Armenian President: Genocide Has No Statute Of Limitation and ThoseG

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT: GENOCIDE HAS NO STATUTE OF LIMITATION AND THOSE GUILTY IN IT WILL BE PUNISHED

YEREVAN, APRIL 20. ARMINFO. Genocide has no statute of limitation
and those guilty in it will be punished. Armenian President Robert
Kocharyan made this statement an a two-day international conference
“Genocide and Human Rights” opened in Yerevan today. The event is
dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in Ottoman
Turkey in 1915.

In his speech, President Kocharyan notes that marking the 90th
anniversary of the Armenian Genocide “we pay homage to the innocent
victims of that crime.” Armenia does it with pain as the fight for
international recognition of Genocide is still continued. The World
War I with its goals of dividing the world and the hard confrontation
of ideologies it resulted in have become the main obstacles in the
way to recognition of the Armenian people’s rights. These rights were
first to fall victim to the Cold War, although it was not Armenia that
had started it. When the program of extermination of Armenians was
implemented, humanity was not aware of the world “genocide.” There were
no international structures which could become an area for discussions
of how to counteract the genocide. The world has changed since then and
it took long time the international community to regard genocide as a
crime against humanity with all the consequences proceeding. It also
took super powers time not to sacrifice the basic humanitarian values
for their geopolitical interests and morality became a slogan of the
foreign policy of the civilized world. The way passed to understand
the aforementioned was tragic for many peoples. The cost of that way
for Armenians is 1.5 million human lives. Today it is already clear
that the Armenian Cause is released from the position of a hostage of
geopolitical interests step by step. The existence of the Republic
of Armenia is the best guarantee for Armenia’s success in further
protection of its rights, Robert Kocharyan says.

To note, participating in the conference were also Prime Minister
of Armenia Andranik Margaryan, All Armenian Catholicos His Hollines
Karekin II, Defense Minister Serge Sargsyan and Foreign Minister
Vardan Oskanyan, as well as some 50 first-rate native and international
experts for genocide study from 20 countries. Foreign Minister Oskanyan
delivered a welcoming speech to the conference participants.

The end of the Exodus from Egypt

The end of the Exodus from Egypt
By Amiram Barkat

Ha’aretz, Israel
April 21 2005

CAIRO – Outside it looks like a ruin, but after the guard opens the
door to admit visitors, it turns out that there once was a synagogue
here. Behind a small courtyard covered with building debris stands
a Holy Ark. Its doors are broken, and from its top dangles a Star
of David, hanging by a thread. The guard explains that the ceiling
of the building collapsed in 1992, and the pile of debris was never
cleared away.

It looks like just another Cairo synagogue that has come to a sad
end. At least 20 such synagogues have been destroyed since the 1970s,
and most of them were larger and more magnificent than the small
Maimonides synagogue in Harat al-Yahud, the medieval Jewish quarter
of Cairo. But this synagogue is not just any synagogue; it is one of
the most important Jewish sites in Egypt and in the entire world.

Last year, special events were held all over the world to mark the
800th anniversary of the death of Rabbi Moses ben Maimon, the Rambam
(Maimonides). He died in 1204 in Cairo, and according to the accepted
tradition, his bones were transferred to Tiberias for burial. But the
Jews of Egypt believe his bones never left the country. According to
Egyptian tradition, the body of Maimonides was first brought to the
small beit midrash (study hall) where he taught, and afterward was
buried at an unknown Egyptian location; one of the traditions has it
that he is buried today in the small niche in the wall of the ruined
synagogue’s study hall.

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No evidence has been found for any of these traditions, but
even historians say that the synagogue and the yeshiva named for
Maimonides is one of the oldest synagogues in the world, almost 800
years old. That is why the Jewish community in Cairo allows only rare
visits to the place. After many pleas, they agreed to open its gates
to a journalist and a photographer, on the eve of Pesach.

Although not much more remains of the synagogue itself than its
four walls, the other parts of the building are still standing. For
hundreds of years, the Jews of Egypt used to come on pilgrimages to
this place, which is located in the heart of the neighborhood’s maze
of ancient alleyways. People with incurable diseases believed that
they would be cured if they remained to sleep near Maimonides’ grave.
Today the chances are that not only would they not be cured, they
would catch another disease, judging by the stench from the toilets.

Above the entrance to the study hall, in splendid isolation, hangs
the portrait of Maimonides, who, according to a popular saying, was
the greatest Jew since Moses. In a small hall behind the entrance,
benches and other furniture float in what looks like a sewer. The
place is flooded with water, almost to the height of the ceiling. One
can view the niche of Maimonides’ “grave” today only by diving.
“What’s there, in a word, is a cesspool,” says Prof. Michael Lasker
of Bar-Ilan University, an expert on Egyptian Jewry. He says that he
tried in vain to help the president of the Cairo Jewish community,
Carmen Weinstein, find a donor to restore the place. “The large
Jewish organizations said it’s not in their area of responsibility,
and Jews of Egyptian origin have never been very cooperative,” he says.

