Opposition MP unveils his team’s stance on deployment of Armenian troops to Kazakhstan

panorama.am
Armenia – Jan 8 2022

Armenian MP Gegham Nazaryan from the main opposition Hayastan faction expressed his team’s stance on the deployment of 100 Armenian troops to Kazakhstan as part of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) peacekeeping mission.

In a Facebook post late on Friday, the lawmaker said there had been numerous requests for the faction’s position on sending peacekeepers to the unrest-hit country.

“The Hayastan faction believes that Armenia did not have to prevent the deployment of a CSTO contingent to Kazakhstan, but no Armenian serviceman should have left for that country, for a very understandable reason,” he wrote.

The MP cited Kazakhstan’s pro-Azerbaijani stance during the 44-day war in Artsakh.

“Kazakhstan also congratulated Azerbaijan on November 9. I think our position is completely clear.

“I would like to add that in the current situation, when the wounds of the war have not yet healed and its effects are still visible, not a single Armenian soldier should be sent to a foreign country, especially to Kazakhstan, where only intra-clan issues are being resolved, not inter-clan,” Nazaryan noted.

Armenia and United States celebrate 30th anniversary of diplomatic relations

Public Radio of Armenia
Jan 8 2022

30 years ago, on January 7, 1992 Armenia and the United States formally established diplomatic relations, following President George Bush’s recognition of the Republic of Armenia two weeks earlier, in a historic address to the nation on December 25, 1991.

In his speech, President Bush talked about the collapse of the Soviet Union, the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States, and recognized the independence of a number of former Soviet Republics, including Armenia.

The United States recognized Armenia’s independence on December 25, 1991, when President George H.W. Bush announced the decision in an address to the nation regarding the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the US Embassy in Armenia reminds. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were established.

US-Armenian relations go back much further. During the brief period of Armenia’s independence in 1918-1920, the United States recognized the independence of the Armenian Republic on April 23, 1920, when Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby delivered a note to the Representative of the Armenian Republic (Pasdermadjian) in Washington, informing him of President Woodrow Wilson’s decision.

The note specified that this recognition “in no way predetermines the territorial frontiers, which…are matters for later delimitation.”

The territory expected to compose the independent Armenian Republic previously had been under the sovereignty of the Ottoman and Russian Empires. At the request of the Paris Peace Conference’s Supreme Council of the Allied Powers, President Wilson arbitrated the boundary to be set between Armenia and Turkey, and submitted his determinations to the Supreme Council on November 22, 1920.

Prior to Wilson’s decisions, however, the territory expected to compose the Armenian Republic had been attacked by Turkish and Bolshevik troops. By the end of 1920 the Armenian Republic had ceased to exist as an independent state, with its territory either seized by Turkey or established as the Armenian Soviet Republic, which subsequently joined the Soviet Union.

COVID-19: Armenia in EU’s green zone

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 16:40, 5 January, 2022

YEREVAN, JANUARY 5, ARMENPRESS. The coronavirus situation is relatively calm in Armenia, with the virus reproduction number being below 1 at 0,9.

The CDC Director of the Department of Epidemiology of Infectious and Non-Infectious Diseases Romella Abovyan told ARMENPRESS that the virus reproduction number dropped 54% in the last 14 days compared to the previous two weeks.

“The share of positive tests is 1,3%. The hospitals aren’t overloaded now. The good news is that now, according to EU standards, Armenia is in the green zone,” Abovyan said.

However, Abovyan warned that they are expecting a rise in the new cases due to what she described as widespread non-compliance with safety guidelines and the active contacts between people during the holidays.

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 01/04/2022

                                        Tuesday, January 4, 2022


Armenian Authorities Block Inauguration Of Opposition Mayor

        • Susan Badalian

Armenia - Aharon Khachatrian is sworn in as mayor of Vartenis outside the 
municipal administration building cordoned off by police, January 4, 2022.


Police cordoned off the municipal administration building in Vartenis on Tuesday 
to prevent a local opposition figure from taking over as mayor of the eastern 
Armenian town and nearby villages.

The mostly rural community has been in turmoil since the December 5 election of 
a local council empowered to appoint its mayor. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
Civil Contract party garnered most votes but fell short of an overall majority 
in the 27-member council, winning only 13 seats there.

