Armenian Battle of the Weak

Armenian Battle of the Weak

Armenia won’t see a repetition of Georgia’s “rose revolution” – the
opposition is as ineffective as the government it faces.

By Alexander Iskandarian in Yerevan (CRS No. 229, 28-Apr-04)

This month’s battle between the opposition and the governing coalition in
Armenia has been compared to events last November in Georgia, which led to
the downfall of President Eduard Shevardnadze.

It’s understandable that parallels should be drawn with Georgia’s “rose
revolution”: the two countries are neighbours, they share a similar
post-Soviet legacy, and in both cases the opposition employed the same
methods to rock the government boat – rallies, marches and demands for the
president to step down.

Yet, despite many similarities with Georgia, the Armenian situation is
actually very different.

What they have in common relates mainly to the nature of their ruling
regimes. As in most post-Soviet societies, the leadership is determined by a
kind of social compact between a variety of elite groups. In these poor
countries lacking in democratic traditions, the elites – political, business
(very often criminalised) and, in the case of Armenia, the military – have
created a system of political-economic groupings.

The feuding between these groups replaces the more conventional politics
seen in other countries.

Ordinary people play little part in Armenian politics, except during
elections – but even then the authorities find ways of manipulating the
vote. As a result, it becomes virtually impossible for power to shift
outside the existing political establishment. This creates tensions which
can only be relieved through external pressure on the authorities, in other
words from the streets. Those groups which are not part of the system of
power, or have been expelled from it, have no incentive to wait for the next
round of elections.

So far, Georgia and Armenia look very similar. But the differences between
them begin to be apparent when one looks at the very different outcomes of
the protests.

The Shevardnadze regime was so weak that its police force would not have
obeyed orders to break up the demonstrations. In Armenia, by contrast, the
alliance of convenience between army generals, business barons and regional
leaders was sufficiently strong for them to that feel their interests would
be threatened if Robert Kocharian, re-elected as president a year ago, were
to be overthrown.

Moreover, Armenia does not have a united opposition. One wing of the
opposition is formally headed by Stepan Demirchian, but he is such a weak
politician that his movement really has several leaders.

Another wing is led by Artashes Gegamian, a former mayor of Yerevan and an
accomplished orator who can impress a crowd, but has the reputation of being
an opportunist.

The leaders of the other parties and groups have no presidential ambitions,
but have not been able to unite with the more powerful opposition factions.

Armenia’s divided opposition forces have very different ideas about how they
would share out positions if they ever came to power. Lacking a single
leader, they have also signally failed to demonstrate unity to the
population at large. Basically their slogan has been, “Kocharian must go!
And then let the people decide”.

The first opposition rallies were staged in isolation from one another, and
with a diversity of demands, all of which underlined the lack of an agreed
programme. Opposition leaders therefore squandered their resources, opting
instead for a blitzkrieg strategy of confrontation.

All the talk of an “Armenian rose revolution” would not have merited a
second thought were this amorphous opposition facing a legitimate governing
regime that could count on the support of a substantial section of society.

But in reality the government is beset by exactly the same problems that
afflict the opposition. It is marked by decentralisation, incompetence at a
strategic level, a tendency to overestimate its own strength and, last but
not least, an inability and lack of will to engage in dialogue and
compromise.

On the one hand, the administration does not feel strong enough to become
genuinely dictatorial, while on the other, it knows it is estranged from
society and cannot call on public support. In Georgia a strong opposition
was fighting a power vacuum at the centre. In Armenia a weak opposition is
fighting a weak government.

On the night of April 12-13, dozens of opposition demonstrators were hurt
when police broke up a rally outside the parliament building. The brutality
could have been anticipated. In a country ruled by elite groups, decisions
at times of crisis are taken at a very low level by small groups, and the
system begins to act aggressively.

All this – especially the aggressive stance – shows up the weakness of the
authorities. The break-up of the rally, the official statements that the
demonstrators were – at 2am – obstructing the work of parliament, that
policemen had “not noticed” that the men whose cameras they were breaking
were journalists – all this was no less a sign of helplessness than the
opposition’s idea of marching on parliament in the first place.

One result of the aggressive action taken by the Armenian leadership is that
the public now understands how weak the regime is. That means society will
continue to generate opposition groupings.

The demonstrations will continue, but the opposition will remain weak and
disorganised as long as it remains in the phase of “negative identity” – in
other words, as long as its only unifying idea is changing the regime and
nothing more.

The government, too, will only get weaker as long as it equates political
strength with the capacity to bash opposition demonstrators over the head
with truncheons and put up roadblocks around Yerevan to stop people from the
provinces attending demonstrations.

