garegin II.

Valdis Zatlers will visit Tsitsernakaberd to lay a wreath at the
memorial to the Armenian Genocide victims. He will visit the Armenian
Genocide museum-Institute and will plant a tree in the Memory Alley.

President Zatlers will meet the faculty and students of the Yerevan
State University. At the Yerevan City Hall the Latvian President
will meet Mayor Gagik Beglaryan and a number of honorable citizens
of the city.

The delegation headed by the President of Latvia will leave Armenia
on December 11.

AZERBAIJANI FOREIGN MINISTRY WILL HAVE TO CREATE SPECIAL DEPARTMENT TO FIGHT AGAINST FOREIGN MEDIA WHICH DISSEMINATE TRUTH ABOUT NAGORNO KARABAKH

ArmInfo
2009-12-08 10:42:00

ArmInfo. Foreign Ministry of Azerbaijan will have to create a
special department to fight against the foreign mass media which
disseminate the truth about Nagorno Karabakh, a high-ranking source
in the Foreign Ministry of Armenia told ArmInfo when commenting on
the regular inadequate tricks by Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry in view
of the broadcast of a unbiased film on Karabakh by Inter TV.

"Taking into account the fact that the number of the films and reports,
like the author film by the Ukrainian journalist Ruslan Yermalyuk
"Nagorno Karabakh – a Territory Where the Time Has Stopped", where
he perfectly and objectively depicted the reality of the events,
happening around Karabakh, will increase with time, Azerbaijan will
just have to create such a Department", a source in the Foreign
Ministry emphasized. Apparently, creation of a such a department has
actually become a vital necessity for the Azerbaijani authorities, as
the Azerbaijani agitprop, existing due to the tax payers’ means, does
not manage to explode angry articles in form of forceless yammer about
"distortion of the facts related to the history of the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict". Meanwhile, the embassies of this country do not manage
to deliver notes of protest to all those countries the mass media
of which "dare" to write the truth about the Karabakh people, thus
disputing the mythical "territorial integrity" of Aliyev’s monarchy.

To note, the film by Yermalyuk was preceded by the report of Euronews
All-European TV channel, as well as by a documentary film "Bloody
Split-up" broadcasted by Russian Ren TV, moreover, the two films
"caused fair indignation by the Azerbaijani tele viewers.

"One is apparent out of all that hysteria of the Azerbaijani
authorities caused by appearance of a cycle of reports denying the
false interpretation of the Karabakh conflict by the Azerbaijani
agitprop: the Azerbaijani authorities do not manage challenge the
truth about the Nagorno Karabakh. Moreover, the saddest fact for
Ilham Aliyev’s authoritative regime is that the truth about Karabakh
is already viewed and known in Azerbaijan, especially by the growing
generation", the source emphasized.

Editor of Haykakan Zhamanak daily, currently being under arrest,
registered as candidate for MP

2009-12-05 19:30:00

ArmInfo. Nikol Pashninyan, Editor of Haykakan Zhamanak (Armenian Time)
daily, who is currently in custody under the case on mass disorders of
March 1 2008, has been registered as a candidate for Armenian MP by
the election committee No10.

Press-secretary of the Central Electoral Commission of Armenia Tatev
Ohanyan told ArmInfo correspondent that Leader of the Marxist Party of
Armenia David Hakobyan, Chairman of the Union of Political experts
Hmayak Hovhannisyan, and member of National Unity Party Ara Simonyan
are also registered as candidates for MPs.

To recall, the Central Electoral Commission took a decision to hold
by-election at the constituency No10 after Khachatur Sukiassyan, a
supporter of the first president of Armenia Levon Ter-Petrossyan, had
withdrawn from his deputy mandate. The by-election will be held on 10
Jan 2010.