The remaining 14 seats were won by two local opposition blocs. They reached a 
power-sharing deal and nominated one of their leaders, Aharon Khachatrian, for 
the post of community head.

The 14 opposition members of the new Vartenis council elected Khachatrian as 
mayor during its inaugural session held on December 30. Civil Contract members 
led by Aram Melkonian, Vartenis’s incumbent mayor seeking reelection, tried to 
disrupt the session before walking out in protest.

Melkonian went on to ask Armenia’s Administrative Court to annul the appointment 
of the new mayor, saying that it was “illegal.” The opposition forces dismissed 
the allegation and scheduled Khachatrian’s inauguration for Monday.


Armenia - Vartenis Mayor Aram Melkonian tries to block the first session of the 
new local council controlled by opposition groups, December 30, 2021.

Scores of police officers deployed at the entrance to the local government 
building did not allow the council majority to enter it to hold the swearing-in 
ceremony. Local police chiefs told the oppositionists that Khachatrian cannot 
start performing his duties because of the lawsuit filed by the ruling party.

The ban angered Khachatrian’s supporters who gathered outside the building. “One 
gets the impression that the Civil Contract party has started a civil war 
against residents of Vartenis,” said one of them.

A lawyer representing Khachatrian insisted that council members are legally 
allowed to enter the building regardless of the court case. “The police are 
overstepping their powers,” he said.

Khachatrian had to take an oath of office in the building’s courtyard. His 
loyalists admitted that he will not be able to take office before a court 
verdict.

Meanwhile, Melkonian said that the police acted on his orders. “I personally 
made sure that this buffoonery doesn’t take place,” the incumbent mayor told 
reporters.

Melkonian said that the two opposition forces must not be allowed to run the 
community comprising Vartenis and two dozen villages because they “deceived” 
voters. He did not elaborate.

On Monday, the ruling party’s candidate called on all newly elected council 
members to resign and pave the way for a repeat election.

“The council held a session and elected a community head. What should we annul 
after that?” countered Davit Shahnazarian of the United Vartenis bloc allied to 
Khachatrian’s alliance.

United Vartenis’s leader was arrested on corruption charges shortly after the 
power-sharing deal cut by the two groups. Opposition politicians and human 
rights campaigners in Yerevan condemned his arrest, saying that it is part of a 
government crackdown on political figures who defeated Pashinian’s party in some 
of the three dozen communities across Armenia that elected their local councils 
on December 5.


Armenia - Opposition supporters hold pictures of former Vanadzor Mayor Mamikon 
Aslanian and other arrested opposition members during a demonstration in 
Yerevan, December 17, 2021.

Arman Tatoyan, the country’s human rights ombudsman, charged on December 17 that 
opposition groups that did well there are being illegally pressured not to 
install their leaders or allies as community heads.

“These practices are fundamentally at odds with democratic norms,” said Tatoyan.

Pashinian’s political allies maintain that neither these nor any other 
post-election criminal cases are politically motivated.

Pashinian’s party suffered its biggest election setback in Vanadzor, Armenia’s 
third largest city. It won only 25 percent of the vote there, compared with 39 
percent polled by a local bloc led by former Vanadzor Mayor Mamikon Aslanian.

Aslanian was thus well-placed to regain his post lost in October. But he was 
arrested on December 15 on corruption charges rejected by him as politically 
motivated.

The Administrative Court blocked the first session of the new Vanadzor council 
slated for December 24. It cited an appeal against the local election results 
lodged by another party that fared poorly in the ballot.


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2022 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Turkish press: Iranian, Armenian leaders discuss regional developments in phone call

Jeyhun Aliyev   |03.01.2022

ANKARA

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan spoke over the phone and discussed regional developments, an Iranian presidency statement said on Monday.

"Developing the level of cooperation and economic exchanges between Tehran and Yerevan, while ensuring the interests of all parties, will certainly provide security," the statement quoted Raisi as saying.

He emphasized that Iran is ready to increase trade activities with Armenia.

Calling for continuous communication and dialogue between the two nations at different levels, Raisi said that the "sensitivity of the situation" in the Caucasus region requires the regional countries to "regularly" discuss regional and bilateral issues.

"One of the key policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to support the territorial integrity and sovereignty of countries. In this regard, Tehran supports the sovereignty of Armenia over all territories and roads passing through that country," he added.