General emptiness

The great synagogue of the Karaites in Cairo, in the Abbassieh
neighborhood, also is usually closed to visitors. The guard there
agrees to let us in on condition that we don’t take pictures. The
reason becomes clear immediately: The overall appearance of the
synagogue resembles a haunted castle in an (Egyptian) horror film.
The building is reminiscent of a huge altar standing entirely deserted,
only the sound of the wind banging on the remaining unbroken window
panes interrupts the silence. The only visitors are the flock of
pigeons that has come to live in the space, so that on the way to the
prayer hall, visitors’ shoes sink into a thick layer of guano. Two
Art Deco chandeliers made of bronze and crystal are the last vestiges
of the days of glory. Other chains remain dangling, testimony to
additional chandeliers that once hung here.

Up until just a few years ago, this synagogue, named after Moshe
Deri, was full of valuable Judaica that was brought to it in part
from other Karaite synagogues, before they were destroyed. In his
book about Jewish sites in Cairo, written in the mid-1990s, Dr. Yoram
Meital of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, an expert on the Middle
East, mentions that on the floor of the synagogue were rugs and mats
on which the Karaites prayed, that the synagogue building contained
about 2,000 books, and that in the Holy Ark there were still valuable
Torah scrolls, made of parchment. No trace of any of these exists
today. All that remains is one bookcase, a pile of crates sunk in
dust and several empty cabinets for Torah scrolls.

Meital believes local Jews were involved in the looting. Already in the
early 1990s, when he visited the place to gather material for writing a
book, he noticed that around him were “people who were very displeased
about the fact that I was documenting the items. At one stage they
forbade me to continue.” Yosef Dvir, a spokesman for the Karaites in
Israel, says they are well-aware of the fact that “the property in
Cairo was not properly maintained,” but they are unable to help. “We
barely have enough money to maintain the community in Israel,” he says.

Testimony and stories of Israelis who have visited other sites
belonging to the Cairo community paint a similar picture of neglect.
In the city’s only Ashkenazi synagogue, in the center of the city,
old books and documents are strewn on the floor in a layer of dust
and filth. The huge Jewish cemetery in the Bassatine neighborhood
serves as an improvised quarry for removing marble, stone and metals
from the graves, and hardly a single headstone remains undamaged.

In Alexandria, the situation is better. In the compound of the Jewish
community on Nebi Daniel Street stands the Synagogue of Elijah the
Prophet, the community office building where the rabbinical court sits,
and another building that served as the Jewish school and today is
leased to a Muslim educational institution. The beautiful historic
buildings are surrounding by manicured gardens and are well maintained.

The synagogue, which is considered the largest in the Middle East, is
an impressive building; a broad white marble staircase leads to the
entrance, which is surrounded by a decorative stone fence. The huge
space inside, which until the mid-20th century held 1,000 worshipers,
is illuminated by the light of dozens of seven-branched candelabra,
with the addition of sunlight that streams through the stained-glass
windows. The stone arches and pinkish Italian Carrara marble columns,
with white Greek capitals, lend the place the appearance of a
cathedral. The backs of the seats still bear pewter disks with the
names of the owners. But the overall feeling is one of emptiness,
of a bustling place that has become a museum.

The community building in Alexandria contains a huge archive that
preserves the past of the community: birth and death certificates,
addresses, and a melange of old books and documents. In one of
the locked cupboards are the cups won by the Maccabi Alexandria
basketball team, the Egyptian champion in the 1930s. Life is gradually
disappearing from here as well. On an abandoned reception desk in the
corridor the sign “civilian documents” is still posted in Hebrew and
in French, opposite is the deserted hall of the rabbinical court.

“Like lonely shadows, a few short elderly men and women wander in
the empty Jewish complex surrounding the synagogue,” wrote Israeli
author Haim Be’er 16 years ago, in an article about Alexandria, and
nothing seems to have changed except for the number of the elderly,
which has decreased. The president of the Alexandria community, dentist
Dr. Max Salame, recently celebrated his 90th birthday. Lina Mattatia,
the synagogue’s legendary tour guide, is over 80. The head of the
community, Victor Balassiano, who claims the title of “the youngest
Jew in Egypt,” is 65 years old.