ARMENIA VS. GERMANY: THE LATTER FAR BEHIND

news.am
Dec 4 2009
Armenia

Like it is in the capitals of the former Soviet republics, in
Armenia’s capital, Yerevan, the "center" is a quite explicitly
defined concept. The most expensive housing in Armenia is known to
be in Yerevan. In turn, what is known as the "smaller center" is
"famous" for its prices for housing. Once a center of the city’s
scientific and cultural life, the Yerevan center has always had "a
high rating" as a residential district. That is the reason for much
higher market prices for housing in the center as compared with the
suburbs. Specifically, this September, the price for 1 sq meter of
housing in the blocks of flats in the Kentron (Center) community was
1.8 times as high as the average price in Yerevan. No wonder, then,
that the shady construction projects — erection of quasi-skyscrapers
— were launched in the city center. The elite district, North Avenue,
towering above the old large-panel buildings and miserable hovels,
is now the symbol of the new rich’s craving for what were once the
values of the Yerevan center.

In defiance of common sense, and of the historical architectural
aspect of the Yerevan center, several building companies – some of
them being unknown to the Armenian public — launched large-scale
construction projects there. The newly erected buildings were not
at all intended for those in need of housing. Evidence thereof is
dozens, if not hundreds, of empty flats in the elite buildings. Well,
dozens of millions of U.S. dollars were spent just to satisfy the
rich folk’s desire to acquire elite housing with a high investment
potential in the Yerevan center. With the housing prices rapidly
rising year by year, purchasing flats in Northern Avenue appeared a
rather successful investment to the owners.

The global crisis, which severely affected the Armenian economy,
dispelled all the illusions. Unlike the previous years, a 2% fall in
the prices for flats was registered in January-October 2009 as compared
with the corresponding period last year. In USD terms, influenced by
exchange rates, the prices fell by as much as 15.3%. The U.S. dollar
is a "standard of wealth" in Armenia, and the aforementioned fact
proved to be an unpleasant surprise for the owners of elite housing.

Since 2003, influenced by the world market situation, the U.S. dollar
had been steadily depreciating in Armenia. In many countries the U.S.

depreciation against national currencies was around 20%, while in
Armenia it reached 40%. That essential revaluation of the Armenian
national currency had opposite consequences: citizens with large
capitals in terms of Armenian drams grained, whereas the recipients
of money transfers from abroad, as well as foreign citizens wishing
to purchase real estate, "came off losers."

Many citizens, including experts, hold the opinion that the housing
prices have shown a sharp rise over recent years. They are right – to
an extent. There exists "a minor" exception. It should be noted that a
few years ago the RA Real Estate Cadastre indicated the housing prices
in terms of U.S. dollars its reports. That practice was, in a sense,
justified. Although the Armenian dram was the only legal tender in
the country, U.S. dollars were widely used in real estate businesses.

Well, the highest price for 1 sq meter of housing in the Yerevan center
was U.S. $970 or 561,000 AMD in 2003. On the other hand, last year,
which saw the highest housing prices, the figure was about 483,000
AMD for 1 sq meter. True, we have to use the official information,
which has not yet been verified. However, in terms of devaluated
U.S. dollars, the prices exceeded the highest limits imaginable.

To illustrate the absurdly high prices for housing in Armenia, we would
like to compare them with those in Germany, one of the most developed
European economies. The cost of 1 sq meter of a mansion in Altenburg, a
sleepy provincial town in Germany, is about â~B¬500 or 276,000 AMD. On
the other hand, this September the cost of 1 sq meter of housing in
the center of Yerevan exceeded 450,000 AMD – 1.6 times as high! What
is more, it is the price of an ordinary flat in an apartment building.

Well, as far as housing prices are concerned, we have reached, and even
exceeded, the much talked-about "European standards", which remain
unachievable for the other spheres of Armenia’s life. It should be
noted that, in market economy, extremely high prices can only be
formed if the solvent demand significantly exceeds the supply. Was
the Armenian real estate market in a similar situation?