Raisi also welcomed the progress in the negotiation process between Armenia and Azerbaijan, adding that his country supports the "removal of roadblocks."

"We hope that other issues between the two countries will be resolved peacefully within the framework of international principles and law and witness more peace, stability and security in the region," he stressed.

Pashinyan, for his part, said: "We are confident that by increasing the level of cooperation and bilateral coordination, we can take important steps to establish peace and security in the region."

He went on to say that Armenia is determined to increase economic relations and interactions with Iran in all areas.

"There are many projects for the activities of Iranian companies in Armenia and we welcome the presence of more of these companies in the implementation of infrastructure projects," the Armenian prime minister said.

Armenian PM, Iran’s President talk bilateral relations, regional processes

Public Radio of Armenia
Jan 3 2022

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had a telephone conversation with the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Ebrahim Raisi.

The interlocutors discussed a number of issues related to the further development of Armenian-Iranian relations. The importance of close cooperation between the governments of the two countries aimed at strengthening economic ties was stressed.

Nikol Pashinyan and Ebrahim Raisi also referred to the processes taking place in the region.

The President of Iran congratulated the Prime Minister and the Armenian people on New Year and Christmas.

In his turn, Prime Minister Pashinyan congratulated the Christians of Iran on New Year and Christmas, and thanked the Islamic Republic of Iran for creating the necessary conditions for the preservation of the identity of the Armenians of Iran.

The interlocutors agreed to continue high-level contacts between the two countries.

Armenia lifts embargo on goods from Turkey, advancing thaw in relations

Middle East Monitor
Jan 2 2022

The Armenian government has announced that it is lifting its embargo on Turkish goods from the beginning of 2022, marking a new step in the thawing of relations between the two countries.

Armenia's economy ministry made the announcement in a Facebook post on Thursday, stating that "as a result of interdepartmental discussions, a decision was made not to extend the embargo on Turkish goods."

The embargo was imposed by Armenia due to Turkey's support of Azerbaijan during the six-week-long conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh towards the end of 2020. Since Baku's victory and subsequent internal political instability within Yerevan, however, the latter is now attempting to reconcile with Ankara and relations are being restored.

According to the ministry's statement, it is not only the revival of ties which necessitate the lifting of the embargo, but also the fact that Armenia has struggled economically with the lack of Turkish goods into the country.

READ: Exports are Turkey's means to tackle the sharp currency decline

Although it has resulted in "newly-established or expanded [domestic Armenian] production…the main negative effect of the embargo is the significant impact on inflation, which has been reflected especially in a number of consumer goods. There are many requests from our businessmen to lift the ban on the import of Turkish goods."

It added that the government expects backlash from the new players in the Armenian industries due to the return of Turkish goods, but assured that the authorities will maintain "the viability and competitiveness of such companies in the new conditions, assisting them with additional tools if necessary."

In mid-December, Turkey and Armenia agreed to appoint special envoys to each other's countries, advancing the normalisation process.

The reset in Turkish-Armenian relations is set to enable more than just the lifting of the embargo, with the reopening of the border between the two countries and the start of chartered flights between Yerevan and Istanbul also being enabled.

Earlier this week, the Turkish foreign minister announced that the bilateral talks will be held in Russia.

https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20220102-armenia-lifts-embargo-on-goods-from-turkey-advancing-thaw-in-relations/

New Vision of the Land Battle. Russian Lessons Learned – Nagorno Karabakh

Defence 24
Dec 29 2021

Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict in Nagorno Karabakh, which was making headlines in the autumn of 2020, has become a subject of numerous studies, carried out by analytical bodies around the world. The innovative operational activities that were undertaken by Azerbaijan, and a massacre of the Armenian armoured and mechanized units evoked several questions regarding the future conflicts and how they would be managed. The conflict in Nagorno Karabakh was dubbed as a tanks-drone war in Russia (voyna tankov i dronov). Numerous analysts identified that as a premise for future conflict.

The Nagorno Karabakh conflict has also become a subject of study for Russian analysts. Voyennaya Mysl [Military Thought] journal published an analysis of military activities in the armed conflicts of the 20th and 21st century, within the scope of developments in strategy, operations, and tactics, trying to forecast the trends in the future conflicts. A study by P.A. Dul'nev, S.A. Sychev and A.V. Garvardt is particularly interesting, as it covers the land elements tactics in the Karabakh conflict1.