It is not so important who wins in this confrontation, or when that happens.
At present there is a stalemate in which both sides reject dialogue,
compromise is impossible, and – in line with Armenian political tradition –
no one ever admits they have lost an election or a political fight.
Meanwhile, the political system as a whole is losing yet more legitimacy.

Armenia has declared it wants to become part of Europe, but the latest
events suggest that it is actually joining Latin America. This might be seen
as a success: politically speaking, other post-Soviet states are on the same
level as some of the worst African countries.

But that is little consolation for Armenia’s political culture – the country
is a long way off having a real political opposition that wants to devise
real policies and that is based on genuine party structures and the positive
support of broad sections of society.

When that eventually comes about, it will be impossible for the police to
break up demonstrations because hundreds, rather than tens, of thousands of
people will take part – people who know what they want to happen after the
resignation of the president, not just before it. In fact, there will be no
need for demonstrations at all because it will be a different kind of
opposition, one that the authorities have to compromise and share influence
with, as happens in many Latin American countries.

Armenia still has a long way to go before that happens. For the moment it
faces the prospect of a long stalemate between a weak opposition and weak
government, where it does not matter who emerges as victor.

Alexander Iskandarian is pro-rector of the Caucasus Media Institute in
Yerevan.

Armenia counting on $20 mln World Bank roads loan

30.04.2004 07:55:00 GMT
Armenia counting on $20 mln World Bank roads loan

Yerevan. April 29 (Interfax) – The government of Armenia is engaged in loan
talks with the World Bank for $20 million for revitalizing local roadways,
First Deputy Transport and Communications Minster Grand Beglaryan announced
at a Thursday briefing.

The government has already applied to the World Bank and the amount of work
ahead is being figured out. It will take around $300 million to revitalize
all the country’s local road networks.

BAKU: PM of Az meets FM of Georgia

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
May 1 2004

PRIME MINITER OF AZERBAIJAN MEETS FOREIGN MINISTER OF GEORGIA
[May 01, 2004, 21:28:48]

Prime Minister of Azerbaijan Artur Rasizadeh received Minister of
Foreign Affairs of Georgia Mrs. Salome Zurabishvili staying in
Azerbaijan for a visit, May 1.

Having congratulated Mrs. Salome Zurabishvili on her appointment to the
high office, Prime Minister Artur Rasizadeh noted that Azerbaijan
attaches great significance to development of political, economic and
cultural relations with neighboring Georgia. Underlining the importance
of intensifying Azerbaijan-Georgia joint economic commission’s
activity, the Prime Minister expressed satisfaction with successful
joint implementation of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and
Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum oil and gas pipelines projects, and pointed to
their good perspectives for the region.

However, Prime Minister Artur Rasizadeh noted touching upon the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict that destructive position of Armenia has a
very negative impact on both realization of the mentioned projects and
development of the region as whole.

Thanking the Prime Minister for the sincere meeting, Mrs. Salome
Zurabishvili informed him in detail on the fruitful meetings and talks
she had had in Baku. The Georgian Foreign Minister pointed to
Azerbaijan’s economic revival in a short period and drastic differences
in development between the two neighboring countries, and expressed
confidence in continuation of their close cooperation for the sake of
reestablishment of peace and stability in the region, fair settlement
of the conflicts and further economic progress.

During the meeting held in the sincere atmosphere, the parties also
exchanged views on a number of other issues of mutual interests.

Present at the meeting were Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Georgia Ramiz
Hasanov and Ambassador of Georgia to Azerbaijan Zurab Gumberidzeh.

Testing Their Faith

Newsday, NY
May 3 2004

RWANDA: A SPECIAL REPORT

Testing Their Faith
An overwhelmingly Christian country is shaken when church grounds
become killing fields

By Dele Olojede
Foreign Editor

SOVU, Rwanda – As a young girl growing up here in the hills above the
local monastery of the Benedictines, Regine Niyonsaba sometimes caught
sight of the nuns, immaculate in their white habits, heads covered
discreetly in the chocolate-brown scarves of the Belgian order.

While the nuns rarely left the monastery compound, each time Niyonsaba
saw them she dreamed of one day entering the order, living in the
impeccable monastery with like-minded sisters, and away from the
uniform wretchedness of the poverty that otherwise defined life in this
rural commune, barely five miles west of the southern university town
of Butare.

At the age of 20, she enrolled as a novice.

But five years later her tranquil world of prayer and meditation was
shattered at the outset of the Rwandan genocide of 1994, during which
the government mobilized the Hutu majority to exterminate members of
the minority Tutsi, such as herself.

Like thousands of other Tutsi fleeing the bloodbath, Niyonsaba’s family
had sought refuge in the monastery compound. But the mother superior, a
Hutu whipped up by the official incitement to murder, had invited in
the militias and local officials carrying out the genocide, saying the
presence of the refugees was a threat to her domain.