Since 2001, hundreds of thousands of square meters of housing have
been put into service in Armenia. The highest figures were registered
last year – 515,000 sq meters of housing were put into service, with
372,000 of them on the population’s funds. Most of the construction
projects were launched in Yerevan, with 84% of housing put into service
here last year. The data call in question the argument that the price
rise was the result of supply exceeding the demand. Other factors
must have been the cause of the surprisingly high housing prices.

True, Armenia is not unique due to exorbitant housing prices among
other states. Similar developments were observed on the real estate
markets in the post-Soviet area, particularly in Moscow, Russia, Kiev,
Ukraine, etc… The recent price for one room in a prefab building
in the Russian capital was equal to that of a "nice and cosy" flat
in Paris No comments… What about the prices for new flats? Some
conjectures have been made. Individual Russian experts believe that
the cost of housing construction is "affected" by kickbacks up to
40% to high-ranking officials! As to the situation in Armenia, it
remains unclear.

GS CHAIRMAN SEEKS COOPERATION WITH ARMENIA
By Yoon Ja-young

Korea Times
9/12/123_56621.html
Dec 3 2009

GS Group Chairman Huh Chang-soo met with Armenian lawmakers Thursday
to exchange ideas on the group’s projects in the country and measures
to build further cooperation.

The lawmakers, led by Armenian National Assembly Speaker Hovik
Abrahamyan, are visiting Korea on an invitation by Korean National
Assembly Speaker Kim Hyung-o.

The Armenian lawmakers visited GS Group headquarters in southern
Seoul to show their appreciation for the efforts of GS Engineering
& Construction in building a combined cycle power plant (CCPP) in
Yerevan, the country’s capital.

Currently, GS has completed 93.8 percent of the construction process,
and it is scheduled to be completed by April next year.

At the meeting, Huh underlined the cooperation between Armenia and GS
Group in the construction of infrastructure such as petrochemical and
power plants. The chairman, who has emphasized that global business
should be core growth engine of the group, has paid much attention to
the group’s projects overseas. GS Global, which was acquired in July,
is working as the control tower of the group’s overseas businesses,
searching out new business opportunities and turning GS into a truly
global business.

The Armenian national assembly speaker asked GS Group to do its best
for the successful completion of the CCPP, and added that the country
was positively considering GS’s participation in the construction of
a second one, for which the country plans to place an order in the
latter half of next year.

GS is preparing a consortium with Japan’s Mitsui to win the order
next year.

ASTARJIAN: ‘YALANCI DOLMA’ DIPLOMACY
By Henry Astarjian

2/astarjian-yalanci-dolma-diplomacy/
December 2, 2009

Yes, it was a meeting, but not a "historic meeting" as posted by the
Friends of Hrant Dink, the organizers of an academic event entitled
"Closing the Divide."

The event was designed to build cultural bridges between the Armenian
Diaspora on one side and the Turkish people on the other, to traverse
a colossal gorge, not divide, created by centuries of slavery, abuse,
colonization of Western Armenia, and pogroms, which peaked with the
infamous genocide of 1915-23.

The meeting took place in, of all places, the Armenian Cultural and
Educational Center (ACEC) in Watertown, Mass., a hub of the Armenian
cultural activities.

The luminary in this event was the principle speaker, Hasan Cemal,
who was to talk about his "recent trip to Yerevan and the memories
about his grandfather [Jemal Pasha]." Additional reflections were
to be articulated by two professors, Taner Akcam of Clark University
and Asbed Kotchikian of Bentley University.

I am not sure what the organizers were trying to accomplish. Some 25
million of Turkey’s population, the Kurds, knew firsthand about the
genocide because they witnessed it, actually committed the killings,
or else kidnapped our daughters and later married them to their sons.

Most Turks are aware of the genocide, and they rationalize it because,
as Ataturk’s propaganda has it, the genocide was a necessary policy
carried out to protect the Vatan (Fatherland) from Russian invasion
(which was supposedly exploiting the rebellious Armenians to divide
and defeat Turkey).