The central synagogue of the Cairo community is Sha’ar Shamayim in
the city center, on Adli Street. The magnificent building, which
was completed in 1905, is decorated with symbols of the Pharaonic
lotus and the palm tree, the symbol of the Jewish community in the
city. In the 1980s, the synagogue was renovated with funds provided
by millionaire Nissim Gaon, and became revitalized for several years.
Dr. Meital still remembers hundreds of Israeli tourists who used to
attend the synagogue on festivals. Currently, no regular prayers are
held there. The facade of the building that faces the main street is
guarded by a unit of Egyptian soldiers, armed with rifles, who stand
behind protected shelters. On the other side of the road, permanent
signs condemn Israel. For years, Israel has been trying to persuade
the Egyptian government to remove the signs. The subject even came up
during the most recent talks held by Israeli Foreign Minister Silvan
Shalom last week in Cairo.

The synagogue itself is dark and deserted, with a depressing
atmosphere. In the entrance, next to a large charity box, sits an
elderly Jewish woman who has trouble being pleasant to visitors. She
doesn’t allow visits to the women’s section, and she agreed to allow us
to photograph the synagogue from inside only after we pleaded with her,
“but only one picture.”

The second Exodus

A simple memorial plaque attached to one of the columns of the
synagogue on Adli Street takes the visitor back 60 years, to the golden
age of Egypt’s Jewish community. The sign is in memory of Yusuf Aslan
Qattawi, a former Egyptian government minister and one of the authors
of the 1923 Egyptian constitution, who served as community president
from 1924-1942. The Qattawis were members of the Cairo Jewry’s moneyed
aristocracy. They made their fortune in the sugar industry, and were
among the founders of Bank Misr (the Egyptian national bank). The
bank’s board of directors at the time included other Jewish families
such as de Menasce, Rollo, Suares and Cicurel, owners of one of the
largest department store chain in the country.

In those years, 40,000 Jews lived in Cairo, with a similar number
in Alexandria. Many Jews, from Europe as well as Turkey and the
Arab countries, immigrated to Egypt at the end of the 19th century,
drawn by the economic prosperity that came with the opening of the
Suez Canal in 1896. Only a few thousand had Egyptian citizenship,
but they felt welcome in society. The Jews of Alexandria lived in
a city where one-third of the population were members of various
national minorities, and they felt no special need to learn Arabic.

The situation took a turn for the worse in the late 1930s, as
pan-Arab and Islamic sentiments spread through Egyptian society.
American scholar Joel Beinin of Stanford University mentions in one
of his articles on the subject that not only did the Jews suffer, but
so did other minority groups – the Syrian Christians, the Italians,
the Greeks and the Armenians – all of which had increasing difficulty
maintaining their cosmopolitan-Levantine identity. But the problem
that began in 1948 was unique to the Jews.

The establishment of the State of Israel and the War of Independence
heralded the beginning of the end of Egyptian Jewry. “The second
Exodus” began in 1948, and within two years, one-third of the country’s
Jews had left. The others, who had hoped that the end of the war
would bring them back into favor with the Egyptians, soon discovered
their mistake. The Egyptian government, which had outlawed Zionism,
had promised protection to the Jews who remained loyal Egyptians,
but they didn’t always keep their promise. On January 26, 1952, for
example, the police refrained from intervening in riots in Cairo,
during which dozens of Jews were murdered, and Shepheard’s Hotel,
the Metro cinema and dozens of other Jewish-owned businesses were
burned down.

Two years later, in 1954, Israel provided Egypt with an excellent
excuse for continuing with the same policy, with the exposure of a unit
of Egyptian Jews who had carried out attacks in Alexandria and Cairo
at the instructions of Israeli military intelligence, in what came
to be known in Israel as the “stinking affair.” Even avowed Egyptian
patriots, including the leaders of the Jewish community in Cairo,
began to feel unwanted. The Karaites, the “Arab Jews” of Egypt,
who for hundreds of years had dressed and spoken like Egyptians,
found themselves in the same boat as their Western brothers.

The two final blows to strike the Jews of Egypt – the Sinai Campaign
in 1956 and the Six-Day War in 1967 – left only a few hundred Jews
in the country; from one-third to one-half of Egypt’s Jews immigrated
to Israel, and the others went to Western countries – France, Canada,
Australia and, of course, the United States. The many businesses were
sold to Egyptians or nationalized. The dozens of luxurious villas
built by the wealthy Jews along the banks of the Nile and in the
center of the city today serve as embassies, upscale residences,
museums and libraries.

Torah scrolls at the airport

The communal property of the Egyptian Jews, on the other hand,
remained for the most part in Jewish hands. The synagogues, the
religious objects, the ancient books and the rare Torah scrolls were
a treasure whose value was estimated at tens of millions of dollars.
According to Egyptian law, the sale of items that are over 100 years
old is forbidden, but the underground clearance sale of the community’s
assets did not cease, and reached a peak in the 1980s.