The mother superior, Sister Gertrude Mukangango, insisted that the
relatives of nuns also be expelled from their sanctuary in the
monastery’s guest quarters, knowing full well that she was sending them
to their deaths, as numerous witnesses, human rights organizations and
Belgian prosecutors would later establish. Niyonsaba’s father and
brother already had been killed elsewhere in the monastery compound in
the preceding 15 days, along with nearly 7,000 others.

And now, on May 6, 1994, under the gun of a police officer, Niyonsaba
followed her mother and two younger sisters down a footpath to a banana
grove on the far side of the compound. They were accompanied by another
nun, Sister Fortunata Mukagasana, whose relatives also were slated for
execution that Monday afternoon.

The police officer, Francois-Xavier Munyeshyaka, was in fact doing
Niyonsaba’s family a favor of sorts. In consideration for a sum of
7,000 Rwandan francs, he had agreed to shoot the novice’s mother and
sisters rather than leave their fates in the hands of the militia, who
favored the use of machetes and nail-studded clubs.

“We asked him why he was killing our families. Why? He said the mission
he was given was that no nun should be killed, but all the others must
die,” Niyonsaba recalled recently. “We buried them at the spot where
they were killed.”

Dazed from the execution, Niyonsaba stumbled back to her quarters and
locked herself in. But since that afternoon in the banana grove,
Niyonsaba knew that her days as a nun were numbered and, soon after the
genocide ended, she walked away from it all.

“Ever since,” says Niyonsaba, now 35, “I lost hope in the spiritual
life. I lost faith in my life as a nun.”

The massacre at Sovu monastery has recast the lives of many of its nuns
who survived the genocide. The trauma cut some loose from their
religious moorings and sent them to seek the less exalted experiences
of the secular life. Yet others profess even more fervor for their
faith, seeing it as the price to pay for having been spared. Nine of
the original 36 nuns were killed during the genocide. Six remain, and
the rest quit the order.

The travails of the nuns in many respects reflect the spiritual
wilderness many Rwandans inhabit today.

Ten years after the genocide, in which an estimated 800,000 Tutsi and
moderate Hutu were killed, the question of personal faith has become a
profoundly disorienting one for many in Africa’s most overwhelmingly
Christian – and overwhelmingly Catholic – country. The moral crisis
triggered by the decimation has compelled many survivors to re-examine
their relationship with the church – and with Christianity in general.

Aiding and Abetting

Some of the worst massacres occurred right inside churches and parish
compounds, many with the active collaboration of priests.

Many other priests risked everything to save lives, and more than 200
of them were believed murdered along with their parishioners. One
particularly courageous priest, Father Boniface Senyenzi, who was Hutu,
stood steadfast with the thousands who sought refuge in the Roman
Catholic Church in the lakeside city of Kibuye. He was killed, along
with 11,400 people in the church.

But many more became foot soldiers in the extermination campaign or
passively accepted its inevitability. Among the most notorious was
Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, the first priest to be convicted of
genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal in Arusha, Tanzania,
which is trying a few of the leaders.

In his Kigali church Munyeshyaka presided gleefully over the mass
murder, egged his congregation on to greater effort in their “work,”
and often read from a list of those Tutsi who must die. The mother
superior at Sovu, too, is serving a 15-year sentence in a Belgian
prison.

Throughout Rwanda the smashed skulls of the innocent are in church pews
still as a memorial. In the church in Ntarama, south of Kigali, more
than 5,000 perished at the hands of government armed killers. And at
Nyarubuye, the priests gave up thousands of Tutsi parishioners who
sought sanctuary at the only place they thought they could safely turn.

As a result of what many survivors see as treachery, the primacy of the
Catholic church in civic and spiritual life in Rwanda has come under
increasing strain. Estrangement from the church has pushed many into
the willing arms of evangelicals. Others appear to have turned their
backs on Christianity altogether, seeking refuge in Islam, which had
few adherents as a percentage of this country’s population of about 8
million. Yet others have abandoned religion entirely.

Accurate statistics are hard to come by in Rwanda. But experts say the
genocide has helped demystify the Catholic Church, easing the way for
many of its adherents to flock to the proselytizing evangelical
churches whose revival tents sprout like toadstools throughout the
Kigali metropolitan area.

“The evangelical Christians – the born-agains – they are growing very
fast,” says Privat Rutazibwa, a former Catholic priest who was inducted
by John Paul II on Sept. 8, 1990, when the pope visited Rwanda. “They
have attracted people who have been overwhelmed by problems and need an
external force to help them.” Rutazibwa felt compelled to quit the
priesthood but remains a Catholic, though an openly skeptical one.