Conflict Profile


Discussing the conflict, the authors indicate the unique nature of tactics adopted by the Azeri army who radically departed from the tactics used initially, with classic front strikes carried out by company and battalion tactical groups. The aforesaid tactics were moderately successful in the field, for instance in the Cəbrayıl district – south part of the frontline, along the Araks River. The Azeri side suffered from quantifiable losses in equipment, due to the ambushes or anti-tank squad operating in front of the front line of defence.

As several analogies emerge here, the situation may be compared to the WWI western front – where attacks against points of resistance generated significant losses, with minor, often temporary, territorial gains. The Azeri forces referred to the tactics that had been quite successfully used by the German assault elements of the infantry (Stosstruppen), starting from 1916. This set of tactics assumed mass use of small infantry elements infiltrating the adversary, creating confusion in his defensive effort. The mobile groups and raid elements (MG-RO, Rus. mobil'nyye gruppy, and reydovyye otryady) of varying sizes, from a squad to an infantry battalion, were based on broad employment of almost all SOF elements remaining at disposal of the command of the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan.

The GM-RO tactics of elements equipped with firearms, light mortars, ATGMs and MANPADS made optimal use of the mountainous areas that were hard to access, along with the passive defence tactics of the Armenian units – single points of resistance and local counter-attacks, in case of enemy penetration. The reactivity of the Artsakh made it possible for a deep infiltration, effective disorganizing and blocking of the activities, with the use of ambushes, artillery, and UAVs, as well as provision of effective support and reinforcements. Ultimately, the isolated points of resistance had to surrender to armoured-mechanized tactical elements, with aggressive involvement of GM-RO, attacking the Armenians from other directions.

The Russians indicated that apart from the MG-RO, the Azeri forces also broadly employed UAVs – aerial reconnaissance-strike complexes (Rus. razvedyvatel'no-udarnyye [razvedyvatel'no-ognevyye] kompleksy, RUK [ROK]), based on mixed flights of UAVs (strike, reconnaissance, EW). The mass employment of TB2, Orbiter UAVs, and Sky Stryker, Harop, and Orbiter-1K loitering munitions led to the destruction of virtually all air defence assets and inflicted major losses to armoured and mechanized units, and the artillery. The impunity of the UAVs supported by the MG-RO led to effective tactical isolation of defensive perimeters and points of resistance of the Artsakh defensive elements. The Armenian manoeuvring elements – armoured and mechanized units deployed up to 15 kilometres from the frontline, could not have reached the front to effectively begin an organized and timely counterattack, to efficiently support the defensive effort. Attempts to carry out counterattacks were made by the Artsakh MBT elements near Cəbrayıl (10th–11th October) and Zəngilan (20th–21st October) – resulting in major losses among the counterattacking forces, loss of territorial gain, without any major impact on, or hampering of the Azeri offensive.

The use of UCAVs in circumstances when the Armenian air defence system was disintegrated made it possible for the Azeri to attack targets everywhere, within the enemy-controlled area, effectively preventing delivery of supplies and reinforcements.
Photo. Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Defence

The Russian assessment suggests that the employment of UCAVs also made it possible to limit the use of conventional tactical aviation assets. This also led to a major increase in the effectiveness of artillery shelling – tube and rocket artillery assets that could have acted against the enemy through joint fires, across a short timeframe, remaining out of reach for the Armenian side2.

During the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, the Artsakh was often suffering from artillery shelling involving 130 mm M1954 (M-46) guns, effectively neutralizing the ground targets.
Photo. Azeri MoD

The Russians also point to the fact that the Armenians disregarded some of the experiences gained throughout the last decade:

a. Points of resistance were arranged in a way that did not take into account the capabilities of modern strike and reconnaissance assets; b. The available camouflage was being used routinely, or were ignored entirely in some cases; c. The points of resistance frequently had no covered and fortified firing positions and trenches that would prevent aerial strikes and observation; d. minefields were not dense and deep enough; e. several potential paths leading towards the defended area were not subjected to any engineering barrier-work.