Yes, the people of Turkey-the Turk, the Kurd, the Lezgis, the Chechen,
the Greek; the Sunnis, Shiites, and the Alevis-all know about the
Armenian Genocide. Most importantly, the governments of Turkey have
known about the genocide from the beginning, yet have refused to face
the reality, and have muzzled the Turkish intelligentsia and people
of conscience from discussing Turkey’s criminal past.

Inhabitants of Turkey know about the genocide. They all felt it on
their skin when their doctors, pharmacists, professors, architects, the
artisans and other skilled workers were no longer there, overnight. The
same was felt in Iraq, when the Jews left to Israel in 1949.

I know a Turkish doctor from Elazig (Kharpert region, Mamourat el-Asiz)
who swore to God he overheard this conversation between two elderly
Turks, sitting outside a mosque chatting about old times. One of
them said: "I asked Avedis to come to my house for protection. Me
and my friend killed this giavour oghlu giavour (infidel, son of
infidel). I took his jacket and my friend took his shalvar, and we
dumped the body."

It is accurate to say that the Armenian Diaspora knows Turkey better
than Turkey knows the Diaspora. Armenians do not trust Turks and
the Turkish government. Their so-called "Europeanization" is only a
veneer; the real Turkey has been exposed in many ways, many times. In
the early 90’s, they let the people of Armenia freeze to frost when
they prevented oil from reaching the country. People cut trees to
cook and get some warmth to avoid hypothermia. The Turks blockaded
passage of international food aid to starving Armenia; and when they
gave in to international pressure, they exchanged the donated good
quality wheat with a cheaper one, before it got to Armenia.

Turgut Ozel, the president of Turkey at the time, contemplated "hitting
Armenia with a couple of missiles, and claiming mistakes for doing
it." Two days later he died, and Armenian folklore considers that as
God’s punishment.

These are only a fraction of the facts that paint Turkey’s portrait
with us; there is much more. The Turkish government and people of
Turkey must come clean; they must wash their hands of Armenian blood.

People-to-people dialogue, though well intentioned, will not bridge
the gorge, despite Cemal’s attempts to find common ground. Shared
food recipes for dolma and chigkufta, make a weak bridge leading to
a recipe for yalanci dolma (fake, meatless, stuffed grape leaves):
It is a naive diplomacy. The message, which is noble in itself,
is not practical because rapprochement between our two peoples,
does not and will not change the policies of the Turkish government,
which is driven by its own agenda of hegemony of the region, and by
the big power’s designs over the Caucasus.

It is evident that the issue is political. The dynamics of this game
will change in favor of understanding and friendship, if Turkey quits
resisting the recognition of the genocide and acknowledges its reality,
and if Turkey quits de-facto support of the Azeris on Karabagh. After
that, we can talk about the borders.

Hasan Cemal, who has been badgered by Turkey because of his book The
Kurds, is the wrong messenger for the message he is advocating. First,
he is in the wrong place; he should sell his ideas in Turkey, not in
the Armenian Diaspora. Second, intellectuals can never change policy;
neither can he. Intellectuals rarely get to a governing power anywhere
(an exception is Vaslav Haavel in Czechoslovakia). Similar writers
and intellectuals in Turkey-like Yasar Kemal, Ayse Nur, and her
husband Ragip Zarakolu, even the lighthearted Aziz Nesin, to name a
few-suffered and still suffer the wrath of the reactionary governing
establishment. Third, he carries a big chip on his shoulder. He is the
grandson of a war criminal "Sakalli (Bearded) Jemal Pasha," who as the
third member of a criminal gang formed of Enver, and Talat, members of
the Ittihad ve Tarraqi (CUP-Committee of Union and Progress), shared
the responsibility of implementing the genocide. He also committed war
crimes against the Arab intellectuals in Aleppo by holding kangaroo
courts, then hanging 12 of them headed by Dr. Abdul-Rahman el-Khalil,
within 24 hours of the lower court’s decision; he did not allow them
appeal, as required by law, and did not wait to obtain the approval of
Istanbul, as required. In the Arab annals, he is known as the saffah
(blood-thirsty, indiscriminate executioner).