Michael Dana, the son of Youssef Dana, who headed the community in
those years, told Ronen Bergman in this magazine (January 29, 1996)
about Jewish Judaica thieves from the United States who entered the
synagogues as tourists, antique dealers who tried to bribe the guards,
and many Israelis who turned to his father and offered him a great
deal of money for rare items. In some cases, the Egyptian authorities
caught the smugglers and confiscated their loot. Several dozen ancient
scrolls are still being held in the Cairo airport.

The Israeli ambassador to Egypt at the time, Moshe Sasson, told Bergman
that when he arrived in Cairo in 1981, there were 32 synagogues,
and when he left, six years later, only 12 remained. Several of the
community leaders did not withstand the temptation, and began to sell
assets. “They saw that there was no next generation, and that the
property would go to Egypt, so they decided to capitalize on it,”
says an Israeli Middle Eastern scholar. “They said the money would
go to the community, but in effect almost everything went into their
own pockets.”

One of the only bodies that acted to rescue the heritage of Egyptian
Jews was the Israel Academic Center in Cairo, which belongs to the
National Academy of Sciences (under whose sponsorship our visit
to Egypt took place). “We discovered huge quantities of books in
the synagogues,” says the founder of the center, and its director
during those years, Prof. Shimon Shamir. “We discovered that a large
percentage of the books came from private collections that Egyptian
Jews had thrown out for fear that `propaganda material’ in Hebrew
would be seized in their homes.”

In the early 1990s, the books, about 15,000 of them, were stored in
three libraries belonging to the Jewish community, which are located
adjacent to the Sha’ar Hashamayim synagogue on Adli Street, the Ezra
synagogue in the Fostat quarter and the Karaite synagogue. Most of
the books are from recent centuries, but among them are also three
rare religious books from the early 16th century. But the project
for collection and preservation was not completed – for budgetary
reasons, they say at the center. To date, not all the books have been
catalogued, and they are being stored in less than ideal conditions.
The present director of the center, Dr. Sariel Shalev, says that he
tried to raise about $5,000 from one of the large Jewish organizations
for the purpose of completing the catalogue, but he received no
response.

The Ezra synagogue in Fostat, the quarter from which Cairo began to
develop in the seventh century CE, is the only synagogue in Cairo that
has been fortunate. Originally, the synagogue was a Coptic church,
which was sold to the Jews in 882 CE. The synagogue was rebuilt a
number of times, the last time in 1890. During that construction work,
the Cairo Geniza was discovered in the attic, containing hundreds of
thousands of documents written by the Jews of Cairo over a period of
almost 1,000 years.

The Ezra synagogue also suffered from neglect for many years, but in
1980, in the wake of the peace agreement, it was chosen as a project
that would serve as a symbol of historical coexistence among Jews,
Christians and Muslims. The Egyptian foreign minister at the time,
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and the president of the World Jewish Congress,
Edgar Bronfman, agreed to preserve the synagogue. The preservation
work, which was done under the supervision of Bronfman’s sister,
Canadian architect Phyllis Lambert, was concluded in the early 1990s,
and today the synagogue enjoys a large number of visitors, most of
them non-Jewish tourists.

In recent years, the Egyptians have even evacuated the residents from
the entire area, in an attempt to turn it into a tourist compound in
which the visitors can view the oldest synagogues, churches and mosques
in Cairo. Dr. Meital says that with all due respect to the preservation
work, he is disturbed by the fact that the place will never again be
a synagogue, but will remain as “a kind of interreligious monument.”

The leadership of the Weinstein women

It is hard to know how many Jews are living in Egypt today. Prof. Ada
Aharoni of Haifa, a researcher of Egyptian Jewry, who is active in
organizations of former Egyptians, estimates their number at 20: eight
in Alexandria and 12 in Cairo. However, from a legal point of view
at least, the Jewish communities in the two cities are still alive
and active, and they administer quite a few assets. The community
in Alexandria holds the compound of buildings in Nebi Daniel, the
community in Cairo has about 10 synagogues, some of them of great
historical value, as we have mentioned, the huge cemetery in Bassatine
and an office building and a school in the Abbassieh neighborhood.

The president of the community is Carmen Weinstein, a businesswoman of
about 70, who replaced her mother, Esther Weinstein, who died last year
at the age of 93. For years, the Jewish women in Cairo were mentioned
only if they married famous husbands, like the wives of Chaim Herzog
(Aura Ambache), Abba Eban (her sister, Suzy Ambache), Boutros-Ghali
(Leah Nadler) and the French prime minister Pierre Mendes-France
(Lili Cicurel). The expert on Jewish sites in Cairo, Dr. Meital,
still remembers how surprised he was when he read of Esther Weinstein’s
election to the position. “In a community that since about the year 700
has been dominated by men, that was a genuine feminist revolution. I
remember that in Alexandria they didn’t know what to make of it.”