Archbishop’s Response

The head of the Roman Catholic Church in Rwanda, Archbishop Thaddée
Ntihinyurwa, acknowledged a flight from the church by an indeterminate
portion of his flock. This, the archbishop hinted most certainly
reflects poor judgment.

“If they think by leaving the church they can live better lives, it’s
their choice,” he said one recent Saturday afternoon in his Kigali
office. “Christianity is not about numbers, but about those who have
accepted Jesus in their lives.”

And despicable as the genocide was, said the archbishop, and as
impermeable to Christ’s teachings many citizens proved to be, in the
end nothing that happened here in 1994 was unprecedented or even
uniquely Rwandan.

“Many have asked, how can a Christian country do this? My answer is you
can’t talk only about Rwanda; talk about human beings who have not
accepted Christ in their hearts,” Ntihinyurwa says. “There have been
genocides in other countries, and the first genocides happened in
Christian countries also, like Germany and Armenia.”

The official line laid down by the Vatican, and still followed by the
church hierarchy in Rwanda, is that individual priests, and not the
church, must be held accountable for the genocide.

Church and State

With the possible exception of the government, the Roman Catholic
Church was the most powerful institution in Rwanda. It always had been
intertwined with the political establishment. The church ran 60 percent
of Rwandan schools, even enforcing strict quotas that limited Tutsi
enrollment to their proportion of the overall population. It operated
clinics and relief services. In the rural areas, which accounted for
nearly 90 percent of the population, often the church functioned
effectively like the social services department of the government.

Until the pope ended the practice in 1990, the archbishop was a member
of the ruling council of the ruling party, whose primary ideology of
Hutu Power defined itself as anti-Tutsi, and eventually metamorphosed
into a campaign to turn Rwanda into the exclusive preserve of the Hutu
majority.

Ntihinyurwa’s predecessor, Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva, was a member
of the Hutu Power cabinet that presided over the genocide. (He was
killed in June 1994 in a revenge shooting by rebel soldiers, who held
him responsible for the genocide.) Church documents show that priests
even adopted the language of the genocidaires, routinely referring to
Tutsi as inyenzi, or cockroaches.

Today the church co-exists warily with the government of President Paul
Kagame, a Tutsi whose rebel Rwandan Patriotic Force halted the genocide
by defeating the army of the old regime. Several priests have been
found guilty of complicity in the genocide, and dozens remain in jail,
along with some 100,000 genocide suspects. The most senior cleric
charged so far, a bishop, was found not guilty.

“In the beginning the government blamed the church for not stopping the
genocide,” Archbishop Ntihinyurwa says. “The church defense was that
our only weapon was the word of God, and the word of God was no longer
being listened to.”

Violence in Butare

The genocide commenced in earnest after the plane carrying President
Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down on the night of April 6, 1994, as it
approached Kigali airport. But the violence took nearly two weeks to
spread to Butare province, alone of the country’s 12 prefectures in
initially resisting state-sanctioned murder.

Mild-mannered in its climate and moderate in its politics – perhaps on
account of the concentration of the country’s intellectuals at the
National University – Butare set itself apart for a while from the
genocidal frenzy radiating outward from Kigali to the rest of the
country. Opposition Hutu politicians predominated in the province,
which also had the country’s only Tutsi prefect, Jean-Baptiste
Habyarimana.

Hutu were reluctant to kill Tutsi and, so, on April 19, 1994, the
interim president, Theodore Sindikubwabo, a Butare native, visited
Butare to rally local officials. He expressed disappointment that they
were failing to carry out their communal responsibility – their
umuganda – by not mobilizing the population to de-Tutsify the
prefecture.

That same day, mass killings began throughout the region. The Tutsi
were on the run.

In April 1994, as the Tutsi of these parts were driven from their
homesteads and sorghum fields by drunken members of the interahamwe
militia, they began to funnel downhill toward the monastery, seeking
refuge. Some had family there, but most simply acted on the assumption
that the only inviolable sanctuary available to them was the house of
God.

It was not an unreasonable assumption. In all the previous anti-Tutsi
pogroms, in 1959 and then in 1961-63, there’s no record of anyone ever
killed within a church compound.

The monastery sits near the base of a series of hills. At its entrance
is a large health center. An immaculately kept garden dotted with
gazebos conveys a sense of tranquility. The administrative building
complex, where the monastery intersects as needed with the secular
world, sits at the end of the driveway. Church buildings and other
facilities are scattered around and about. And partially hidden from
view are the nuns’ quarters.

Above the monastery the hills rise into the distance, covered by pine,
stands of eucalyptus, and banana groves. The land, to paraphrase the
South African writer Alan Paton, is green and rolling, and is beautiful
beyond any singing of it.

A Malevolent Duo

The assumption by the frightened Tutsi of the inviolability of the
monastery did not count on the simmering malevolence of the mother
superior, Sister Mukagango, and her deputy, Sister Julienne Kisito.