Now, I am not naive enough to saddle Hasan with his grandfather’s
criminal past. I have no doubts about his decency and sincerity;
however, that enigma will never disappear if he does not condemn
his grandfather’s deeds, outright. That is a bitter pill to swallow,
but that is the means to fortify his message. Otherwise this whole
project could be construed as being Yalanci Dolma Diplomacy.

A CLOUD OF QUASI-AUTHORITARIANISM

Hurriyet Daily News
Dec 1 2009
Turkey

Nowadays, Turkey is discovering itself once more by going through a
new period, a period coupled with changing dynamics along with various
‘openings’ that have taken place during the past few years. This
period gives the people and writers alike enough courage to question
some of the dark sides of Turkish history, as well as the powerhouses
that have been untouchable throughout the decades.

Nowadays, Turkey is discovering itself once more by going through a
new period, a period coupled with changing dynamics along with various
"openings" that have taken place during the past few years. This
period gives the people and writers alike enough courage to question
some of the dark sides of Turkish history, as well as the powerhouses
that have been untouchable throughout the decades.

Turkey is striving to put behind a period of quietness when it comes to
some taboo subjects and events. Even Mustafa Kemal Ataturk is not being
spared from this new spirit of criticism, and I have always believed,
just like Falih Rifki worried in his great book, "Cankaya," that the
worst thing we did to Ataturk was to elevate him to another god.

I am very much in favor of squaring the account with the past. I am
against the idea that some events and periods of history should not
be discussed. On the contrary, I think our recent history and even
the history of Islam must be questioned meticulously, even if it is
very hard to find anyone who does the latter.

While many pundits enjoy the fact that they finally, after decades
of oppression, are able to openly question the misdeeds of the past,
or the current regime and most importantly the actions of the Turkish
Army, I just stare at this newly found spirit and tell myself how
much progress Turkey has made over the years towards becoming an open
society. For I seriously believe that the most significant trait of an
open society is to have an environment in which anyone can engage in
honest discussions, even if some of them may hurt the national pride.

>From the tragic events that happened to the Armenian people during
World War I to the Turkish wealth tax in 1942, from the violent
1955-1956 street protests to the periodic overthrow of civilian
governments by the Turkish military, I am all for getting to the
bottom of these controversial episodes.

Just a few years ago, it was surreal to even imagine that any active
military officer could be detained, leaving aside getting arrested by
civil authorities. Now it seems that the arrest of a military officer
is becoming ordinary news. Let me be clear: I do not, at any rate, just
get excited when I run into news about an arrest. I do not think every
single military arrest or detainment is a sign of a better democracy,
in contrast to the opinions of many columnists.

I do, however, think that it is an important development if the arrest
of "anyone" is based on substantiated evidence. But I worry that,
for example, many of the arrests that are being made in the ongoing
"Ergenekon" investigation may not be according to universal justice
and prosecution principles. Holding many civilian and military
officials alike in custody for years, without being able to bring
concrete evidence is very disturbing. Overlooking the distinction
between suspicious writings or tapped phone conversations without
attested exhibits for a committed crime is too big a mishandling. As
mad as some people could be, justice cannot and should not be a way
of getting payback for some of the wrongdoings of the past or being
on the other side of the discussions.

Turkey’s free minds should have enough latitude to ask tough questions
to find out the real reasons behind some of the disturbing historic
episodes or unfair treatments of different segments of the society that
have shaped today’s Turkey. Once we reach a level of trust and honesty
and once we know that everyone at the table wants to see Turkey on
the road to perfection, then we will realize that we are all actually
not that far from each other. Turkey has enough personality, history,
tolerance and many more elements to succeed in such an endeavor.