The bulletin board in the entrance to the synagogue in Adli Street
is covered with the pictures of the Weinstein women, mother and
daughter, together with Hillary and Chelsea Clinton, who visited the
community in 1999. Some former Egyptian Jews accuse Carmen Weinstein
of serving the interests of Egypt rather than those of the Jewish
community. Her supporters say that she works tirelessly to protect
the assets that remain in the community’s hands. Prof. Shamir says
that Carmen made “supreme efforts” to prevent the destruction of the
Jewish cemetery in Bassatine, when the Egyptian authorities wanted to
pave an expressway over it. She also built a wall round the cemetery
and managed to remove the squatters who had come to live there.
(Weinstein refused to meet with us. One of her associates explained
that she doesn’t meet with Israeli journalists, and doesn’t conduct
business relations with Israeli groups).

But Weinstein’s efforts on the Egyptian front seem to pale when
compared to her struggles with her fellow Jews. Her acquaintances
say that she is angry at the Israelis living in Cairo, because they
stay away from the community’s synagogues. In recent years, she has
repeatedly turned to wealthy former Egyptians who live in the West,
in attempts to raise money to restore the Jewish sites, but without
success. “It was quite embarrassing,” says Prof. Shamir, who has
helped her on a number of occasions. “They said they didn’t want to
hear about Egypt, that for them it’s a closed file. I have no doubt
that Egyptian Jewry could do much more to preserve its past.”

About 20 organizations of former Egyptian Jews are active today in
the world, and many of them have been at odds with one another for
years. In recent years, after decades of indifference and neglect,
there has been an awakening. Next year, the first World Congress
of Jews from Egypt will be held in Haifa. Prof. Aharoni, one of
the initiators of the congress, says that the idea is to “unite
forces” in an attempt to preserve the Jewish heritage in Egypt. The
initiative that is taking shape, she says, is to transfer the books
and the papers of the Jewish communities to a special wing of the new
library in Alexandria. “We have received very positive responses to
the proposal from the Egyptian authorities,” she says.

However, the idea arouses determined opposition in the Historical
Society of Jews from Egypt, a group that was founded in 1996 in the
United States. Since its establishment, the organization has been
conducting a campaign to remove all the communal property from Egypt,
not only sacred books and religious objects, but the community archives
in Cairo and Alexandria as well. “For us these aren’t archives,
they’re living documents,” explains the organization’s president,
Desire Sakkal. “People want their birth certificates, their ketubot
[Jewish marriage contracts].”

The heads of the organization have already managed to have articles
on the subject appear in the American press, to sign on members
of Congress, and to turn to President George W. Bush. In 2001,
the State Department announced that a comprehensive study on the
subject found no reason to intervene at this stage, since Weinstein,
the community president, is opposed to taking the items out of the
community’s hands. Sakkal refuses to give up. Recently, he says,
he received a letter “from a very high-ranking Israeli official”
expressing his willingness to help.

Prof. Shamir is not enthusiastic about Sakkal’s plans. Underlying
the demands to take the items out of Egypt, he believes, are often
“shady motives.” Prof. Aharoni agrees: “With all due respect to
Sakkal’s activity, many former Egyptians throughout the world think
that he is too extreme, that this activity is damaging and that it
is simply unrealistic.”

Sakkal’s organization has already announced that it will not
participate in the upcoming congress, after his demands to take a
belligerent line against Egypt were rejected. In an interview with
him, Sakal levels sharp criticism at the congress, and calls it
“the best attorney that Egypt could have found. If they want to do
belly dances with the Egyptians and to eat ful and falafel with them,
let them live and be well. We aren’t interested.”

ANKARA: Ottomans executed 63 people for harming Armenians

OTTOMANS EXECUTED 63 PEOPLE FOR HARMING ARMENIANS

Turkish Press
April 20 2005

Press Scan

YENI SAFAK- The Ottoman government executed 63 people for attacking
and harming Armenians during the relocation days, according to a
research carried out within Turkish Prime Ministry State Archives.
471,000 Ottoman soldiers and a few times more Armenians and Turks
died of epidemics during these years, according to hospital records
in the last years of the Ottoman Empire.