One of the serious mistakes indicated by the Russians in the analytical study discussed here was the routine use [as in the case of the URAL-375D command vehicle here] or ignoring camouflage.
Photo. Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Defence


Conclusion


Generally, the Russian expert examination of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict did confirm the importance of the already known, and identified new trends in land tactics, and made it possible to issue recommendations on the enhancement of combat methods employed in joint forces setting.

  • The tactical solutions applied by the Azeri side do follow the tendency observed by the Russians, to spatially expand the battlefield and extend the combat environment. The experts suggest that this would bear a key relevance for further development of land tactics since battles would be further dispersed and volumetric in the future. This trend has been confirmed by the broad use of GM-RO by Azerbaijan, with those elements being able to operate semi-autonomously, away from their forces, but in close cooperation with forces and assets of other branches of the military.
  • The involvement of UAVs, artillery, EW, and information warfare in tactical activities of the infantry made it possible to penetrate the enemy lines deeply and has brought a multi-domain character to the joint forces setting.
  • The Russians came to a conclusion that systems should be put in place in the Russian military that would make it possible to reshape the forces and assets used for the given mission into an actual, synergy-driven joint forces system, regardless of the structural denomination, subordination, or levels of training.
  • Even though not all of the experiences gathered during the second war of Nagorno Karabakh are universal, as some refer just to highland warfare, the Russians emphasize the trend of departure from linear, to spatially dispersed combat elements. The said trend was evident in Karabakh, as both sides were driven to make all elements maximally autonomous, through the establishment of autonomous tactical groups.

Based on the Nagorno Karabakh experience, the Russian authors provided a force structure proposal, with the following elements:

a. Assault echelon (position-based) (Rus. shturmovoy (pozitsionnyy) eshelon), that is tasked with taking over the key facilities (hence, position-based), decisive for disintegrating the enemy defence; b. Strike-maneuver echelon (Rus. udarno-manevrennyy eshelon), tasked with deployment and successful activities behind the enemy lined (raids, ambushes), covering of the flanks, manoeuvre-based defence, and as a counter-landing asset; c. Joint Operations echelon  (Rus. eshelon kompleksnogo vozdeystviya), working on force integration, aimed at reduction of enemy potential to the level allowing completion of tasks assigned, minimizing the casualties and loss of equipment/armament; d. Support echelon (Rus. eshelon obespecheniya), providing support in combat and securing the operations; e. Airborne echelon (Rus. vozdushnyy eshelon), tasked with strike and recon missions, supporting the tactical groups of the land echelons.

The Russians suggest that division as above, based on the tasking, makes it possible to effectively arm ad equip the tactical squads of the echelons listed and development of operational methodology and proper training activities.

The aforementioned modular combat deployment concept defined by the Russian analysts, considers the following tactical domains to be the most important ones, for further development of the Russian land tactics:

a. Examination and implementation of methods for preparing and using the autonomous tactical elements in combat, along with methods for synchronizing these activities, within the framework of an established plan of the land operation; b. Establishment of organization and introduction of aerial unmanned strike-reconnaissance complexes [RUK-ROK], of varied structure, making it possible to act against enemy targets across his lines, also deep behind them; c. Development of methods for force and assets integration, as those forces are involved in activities targeting the enemy (multi-domain impact); d. Development of a comprehensive air/missile/space defence system, and effective methods for defending own forces from airstrikes, which is relevant when in war with an enemy who has a strong air component at his disposal, also involving UAVs, and – in the future – cruise missiles.

The detailed outline suggested that the development of forms and methods adopted for tactical operations in the Russian land component should be focused on gaining the following capabilities:

a. Rapid disorganization of the enemy defence, achieved through neutralization of critical targets, defeating of the main forces briefly via synchronized land operational activities (assault, raids, recon) and airstrikes, as well as tactical landing operations across the dispersed battlespace, with the use of high tech assets; b. Organization of effective air defence systems, and tactical camouflage, ensuring effective protection of own forces from an airstrike. c. Effective implementation of a recon-strike cycle (Rus.  razvedka— porazheniye); d. Gaining a high level of situational awareness of own elements; e. Organization and cooperation between heterogeneous forces, and assets, and maintaining their resilience in adverse tactical conditions; f. Complementing the capabilities of land forces with the use of robotic systems (Rus. robototekhnicheskiye kompleksy, RTK), be it land-based, or aerial ones, of different purpose, especially when engaged in high loss level operations; g. Establishment of new elements of own forces with particular attention paid to specific tactical circumstances providing a capacity to redistribute tasks between them during the combat operations, in real-time, based on real-time data on the status of every element, mission status – for completed and assigned objectives, and taking into the account the results of operational modelling for combat development; h. Increasing survivability of the individual weapons systems achieved thanks to information transfer capability regarding data on the adversary, within elements, in the event of fault or neutralization of any subsystems (command communications, navigation, targeting, etc.); i. Organizing an effective system for multidimensional support of the land operations.