“Our family members ran to the monastery expecting to find sanctuary,”
says Bernadette Kayitesi, a nun who also left the order in the
aftermath of the genocide. “But what happened – our mother superior was
the one who began requesting for the militia to come and kill them.”

Over the coming days, Kayitesi’s two brothers hiding in the compound
would be killed as the mother superior worked closely with the
interahamwe – “those who fight together” – to clean the refugees out of
the monastery compound. “I did not know,” Kayitesi would marvel today,
shaking her head, “how a person we thought was good came to be so
evil.”

Within two days, about 7,000 Tutsi were packed into the monastery
compound, most at the health center near the main entrance. According
to other nuns, the mother superior grew increasingly agitated, saying
the militia should get rid of the refugees and insisting that she
didn’t want to jeopardize the monastery. In interviews in Belgium
before she was convicted in June 2001, Mukangango denied collaborating
with killers. “These charges against me are false because they
attribute to me intentions I never had,” she told Belgian television.

But like many other witnesses, Anunciata Mukagasana, one of the Sovu
nuns who is Tutsi, says the mother superior acted promptly to turn the
refugees over to the killers.

“As the refugees came, her heart hardened,” she says of Mukangango.
“She worked closely with Rekeraho, who was in the monastery every day.”

For three months in 1994, Emmanuel Rekeraho was the most-feared man in
Sovu. A retired army warrant officer, he took charge of the militia and
directed the attacks on the refugees seeking shelter in the monastery.
He also was given use of the monastery’s minivan, and held meetings
daily with the mother superior and her second in command, Sister
Kisito.

“I had good relations with the sisters,” he says in an interview on
death row in Butare Central Prison. “We were working together as one.”

Rekeraho described how he coordinated repeated attacks on the refugees
barricaded inside the health center, using grenades and rifle fire, and
then directing the militia to finish off survivors with studded clubs
and cutlasses. A few hundred hiding in a nearby parking garage were
simply burned alive, with gasoline allegedly supplied by Kisito, whose
brothers were members of the interahamwe.

In his hot-pink prison uniform, Rekeraho affects the befuddlement of
someone whose actions were so extreme they were a surprise even to
himself. “In those days, people had been turned to animals,” he says.
“You should have seen the faces – just like animals.

“I accept a role in the killings, by commanding the militia who were
there,” he adds, “but I cannot accept that I am one of the architects
of the genocide.”

Rekeraho, 65, is aware that the “architects” are the only ones the
government is not prepared to grant amnesty. In 1999 he was sentenced
to die, but the sentence has not been carried out by the government
because officials are debating whether to ban capital punishment.

Refuge in Belgium

Like Regine Niyonsaba, whose family paid to be shot rather than hacked
to death, Anunciata Mukagasana fled disillusioned from the monastery,
unable to reconcile what she witnessed with the tenets of her faith.

“I couldn’t imagine that people could be killed in a place like that,
in God’s house,” she says. “The monastery was very big and it had many
hiding places. But Sister Kisito and the mother superior, they were
never merciful at all. They used ladders to check if people were hiding
on the roofs. The did not have the hearts of Christians.”

Once the mainly Tutsi forces overran the country and the genocide
ended, the sisters were evacuated to the main abbey of the Benedictines
in Maredret, Belgium. As they left the monastery, the surrounding
countryside bore every evidence of the horror. “We drove away and there
were dead bodies everywhere, by the roadside, everywhere,” Mukagasana
says. “We were just waiting for death. We could not imagine that we
would survive.”

But so distraught were many of the nuns that, as soon as they arrived
in Belgium, they started denouncing the mother superior. They were
shocked, however, by the reaction of the church authorities, who
rallied behind Sisters Mukangango and Kisito and tried to suppress any
information about their complicity.

“We were more than surprised that the church in Belgium was supporting
her – it was painful,” Mukagasana says. “The whites thought that the
mother superior was a saint, until they came here in 1995 to take
testimony from witnesses. They had thought we just hated her.”

Angered and demoralized by the attitude of the church leaders,
Scholastique Mukangira, one of the Sovu nuns, demanded that she be
allowed to return to Rwanda at once. She had lost two relatives in the
monastery massacre, forced into the hands of the interahamwe by the
mother superior. She had coped with the killings by praying with ever
more dedication, at one point, she said, directly asking for divine
intervention.

“I asked Jesus myself, ‘Do you accept that all of us should be killed,
and wipe out this order?'” she says one recent morning in the reception
hall of the monastery. ‘I know you are kind and you have power over
everything. Use your power to save some of us, so that the order might
not perish.’

“That gave me the strength to carry on. I was no longer afraid of
death. I was strengthened throughout the war that, no matter what
happened I shall be with Jesus.”