Time Of Armenian and Azeri FM Meeting Not Specified Yet

TIME OF ARMENIAN AND AZERI FM MEETING NOT SPECIFIED YET

Pan Armenian News
19.04.2005 04:43

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The time of the meeting of Armenian and Azeri
Foreign Ministers Vartan Oskanian and Elmar Mamedyarov is not
specified yet, Press Secretary of the Foreign Ministry of Armenia
Hamlet Gasparian told PanARMENIAN.Net correspondent. At that
he added that in a statement made in the course of the London
meeting the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs mentioned a meeting of the
FMs in Frankfurt. It should be noted that in his turn member of
Azeri delegation for settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict
Hussein Husseinov stated that “Baku and Yerevan have agreed to hold
next round of talks over the Karabakh settlement in Frankfurt April
27.” In his words, Azerbaijan’s stand over the Nagorno Karabakh issue
has remained the same. “The territorial integrity of Azerbaijan is
not subject to negotiation just like the matter cannot concern any
concessions by the Azeri party,” he underscored. In his turn Head of
the Press Service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan
Mehtin Mirza noted that “if there is an arrangement to continue the
talks in Frankfurt, it means that there is certain progress and one
should view the negotiation process with optimism.”

Spiritual Shepherd Of Armenians Called Poland To Recognize ArmenianG

SPIRITUAL SHEPHERD OF ARMENIANS CALLED POLAND TO RECOGNIZE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Pan Armenian News
18.04.2005 04:36

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ A solemn liturgy on occasion of the 1600-th anniversary of
the creation of the Armenian written language was chanted in the Church
of St. Mikolay in Krakow yesterday. As Archimandrite of the Krakow
monastery, Armenians’ spiritual shepherd Tadeus Isahakian-Zalezski
told PanARMENIAN.Net reporter, the representatives of the Catholic
and Roman Catholic Churches as well as of the Armenian community of
Poland took part in the event. In his pray Isahakian-Zalezski called
to the Polish parliament to recognize the Armenian Genocide.

‘Forgotten Armies’: Their Lousiest Hour

New York Times
April 16 2005

‘Forgotten Armies’: Their Lousiest Hour
By BENJAMIN SCHWARZ

FORGOTTEN ARMIES
The Fall of British Asia, 1941-1945.
By Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper.
Illustrated. 555 pp. The Belknap Press/ Harvard University Press.
$29.95.

EVERAL hours before the attack on Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941,
Japanese troops stormed the beaches of southeastern Thailand and
northern Malaya. Their goal was Singapore, some 400 miles south,
among the world’s richest and most cosmopolitan cities, and, along
with Gibraltar, the most heavily defended piece of land in the
British Empire. Just over two months later that supposedly
impregnable fortress was in Japanese hands. A garrison of more than
85,000 troops had surrendered to a Japanese assault force numbering
about 30,000. Singapore’s capture, Winston Churchill said, was ”the
worst disaster and largest capitulation in British history.” By
April the Japanese were bombing Calcutta, and India was preparing to
be invaded. Britain’s ”great crescent,” which had stretched from
India’s border with Burma down the Malay peninsula, was lost.

In ”Forgotten Armies” Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper, two
Cambridge historians, explore these events and their intricate and
often terrible repercussions from the perspectives of both the
British and the Asian peoples of the region. A work at once scholarly
and panoramic, it is as precise in dissecting, say, the logistical
problems the Japanese Army confronted during the 1944 campaign in
northern Burma (”the worst defeat in Japan’s military history”) as
it is arresting in examining such sweeping events as the 1942 trek of
some 600,000 Indian, Burmese and Anglo-Indian refugees from Burma
through the high passes of Assam into India, fleeing the advancing
Japanese.

Hundreds of monographs have examined aspects of this story, but Bayly
and Harper’s is the only history that matches the scope and nuance of
novels like J. G. Farrell’s ”Singapore Grip,” Paul Scott’s ”Raj
Quartet,” Anthony Burgess’s ”Enemy in the Blanket,” Orwell’s
”Burmese Days” and Amitov Ghosh’s ”Glass Palace.” Their 70-page
prologue is a triumph of scene setting. The great crescent between
Calcutta and Singapore was, Bayly and Harper show, a multinational
and multiethnic stew. Indians, Chinese, Malays and Burmese toiled in
the factories and oil fields of Burma and the rubber plantations and
tin mines of Malaya; Chinese merchant princes ruled the trading
houses of Penang and Malacca; Japanese owned shops in virtually every
small town on the Malay peninsula, controlled Malaya’s iron mines and
dominated Singapore’s fishing fleet.

At the apex of this world, of course, the British ruled. ”Forgotten
Armies” artfully evokes their prewar idyll: the string of posh
hotels; the mountaintop golf courses carved out of the jungle; the
torpor of the hill stations (exacerbated by chronic gin-swilling),
where expats speaking an ”outmoded English slang” saw to it that
”the ova of trout were carted up on ice” to stock the streams; and,
most memorably, what Lady Diana Cooper characterized as the
”Sino-Monte-Carlo” atmosphere of Singapore — a strikingly clean
and modern city of snobbish clubs, air-conditioned cinemas and a glut
of playing fields, populated by Arabs, Armenians, Jews, Parsis and
White Russians, as well as Indians, Malays, Burmese, Chinese,
Japanese and their British overlords.