One of the cornerstones of any functioning democracy is freedom of
the press, and today in Turkey this watchdog is being oppressed in a
fashion that has never been seen in recent history, except during the
periods of strict military rule. So I ask the question to those who
claim that they want nothing but an open and accountable Turkey: Why
is it that those sharp-witted intellectuals fall short of questioning
today’s nightmares or hardly make a passing by commenting about
the hurdles that Turkish democracy is facing while they impeccably
question Turkey’s past.

Intellectuals, who deem to dig into the roots of the past misdeeds,
prefer only to show mere "tolerance" for the foreign press for its
criticism of the dark clouds that travel over Turkey. Many of those
opinion makers assert or imply that they choose to be quiet about
today’s powerfuls’ misbehavior, simply because there is no alternative
out there, and that if we do not support this administration,
we might just slide back. I think it is this miscalculated view of
things that today makes Turkey’s democracy failing or fragile. If the
consciousness pens keep failing to show their backbones, when they are
needed the most, against the most powerful, we are not progressing
towards a better working democracy, but are giving way to another
authoritarianism to take the baton from the predecessor.

Avowing tenderness for those who have courage to stand up does not
mean one does one’s homework, but one only ignores it. Those pundits
might still want to act like they are die-hard democrats by displaying
mercy to others and "allowing" them to do their homework; actually
it just turns them into a sort of chameleon-like democrat, who has no
difficulty blending with the color of contemporary powerhouses. These
timeserving and score-settling minds, however, could be equipped with
sharp-witted and strong historic references, but in a real world,
lack the necessary democratic spirit, and seem that they cannot get
away from being dragged into the past all over again.

It excites me to see recent open discussions in the Turkish press,
for they will give me hope that we are finally finding a way to reckon
with the past’s ghosts. I feel proud in showing them to our peers
in the West. Then, when I see the cloud of quasi-authoritarianism
wandering over Turkey’s skies, and also those very audacious pundits
become mum over these heart-joggling menaces to the Turkish democracy,
I restart wondering, whether this whole new chapter that is taking
place is just another sign of hitting the forces which are now weak
or on the defensive side. Then I become pessimistic again and begin
to think, whether this seeming era of enlightenment of free-spirited
debate is just another chapter of a mere power struggle. And I find
myself losing a lot of sleep over this scenario these days.

THE SPIRIT OF EURONEWS

news.az
Dec 2 2009
Azerbaijan

Elnur Aslanov An article by Elnur Aslanov, head of the political
analysis and information department at Azerbaijan’s presidential
administration.

The year 2009 is coming to an end. When we analyse the past year,
marked by global financial uncertainty, it becomes clear that
everything around us is changing at a disastrously high speed.

Before we have had chance to get fully accustomed to e-mail and
blog culture, we are forming new spaces and chat with each other via
social networks. 4G is replacing 3G, innovations are transforming our
perception of realities every day, television becomes 3D, we are not
satisfied with cell phones as receivers. The Internet has become an
integral part of our lives and we cannot imagine ourselves beyond the
virtual area. This influences our consciousness, the appearance of new
behavioural norms and stereotypes, our everyday life and relations
with the surrounding world. We find it easier to communicate in the
virtual space but are losing a sense of closeness in the real world.

Yet not only attitudes are changing. As was to be expected, the
attitude to the system of international relations is changing too.

Relations between the subjects of international law, states and
other structures are becoming different. It is quite obvious that
international relations have never been known for their high moral
definitions and have always been in line with Lord Palmerston’s
quotation about friends and interests. But today they are becoming
even more cynical.