‘She Rebuilt Us’

That this serene compound was the scene of one of the worst atrocities
of 10 years ago is today not readily apparent. That nascent recovery is
the handiwork, in large part, of the current mother superior, Anastasie
Mukamusoni.

Sister Mukamusoni took over the defiled institution in 1995, rallied
the six remaining nuns to take eternal vows to rededicate their lives
to the service of Christ, admitted nine new novices and methodically
set about the task of revival.

A shy woman with a perpetually mournful look, the mother superior spoke
softly and gazed constantly downward, talking with evident discomfort
about the monastery’s progress.

“When you are building the body you have to start with the soul,” she
says. “We have to start with the renewal of our faith with the church.”

Sister Mukangira returned home and found her way back to the monastery,
where she remains today, working with the new mother superior to try to
pick up the pieces of a ministry destroyed.

“During the genocide, because of what I saw, I can say that God did not
have a role in the genocide,” she says. “And we cannot say that all
Christians failed their religion. There were many who did the right
thing.”

At this, she cast a glance at the mother superior, who looked
embarrassed and seemed to want to hide. Mukamusoni, then a 40-year-old
nun, was away on church business in the border town of Gisenyi when the
genocide came to the Sovu monastery. A Hutu, she is said to have
arranged secret convoys to take Tutsi across the border to safety in
neighboring Congo.

“She protected those who were being hunted,” Mukangira says. “And she
was the very person who called us back from Belgium. She rebuilt this
place. She not only rebuilt the monastery but she rebuilt us.”

While Mukangira has found reason to believe, and to continue life as a
nun, Anunciata Mukagasana said she had no choice but to turn her back
on the Benedictine Order.

“I just wanted to take a break from it because I would run mad if I
stayed there,” she says. Her family, which had fled to neighboring
Burundi at the outset of the genocide, had returned home, and she
wanted to care for her parents. So she cast off her habit and enrolled
in nursing school, and today she is a pediatric nurse at University
Hospital in Butare, the only one with a job in her extended family of
14, including her younger sister’s three children.

The family lives in neat but cramped conditions in the Matyazo district
of Butare, in a neighborhood of few means and multitudes of
malnourished children. In Mukagasana’s household, food is often in
short supply. “It is a life of hardship, and sometimes it’s hard to
find milk for the children,” she says with an embarrassed laugh. “The
meals are not decent, but there is no other option.”

At this, Mukagasana’s voice caught just a bit, and she asked for a
glass of water to steady herself. The living room was painted coral
blue, the best to cheer up its threadbare condition. The walls were
decorated with the inevitable portraits of Jesus, who is said to be
constance – eternal.

The portraits were an indication of the continuing hold of Christianity
on Mukagasana’s imagination. Despite everything, she said, she remained
a good Christian and believed in God, even if she no longer quite
trusted His earthly messengers.

“There are those who turned their backs on Christianity altogether,
after what they experienced,” she says. “I think to some extent they
have reason. They’ve lost everything, and it seems God forgot them. But
I go to church because whatever happened, God did not have a hand in
it.”

Besides, Mukagasana adds, “Other people died, but it was due to God’s
mercy that I survived. It was due to God’s mercy that my family was
able to escape to Burundi.”

Reason to Believe

Regine Niyonsaba did not have the luxury of her family’s company. Her
father and brother had been killed at the monastery’s health center,
and she had witnessed the execution of her mother and two younger
sisters, and buried them with her own hands. When she returned from
Belgium with several of the other Sovu nuns, she concluded that her
life had been permanently altered.

“Life at the monastery had become impossible for me,” she says. “I
couldn’t see myself praying there anymore.”

Besides, she had one 11-year-old sister, Florentina Nwambaye, who
survived the genocide, and she felt responsible for her. So she took a
secretarial job at a local school, then later, at a pharmaceutical
firm.

“One of the things that keeps me going is prayer,” says the former
novice, who packs every day with distractions to help her retain a hold
on sanity. For spiritual support, she attends morning sessions of a
charismatic Catholic community. She holds down a day job, and afterward
rushes off to the university, where she’s taking evening classes for a
degree in sociology.

“I have had no time to think about the past,” she says. “It took me a
long time to adjust. It is not easy for me.”

After a decade-long struggle, including bouts of depression and moments
of rage, Niyonsaba said she had reached an accommodation with her
faith.

“Since the passage of 10 years, instead of demoralizing myself, I
thought it was not only me who had lost relatives because of church
leaders’ role in the genocide,” she says. “I was not the only witness
to the scandals in the church. I thought God had helped me to survive.
Genocide wasn’t planned by God. He gave us knowledge, free will, to do
the right thing. God never plans for bad things to happen.”