The ignominious British and Australian rout down the length of the
Malay peninsula (the retreating soldiers sardonically adopted the
theme from the Hope and Crosby movie ”The Road to Singapore” as
their marching song) and Singapore’s subsequent fall have already
been described, memorably, in Farrell’s novel and in a host of
military histories, most notably Alan Warren’s ”Singapore 1942,”
but Bayly and Harper’s account is both vivid and authoritative. One
of their great contributions lies in their stinging appraisal of the
debacle — all but inevitable given Britain’s competing strategic
priorities, but made worse in every conceivable way by the
fecklessness, dithering, incompetence, jealousies and cowardice of
commanders on the spot. A second is their chronicle of the nearly
complete moral collapse of British colonial society and civil
administration throughout the great crescent. That collapse, they
convincingly show, began just eight days after the Japanese invasion,
with the shameful European evacuation of Penang, in which Britons
abandoned the Asians they ruled to an utterly vicious conqueror.
British imperialism certainly had its high-minded and responsible
aspects, but at the time and place ”Forgotten Armies” recounts it
revealed itself to be selfish, unlovely and, in the parlance of the
time, unmanly.

This British failure of nerve enormously strengthened the region’s
national independence movements during and after the war. The
Japanese, of course, tried to exploit anti-imperialist sentiment in
the name of pan-Asian solidarity, but Bayly and Harper, though
plainly unsympathetic to Britain’s imperialism, make clear that
Japan’s was incomparably worse. The Japanese systematically executed
70,000 ethnic Chinese in Singapore and southern Malaya. They sexually
enslaved well over 50,000 of the great crescent’s women, and raped
tens of thousands more; 14,000 Allied prisoners of war died as slave
laborers on the Thailand-Burma railway (an ordeal made famous in
”The Bridge on the River Kwai”), along with possibly 20 times as
many Indians, Burmese, Chinese and Malays, who were starved and
worked to death. (Bayly and Harper should be praised for making plain
a grim fact of war that nearly always goes unsaid: ”The scale of
animal fatality was colossal.”) The British of course temporarily
took back their Southeast Asian empire, but only with the help of
their erstwhile subjects (Asians and Africans made up 70 percent of
the soldiers in William Slim’s victorious 14th Army). In the terrible
choices war gave the inhabitants of the great crescent, the craven
hypocrisy of the British was infinitely preferable to the medieval
sadism of the Japanese.

Benjamin Schwarz is the literary editor and national editor of The
Atlantic Monthly.

Robert Kocharian to Depart for France on Working Visit April 20

Pan Armenian News

ROBERT KOCHARIAN TO DEPART FOR FRANCE ON WORKING VISIT APRIL 20

15.04.2005 05:15

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ April 20 Armenian President Robert Kocharian is departing
for France on a working visit, the President’s press service reported.
During the visit he is scheduled to meet with French President Jacques
Chirac, the Senate President and the Parliament Speaker. The Armenian leader
is expected back to Yerevan on April 23.

Discussion on disputed 1915 slaughter of Armenians held in EU Parl.

Athens News Agency, Greece
April 13, 2005

OPEN DISCUSSION ON DISPUTED 1915 SLAUGHTER OF ARMENIANS HELD ON
SIDELINES OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

STRASBOURG (ANA – O. Tsipira) An open discussion on the large-scale
killings of Armenians in Turkey in 1915, which are disputed by
Turkey, was held on the sidelines of the European Parliament assembly
for the first time on Wednesday

Entitled “The Future of the Past: Armenians in Turkey”, the
discussion did not make any direct reference to an Armenian genocide
as such, but the entire discussion revolved around this issue

The discussion was an initiative of the Green group and was led by
the German Green party MEP Cem Ozdemir, who is of Turkish descent

Guest speakers included Turkish intellectuals of Armenian descent,
such as Dr

Taner Akcam from Minnesota University, who presented evidence from
the study of Ottoman records that he claimed supported the view of
genocide

Other speakers were journalist Etyen Mahcupyan, a columnist for the
Istanbul daily ‘Zaman’, and Hrant Dink, chief editor of the
bi-lingual Turkish-Armenian Istanbul weekly ‘Agos’

Armenian expatriates throughout the world are campaigning to make it
a condition of Turkey’s accession to the European Union that it first
recognise the Armenian genocide of 1915

Organisers were criticised, particularly by Turkish journalists that
attended the discussion, for failing to present the counter-arguments
to the Armenian side and promised to arrange a new discussion that
would present the views of both sides.