Summary


The Russian lessons, learned from the 2020 Nagorno Karabakh conflict show a comprehensive and modern approach towards joint operations in a modern setting. Although operations in Nagorno-Karabakh were nothing new, tactics-wise (infiltration), a well-thought-over implementation of legacy tactical solutions and adaptation to the terrain, fused with the use of modern weapons systems, does prove the innovation when it comes to Azeri tactics.

Implementation of the organizational and tactical solutions suggested by the authors, and embedding them within the training curriculum would be another element of modernization in the Russian Armed Forces. One shall assume that, as a result of those changes, the Russian land forces would be better suited to work on a dispersed battlefield, increasing their efficiency in completing the assigned tasks, departing from conventional forms of operations so characteristic for the previous era.

Even though the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was taking place in a mountainous area primarily, Poland shall conduct an in-depth analysis of infiltration tactics and capacity available to the adversary, when fighting a Polish defensive formation in the Kaliningrad area for instance. One should also pay attention to the modular force model proposed by the specialists of the Moscow Armed Forces Academy, especially when it comes to the use of unmanned systems in air and ground support.

Paweł Makowiec, PhD, Territorial Defence Department of the University of Land Forces, Wrocław. The opinions in the present article do not constitute the official stance of the University, they are private views of the author.

[1] P.A. Dul'nev, S.A. Sychov, A.V. Garvardt, Osnovnyye napravleniya razvitiya taktiki Sukhoputnykh voysk (po opytu vooruzhennogo konflikta v Nagornom Karabakhe) [Eng. Main Directions for Development of Tactics for the Land Forces (based on experiences of the armed conflict in Nagorno Karabakh)], Voyennaya Mysl’, No.11, Moscow 2021.; the authors belong to the academic cadre of the Military Scientific-Training Centre for the Land Forces of the “General Military Armed Forces Academy” in Moscow – a counterpart of the Polish University of Land Forces [AWL]. 

[2] The Azeri have grouped all of their Dana M-1 howitzers (36 examples) to form a brigade-level artillery element used to conduct concentrated shelling against the attacked structures.

Turkish press: Armenian and Greek lobbies can’t get enough defeat


They couldn't stop the Türksat 5A communications satellite, so they tried to stop the 5B. Significant investments aimed toward Turkey's future cause serious discomfort among well-known lobbies in the United States of America. When any of our country's breakthrough projects come to light, the Armenian and Greek lobbies raise their voices and do all they can behind the scenes to speed up efforts to prevent them. The Türksat satellites had the same effect on these lobbies, who stirred things up in the U.S., however, it was all in vain. While I was proud of the Türksat 5B satellite as it launched into space on Dec. 19, it also made me think about what these lobbies did over the past year. Or rather, what they tried to do.

As you may recall, the Turkish-built armed drones that were provided to Azerbaijan and played a great role in its victory in last year's Nagorno-Karabakh war made the Armenian lobby in the U.S. uneasy, and they immediately began to push all their buttons. In order to prevent the launch of the Türksat 5A satellite, Elon Musk's company SpaceX was showered with messages and Musk was asked to cancel the agreement. Of course these efforts – which lacked logical standing – proved fruitless. 5A was launched into space in January of this year and was in orbit within a few months. This defeat did not stop these lobbies. With the same effort, they targeted the next project, this time setting their sights on the 5B.

The Hellenic American Leadership Council (HALC) and the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) spent a great deal of energy trying to stop SpaceX, which also launched Turkey's 5B satellite into space. Not only did they harass SpaceX, which was not bothered by their previous obstruction efforts, they also sent a letter to the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). In the letter, they argued that the satellite would be used for a “dangerous military exercise,” and for that reason, they requested that the launch be blocked. HALC and ANCA also sent letters to SpaceX. They expected to reach a different result by taking the same path, but of course, that didn't happen. They were met by defeat at the end of the road once again.