Naturally, this affects the behaviour of anyone who gets information
from the media. Today, by pre-empting the policy of the superpowers,
the media define their agenda. Strange as it may seem, at a time
when mankind is experiencing one of the most peaceful periods of
coexistence, with the lowest number of wars and conflicts on Earth
in the past 50-100 years, it is the media that are escalating new
confrontations and conflicts.

One might ask: who is not interested in peace in the South Caucasus?

Who does not want to see justice and peace between Azerbaijan and
Armenia? Who wants to see the tears of mothers who have lost their
sons on both sides of the front?

Elnur AslanovIf we say that the media are a system for the transmission
and analysis of information, the question may arise – whose interests
does this information serve? Independent, unbiased and objective
information today has become as rare as vegetation in the Sahara. It is
hard to find an international information agency that mostly publishes
unbiased information about a region or country. At the same time,
the position of one party, mostly subjective, is presented as the
right one. This meets the interests of lobby groups and different
political power centres.

No more than a year ago I had to work hard to get an article about the
Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict published on Radio Liberty’s website in
response to a number of articles by Armenian representatives. Almost
a week after the article was published, the website posted an article
by the so-called "representative of the Nagorno-Karabakh republic
in the United States" without the cuts to which my article had been
subjected. Radio Liberty was not interested in publishing a response
from the Azerbaijani side.

Of course, we must not forget Machiavelli’s principle that the end
justifies the means and the most powerful means in the 21st century
are the mass media.

The media have become a mouthpiece to intensify conflicts, muddy
global issues and escalate violence. Ideas that cause controversy and
sow enmity are expressed in the media. Every day we face one-sided
information on TV channels that forget to present the positions
of the opposite sides. Fabricated stunts on different issues are
organized under the banner of democracy. The rights and protection
of the freedom of the media have become big business for a number of
international non-governmental and even governmental organizations
that receive large funds for different projects and initiatives.

Anyone can find a problem at any time or make one up.

The stronger and more independent the state, the harsher the dispute
with it. If in its foreign policy a state prefers national interests
to the mercantile interests of international officials bound to the
political interests of centres of power, it is easy to find a pretext
to accuse it or smear it. All that is required is the desire and the
mass media at one’s disposal.

The 21st century has become a centre of dependent press, reminiscent
of the "cold war" when we were divided by an iron curtain. What is
dividing us now? Nothing. But has anything changed? No, nothing.

The dependence of the press on external interests and the total absence
of objectivity is becoming a decisive factor in the information
age. One example is a film on the Karabakh conflict shown by
Euronews TV channel several days ago. It is not that it was Armenia
that occupied Azerbaijani land, though the film featured different
things. It is not even that the film did not present Azerbaijan’s
position and that such an influential channel as Euronews should
preserve parity in its reporting. What is most embarrassing is
that this has happened at a time of negotiations between presidents,
statements of the OSCE Minsk Group mediators, the active participation
of the leaders of the superpowers, in short at a time of opportunity
for change and for a breakthrough in the region for the sake of
security and stability. One might ask: who is not interested in
peace in the South Caucasus? Who does not want to see justice and
peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia? Who wants to see the tears of
mothers who have lost their sons on both sides of the front?

Just a week before the material was broadcast on Euronews, the Armenian
diaspora in the USA raised more than 15 million dollars in donations
for the restoration of Shusha. I do not think it is necessary to ask
how the money collected by the diaspora is spent, or how Euronews
earns its money. But information presented by such an influential
TV channel should be impartial and contain at least a minimum of
facts. I do not rule out the possibility that the journalist might
have acted on personal interests in preparing the material, but why
did the channel leadership allow this material on air?

Today it is obvious that the domestic political and economic situation
in Armenia is tough and Armenia is seeking to preserve the status quo
in the region. It does not want peace in the region. A war, even in
conditions of reconciliation, always implies big money that can be
spent not only on armaments but also on underpinning the political
future of the regime. The Armenian leadership understands this and
acts against the interests of the Armenian public, which is looking
forward to the restoration of peace and stability in the region.