But doesn’t necessarily prevent them, either?

Prim in a checkered custard suit with a sensible skirt, Niyonsaba
pondered the question for a moment, her charcoal-black face set off
against the stark blankness of the wall, serene in the soft glow of the
fluorescent light.

She turned slowly away, silent.

“How can a Rwandan continue to identify as a Christian?,” Rutazibwa,
the former priest, asked rhetorically regarding the endurance of faith.
“That is part of the mystery of the faith. Despite the horrors, people
always need a relationship with a supreme being.”

At the monastery, the current mother superior said all she could do now
was carry on her calling, which is to serve God. “I saw others die, but
I stayed alive,” she says. “Since I took the eternal vow, the only
thing to do was stay here and serve the Lord. That was the only way I
could pay back the gift of life that I was given.”

And with that, she rose and walked out to the garden, down a footpath,
and to a mass grave in which nine of her fellow nuns killed during the
genocide were buried. She observed a moment of meditative silence, did
the sign of the cross, and headed back to the well-ordered sanctuary of
her domain.

A Matter of faith

Once the most Catholic of all the African nations, post-genocide Rwanda
has seen a shift away from Catholicism and toward new forms of piety,
particularly Islam

Pre-genocide

Total population

7.8 million

Catholic 62.0%

Others.none 12.9

Protestant, evangelical/charismatic 24.0

Islam 1.1

Post-genocide

Total population

8.1 million

Catholic 49.6%

Protestant, evangelical/charismatic 43.9

Other/None 1.8

Islam 4.6

NOTE: Statistics vary widely due to the absence of reliable census
material; some report place current percentage of Muslims as high as 15
percent. Post-genocide figures are from U.S. Department of State and
John Hopkins University 2001 study.

SOURCES: International Religious Freedom Report 2002 Johns Hopkins
University; Cox News Service Global Security.

BAKU: Turkish envoy smoothes Turkish-Azeri relations post-CoE

Turkish envoy smoothes Turkish-Azeri relations post-Council of Europe

ANS TV, Baku
3 May 04

[Presenter] Good evening. Today is the Day of Turks [as heard]. Our
guest is Turkish ambassador to Azerbaijan Ahmet Unal Cevikoz and we
will speak about the region of the Turkic-speaking countries and their
problems. Mr Ambassador, you are welcome. Happy Holiday!

[Cevikoz, in Turkish] Good evening. Happy Holiday!

[Presenter] How do you mark this day?

[Cevikoz ] Naturally, I am very happy to mark this day once in
Azerbaijan, in a state of Turkic nation. I congratulate all the Turkic
world. The Day of Turks is being marked in Azerbaijan and Turkey
today. As a guest on your programme, I wish Happy Day of Turks to all
onlookers both in Azerbaijan and in the whole Turkic world.

[Passage omitted: details of mutual relations between Turkey and
Turkic-speaking countries, the policy to reach the unity between these
countries, the outcome of the voting over the unification of Cyprus]

[Presenter] Mr Ambassador, the Turkish mass media focused for a few
days on the absence of the Azerbaijani parliamentary delegation,
except one person, in the Council of Europe discussions in Strasbourg
over Cyprus. Did you meet some [Azerbaijani] officials and did you
discuss the incident?

[Cevikoz] No. I didn’t. Of course, this was the session of
MPs. Naturally, I do not know who attended the session or what
consequences produced the absence of Azerbaijani MPs. However, the
Azerbaijani ambassador to the Council of Europe, Aqsin Mehdiyev, made
a statement in this regard and I learnt about the incident after
this. If Azerbaijani MPs are concerned over this issue, then I think
that the [Turkish] media will behave in a way that will not give cause
for concern in the future.

[Presenter] The Turkish newspapers wrote that the issue gave serious
offence to Turkey. Is it really the case?

[Cevikoz] In fact, reporters sometimes write such things. In any case
I hope that Turkey and Azerbaijan might not resent each other. If
there is something which caused offence, then I think necessary
measures will be taken so that such behaviour causing offence can be
stopped.

[Presenter] Mr Ambassador, does Turkey understand Azerbaijan’s
sensitivity to the Nagornyy Karabakh problem?

[Cevikoz] I think, wrong parallels are drawn here. Because the Cyprus
and the Nagornyy Karabakh problems are incomparably different.

[Presenter] No, I do not speak about parallels. I mean that Azerbaijan
has a very serious problem. I mean Azerbaijan’s concern that tomorrow
the international public might increase pressure on Azerbaijan
[presumably if it recognizes the Northern Cyprus]. Azerbaijan has a
serious and unresolved problem. I said this not in terms of parallels.