Ultimately, their excitement came to an end on Dec. 19. Despite all the pressure from both lobbies, Turkey's new communication satellite was successfully launched from Cape Canaveral Space Force Station in the state of Florida. The new satellite was sent into space with Elon Musk's aerospace and space transportation company SpaceX at 6:58 a.m. Turkey time. This increased the number of Turkey's active satellites to five and brought the total number to eight.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan issued a video message following the launch of Türksat 5B into space. In the message, Erdoğan said: “We launched Türksat 5B – our country's most powerful and highest-capacity communication satellite – into space. On behalf of myself and my country, I congratulate Mr. Musk and SpaceX for not giving in to the pressure and blackmail of anti-Turkey lobbies.”

Türksat 5B will be 20 times more efficient than other stationary satellites and will go down on record as the satellite with the highest payload capacity in Turkey. For the first time, domestic design and production equipment played a role in the development of a commercial communications satellite. Two communication equipment units produced by the Turkish defense corporation Aselsan with the support of Turkish engineers were used in the 5B.

The Türksat 5B will increase Turkey's satellite data communication capacity (Ka-band) by 15 times and will play an effective role in the maritime sector and in aviation where satellite communication is used. In addition, thanks to the high data capacity it provides, it will now be possible to reach places that cannot be accessed by Turkey's terrestrial infrastructure. With the launch of the satellite in orbit at 42 degrees East, the Ka-band's capacity and data service will increase. Redundancy will be ensured for the Türksat 3A and 4A satellites serving in the same orbit.

Due to Türksat 5B, which has a maneuver life of over 35 years, the coverage area and speed of domestic and national antenna family PeycON services are also increasing. With the development of the satellite's coverage, it will now be possible to use the MicrON, AerrOn, HidrON and TerrON antenna family's internet, corporate network and backhauling services in many countries.

In short, the Greek and Armenian lobbies in America were left empty-handed. However, they will not have to wait long to once again launch a campaign of propaganda against Turkey, as Transport and Infrastructure Minister Adil Karaismailoğlu announced the good news that the development of the 6A is nearing completion. “The days when the 6A will take its place space are very near. We are now in the testing phase. We plan to launch it into space in 2023,” he said.

The news of the 6A – which will greatly expand our satellite coverage area – must have already begun to resonate in the U.S. Hearing this, the lobbies will once again roll up their sleeves, and their emails and letters will shoot through the air. But we know that they will once again be left empty-handed.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Op-Ed contributor based in Istanbul

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 12/28/2021

                                        Tuesday, 


Coup Charges Dropped Against Armenian Oppositionists

        • Naira Bulghadarian

Armenia -- Former National Security Service Director Artur Vanetsian speaks at 
an opposition rally in Yerevan, November 21, 2020.


Armenia’s National Security Service (NSS) has reportedly dropped coup charges 
that were brought against its former director, Artur Vanetsian, and another 
prominent opposition figure one year ago.

Vanetsian, who now leads a major opposition party, Ashot Minasian, a militia 
commander critical of the Armenian government, as well as two other 
oppositionists were detained in November 2020 amid anti-government protests in 
Yerevan sparked by Armenia’s defeat in the six-week war with Azerbaijan

The NSS charged them with plotting to kill Pashinian and overthrow his 
government. The NSS claimed to have found large quantities of weapons and 
ammunition in a property belonging to Minasian.

All four men rejected the charges as politically motivated before being freed by 
courts a few days later.

Vanetsian’s lawyers said on Tuesday that a senior NSS investigator has decided 
to close the criminal case against their client for lack of evidence.

“The decision made confirmed that there was no conspiracy to assassinate Nikol 
Pashinian or seize power,” the lawyers, Yervand Varosian and Lusine Sahakian, 
said in a joint statement.

Vanetsian, who headed the NSS from 2018-2019, described the yearlong probe as 
“yet another show staged against me.”

“For a whole year, the authorities claimed that ‘they tried to kill the prime 
minister’ and thereby justified the presence of armed people in the National 
Assembly,” he told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “But as we can see, the criminal 
case opened one year ago … had nothing to do with reality. All steps taken by 
the authorities are aimed at protecting their power.”


Armenia - Ashot Minasian.