Unfortunately, the heads of media such as Euronews also find it
difficult to understand this truth and they prefer mercantile interests
to possible positive transformations in the South Caucasus.

Clearly the spirits of ideas of the Arthashastra is still alive for
some Western media, and especially Euronews: "If you have a peaceful
neighbour, attack him, even without good reason, but if your neighbour
is tough and aggresive, then sweettalk him."

GORAN LENMARKER PLANS TO VISIT THE REGION IN JANUARY 2010

armradio.am
01.12.2009 17:51

Special Representative of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly for Nagorno
Karabakh conflict and Georgia Goran Lenmarker plans to visit the
region in January 2010, APA reports.

Touching upon the Karabakh issue, Lenmarker said: "Azerbaijani and
Armenian foreign ministers met yesterday. The process is going on and
I think there is an opportunity to find solution of the problem soon
because both sides need that."

TURKEY LOOKS TO EASE MINORITY TENSIONS WITH ONE EYE ON EU
BY Michel Sailhan

Agence France Presse
November 29, 2009 Sunday 5:53 AM GMT

Turkey is making moves to reconcile with the country’s minority
communities, but analysts are divided on whether this new form of
openness indicates a seismic shift in policy.

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is trying to heal the sectarian
wounds that run deep through Turkish society as he looks to take
his country closer to European Union membership — Brussels wants
democratic reforms and improvement of human rights before Ankara will
be considered for entry.

The Turkish premier has been looking to make concessions to the
Kurdish, Armenian, Roma and Alevi (Shia Muslim, practicing a modern
tradition of Islam) communities over the past year.

"Not long ago, this was all taboo," said Mehmet Ali Birand, a political
commentator with Turkey’s newspaper of reference Hurriyet.

Turkey and Armenia have been at loggerheads for years over the killing
of an estimated 1.5 million Armenians by Ottoman Turks.

Ankara still rejects Yerevan’s genocide label, but the two countries
inked a deal on October 10 to establish diplomatic ties and open
their shared border.

Earlier that month, Erdogan addressed his Justice and Development
Party’s (AKP) annual conference in which he named 13 people who have
made telling contributions to Turkish society.

He cited left-wing singer Cem Karaca, communist poet Nazim Hikmet,
Armenian musician Tatyos Efendi and two Kurdish poets, Ahmet Kaya
and Ahmed Khani, as being among the most influential Turks.

The Turkish government has also been keen to win over the Kurds as
it looks to boost its bid for EU membership.

Erdogan recently announced a "democratic opening" for 12 million
Kurds living in Turkey, which led to the Kurdish language being used
for the first time.

He also released a group of pro-independence Kurdistan Workers’
Party (PKK) rebels at the end of October, who were arrested after
they re-entered Turkey from their base in Iraq.

Just three years ago, the Turkish army vowed that it would vigorously
defend the country from any threats made by the PKK.

The Islamist-rooted government hopes fresh gestures to the Kurds will
erode popular support for the rebel group, which took up arms against
Ankara in 1984, sparking a conflict that has claimed some 45,000 lives.

Opposition lawmakers say these overtures could risk national unity,
while some critics say these moves have garnered no concrete results
and are merely aimed at pleasing the European Union.

Hugh Pope, a senior analyst specialising in Turkish affairs at the
International Crisis Group, disagrees.

"The fact that AKP leaders have chosen this year to push forward with
these openings – at a time of discouraging, cynical and misguided
opposition to Turkey’s EU convergence from key EU powers — strengthens
the argument that AKP and Turkey are genuine in their attempt to
assert universal values, rights and freedoms," Pope said.

For Hurriyet’s Birand, this is merely a cynical ploy by the government
to defend its own policies — such as freedom of religious expression.

"By citing a variety of names, recognising the rights of other
communities, the government puts itself in a strong position to defend
its own demands, such as lifting the ban on wearing the veil at the
university," he said.