PARIS: Intellectuels turcs s’emeuvent d’une montee du nationalisme

Des intellectuels turcs s’émeuvent d’une “montée du nationalisme”

LE MONDE (Paris)
12.04.2005

Par Marie Jégo

Alarmés par ce qu’ils décrivent comme une “montée du nationalisme” en
Turquie, deux cents intellectuels ont publié, lundi 11 avril, dans les
journaux turcs une lettre ouverte dénonçant les entraves faites au
“processus de paix et de démocratisation” du pays, qui entamera le 3
octobre des négociations avec l’Union européenne.

Les musiciens Zulfi Livaneli et Senar Yurdatapan, l’écrivain Murat
Belge, l’acteur Halil Ergun, les journalistes Mehmet Ali Birand et
Oral Calislar, le secrétaire général de la Fondation des droits de
l’homme Yavuz Önen et beaucoup d’autres y mettent en garde les
autorités contre “l’hystérie collective née du nationalisme turc et
kurde”, une allusion aux tensions qui ont surgi récemment en Turquie
entre les deux communautés.

Tout a commencé le 20 mars à Mersin, ville kurde de Turquie, lorsque,
sur fond de célébration du Nevroz (le Nouvel An kurde), trois
adolescents kurdes ont tenté, devant des caméras, de mettre le feu au
drapeau turc. Si les jeunes trublions (de 12 à 14 ans), écroués
quelques jours, ont confié à leur libération avoir voulu “passer à la
télé”, l’outrage est constitué. D’autant que l’état-major de l’armée
dénonce, dans un communiqué, “un acte de trahison” dirigé contre le
peuple turc “par de soi-disant citoyens”.

La presse s’empare alors du sujet, les partis en appellent au
patriotisme de la population. En quelques jours, la rhétorique
nationaliste s’emballe, la fièvre du drapeau gagne. D’Istanbul à
Erzurum, l’emblème national – croissant et étoile blanches sur fond
rouge – est déployé partout: aux balcons, sur les voitures, aux
devantures des magasins.

“ON BRÛLE LE DRAPEAU !”

Deux semaines plus tard à Trabzon, une ville du littoral de la mer
Noire, c’est aux cris de “on brûle le drapeau !” qu’une foule de 2 000
personnes – arrivées prestement sur les lieux après avoir été
prévenues par SMS – va prendre en chasse cinq militants de Tayad, une
organisation liée à l’extrême gauche qui défend les droits des
détenus, occupés à distribuer des tracts dans la rue.

Jetés à terre, roués de coups de pied, les militants n’évitent le
lynchage que grce à la présence d’un fourgon blindé des forces de
police dans lequel ils se réfugient. Leurs camarades, qui tentent
d’organiser une conférence de presse quelques jours plus tard,
dimanche 10 avril, sont à leur tour molestés. “Ici, on n’est pas à
Mersin !”, expliquera l’un des assaillants.

Ce climat de vindicte populaire est encouragé car les agresseurs
agissent en toute impunité, déplore la lettre ouverte. Ainsi, aucun
des auteurs des agressions perpétrées à Trabzon n’a été mis en cause
tandis que les cinq victimes – les militants de Tayad – sont
aujourd’hui sous les verrous.

Et si les réactions de la population à l’incident de Mersin “ont
dérapé vers le racisme et le nationalisme”, c’est “avec le soutien des
officines de l’Etat”, expliquent les intellectuels, qui font appel au
“bon sens” des autorités.

L’équipe au pouvoir, celle du premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
dont l’objectif affiché est de rejoindre la famille européenne,
restera-t-elle sans réaction ? Les événements de Trabzon ont été
passés sous silence. Aucune réaction non plus un mois plus tôt
lorsqu’un sous-préfet de Sutculer (région d’Isparta, au sud-ouest) a
ordonné la destruction de tous les livres de l’écrivain Orhan
Pamuk. Si rien ne fut finalement détruit, c’est avant tout parce que
les librairies et les bibliothèques de la région n’en avaient
aucun. Pour finir, une chaîne de la télévision locale lança un appel
pour retrouver une jeune étudiante qui avait déclaré avoir en sa
possession un livre de l’écrivain.

De quel crime Orhan Pamuk est-il donc coupable ? D’avoir déclaré à un
journal suisse qu'”un million d’Arméniens et 30 000 Kurdes ont été
tués en Turquie”. Comme la question du drapeau, objet d’un consensus
qui confine à l’hystérie, la question arménienne, tout comme celle des
Kurdes ou celle de Chypre, sont autant de “causes nationales” qui ne
souffrent pas de remise en cause.

C’est dans cette atmosphère d’hystérie que le Parlement turc s’apprête
à discuter, le 20 avril, des “mesures à prendre” pour contrer la
commémoration par les Arméniens du génocide de plus d’un million des
leurs, il y a quatre-vingt-dix ans.

article paru dans l’édition du 13.04.2005