Minasian was also cleared of the coup charges, according to his lawyer, Mihran 
Poghosian.

The prominent Karabakh war veteran was arrested as recently as on December 1. 
Poghosian said he continues to be accused of illegal arms possession and will 
therefore remain in detention for now. Minasian denies that accusation as well.

Earlier this year, the Armenian Ministry of Justice asked the country’s judicial 
watchdog to take disciplinary action against a judge who refused to issue an 
arrest warrant for Minasian in November 2020. The judge, Arman Hovannisian, 
described the move as government retribution for his decision.

The NSS did not comment on the latest developments. It was also not immediately 
clear whether the two other suspects were also cleared of the alleged coup plot.



Deadlock Continues Over Parliament Post

        • Artak Khulian

Armenia - Artur Ghazinian of the opposition Hayastan bloc attends a meeting of 
the Armenian parliament committee on defense and security, September 22, 2021.


A key committee of the Armenian parliament failed to elect its deputy chairman 
for the 18th consecutive time on Tuesday as its pro-government members continued 
to object to an opposition candidate for the post.

Armenian law entitles opposition lawmakers to heading three of the parliament’ 
12 standing committees. It stipulates that the deputy chairpersons of several 
other parliamentary panels should also represent the opposition minority in the 
National Assembly.

The main opposition Hayastan alliance nominated this summer one of its 
lawmakers, Artur Ghazinian, as deputy head of the parliament committee on 
defense and security. He was also backed by the Pativ Unem bloc, the second 
parliamentary opposition force.

Seven members of the 11-member committee representing the ruling Civil Contract 
party have blocked Ghazinian’s appointment since then. Some of them have cited 
Ghazinian’s harsh criticism of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s handling of last 
year’s war in Nagorno-Karabakh. Hayastan responded by re-nominating him for the 
vacant post for 13 more times.

A senior Civil Contract lawmaker, Armen Khachatrian, again demanded on Tuesday 
that the opposition minority propose another candidate.

“I won’t name names today there are opposition members of the committee who are 
acceptable candidates for us,” Khachatrian told reporters.

“We could have appointed our candidate today or a week ago, which could have 
been totally legitimate and legal … and closed the issue,” he said. “But this is 
a political decision to enable the opposition to field its candidate.”

Hayastan’s Gegham Manukian rejected the demand, saying that the opposition 
alliance is continuing to insist on Ghazinian’s candidacy. “Nobody can impose 
their will on us,” he said.



Another Former Armenian POW Arrested

        • Naira Bulghadarian

Armenia - A soldier at an Armenian army post on the border with 
Azerbaijan,November 12, 2021.


An Armenian court has allowed law-enforcement authorities to arrest another 
soldier who was freed and repatriated by Azerbaijan earlier this month.

Major Narek Yeremian was among three dozen Armenian soldiers taken prisoner 
during the November 16 fighting on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border which left at 
least 13 troops from both sides dead. The Armenian military also lost two border 
posts in what Yerevan condemned as an Azerbaijani incursion into Armenian 
territory.

Baku freed ten POWs on December 4. A few days later, Armenia’s Investigative 
Committee arrested four of them on charges of violating “rules for performing 
military service.”

The law-enforcement body said they tried to negotiate with, rather than engage, 
Azerbaijani troops that attacked and seized their border post. It filed the same 
accusation carrying between three and seven years in prison against Yeremian.

A court of first instance refused to sanction the officer’s arrest, however. The 
Court of Appeals overturned that decision late on Monday.

Yeremian’s lawyer, Karmen Poghosian, said on Tuesday that he only partly accepts 
the accusations and maintains that he and his subordinates “didn’t have enough 
time to destroy the enemy that intruded the position.”

“They didn’t leave their position, flee and surrender,” Poghosian told RFE/RL’s 
Armenian Service.

A lawyer representing another arrested soldier said on December 14 that he and 
his comrades repeatedly warned their senior commanders about an Azerbaijani 
military buildup in the border area but were ordered not to open fire.

Armenian opposition politicians have for months accused the government of not 
allowing army units to shoot at Azerbaijani forces attacking them at various 
sections of the border. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian insisted on November 17 
that neither he nor any other official had ever issued no-shoot orders.

Baku set free on December 19 ten other Armenian soldiers captured on November 
16. None of them is known to have been indicted so far.


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
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