[Cevikoz] Azerbaijan’s problem needs a solution [word indistinct]. Of
course, many mechanisms exist for the Karabakh resolution. They are
being carried out. The Minsk Group co-chairmen have certain activities
in this sphere. There is a direct process of dialogue between
Azerbaijan and Armenia. As Turkey, we are doing our best for the
resolution of the Nagornyy Karabakh conflict. As you know, Turkey has
been a member of the OSCE Minsk Group from the day of its creation and
is actively joining the Minsk Group activities. After or before their
visit to the region, the co-chairmen certainly are informing Turkey of
their meetings.

[Passage omitted: plans about the meeting of the Azerbaijani, Turkish
and Armenian foreign ministers in Turkey, views over the Georgian
events]

Armenia’s champion

Bradenton Herald, FL
April 27 2004

Armenia’s champion

Ann Stephanian Kale wants world to know of 1915 genocide

BRIAN HAAS
Herald Staff Writer

‘They need to know that this genocide really happened’

EAST MANATEE – Ann Stephanian Kale wants people to know.

She wants them to know about the dark secret her parents, aunts and
uncles shunned in public and only spoke of in hushed tones. She wants
them to know about an atrocity that some governments still deny
occurred.

Kale wants people to know that 1.5 million Armenians were slaughtered
wholesale starting in 1915.

April 24 was the 89th anniversary of what is considered the beginning
of the Armenian genocide. That day, in 1915, 200 Armenian leaders
were arrested in the Ottoman Empire (now Turkey), sparking the
beginning of three years of intense violence. Kale’s parents survived
by fleeing their homeland.

It is a subject that is still controversial. The United States has
been careful not to offend Turkey, a valuable ally in the Middle
East. And Turkey still refuses to acknowledge the atrocities of the
early 20th century.

Kale is probably best known as a dedicated substitute teacher and a
local author who is asked to read her children’s book, “Marco and
Princess Gina,” at local schools.

She hopes to bring awareness to the Armenian plight. And she hopes
the proceeds from her book will make a difference in a
still-decimated Armenia.

Seeking safety

Kale said her parents, Nishan and Parouhy Stephanian, came to America
at separate times to escape the Ottoman Empire in the early 1900s.
Her father fled first to Egypt, then France, before coming to
America. Kale said Nishan Stephanian had no choice but to flee when
he did: he was going to be drafted into the Ottoman Empire’s army.

By then, the atrocities had begun. Kale said her father refused to
partake in violence against his people. Her mother, Parouhy, who had
not yet met her husband, was smuggled out of the country to escape
the rising violence against Armenian women.

Kale said she will never know the barbarities her parents witnessed.
Both passed away guarding the terrible memories of being ousted from
their homes and marching through deserts to concentration camps.

Kale’s uncle gave her a small glimpse of what they faced as they were
flushed from their homes into concentration camps in the desert.

“Sometimes all they could eat was grass and they had to be careful
what type of grass they ate,” her uncle told her.

Kale said her mother only once talked in detail about the genocide.
Kale’s mother did not sleep that night, tormented by the memories she
had pushed to the back of her mind.

Dispute

Few countries outside of Turkey deny the Armenian genocide occurred.

Several European nations have passed resolutions recognizing the
Armenian genocide, but such actions have brought sanctions from the
Turkish government. A similar proposal in the U.S. House in 2000
failed when Turkey threatened to cut off the use of some of its bases
used by the U.S. to contain Iraq at the time.

Still, several presidents, including George H.W. Bush and Bill
Clinton, have publicly acknowledged the Armenian genocide.

The Turkish government still denies the genocide. Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, in a question-and-answer pamphlet, says that the claim that
1.5 million Armenians died during World War I is “imaginary.” The
pamphlet goes on to claim that about 300,000 Armenians died in World
War I.

Most American scholars put the death toll at around 1.4 million
Armenians. The events are considered by many to be the first genocide
of the 20th century and the term “genocide” was coined in reference
to the mass killing of Armenians.

Marco lends a hand

When Kale’s grandson, Marco, was 4 years old, he asked his
grandmother to write a story about him, making him a superhero. Kale
took him up on that offer, writing out “Marco and Princess Gina”
longhand, and then typing it out on a computer at the Braden River
Library.

She would read it to the students she taught as a substitute around
the county and kept getting the same question: where can I buy your
story?

Kale decided to try her hand at getting her book published. She
passed along the manuscript, along with her illustrations, to Abril
Publishing Co., which published her book.

Kale said her book has sold well and she has begun writing a second
one.

She said she plans to donate the proceeds from both books to Our Lady
of Armenia Educational Center in Gyumri, Armenia. The orphanage
educates children between 5 and 12 years old and helps them go on to
higher education.

And she said she will give her donation in person. She has a trip to
Gyumri planned for September 2005 to see the dedication of the St.
Gregory of Narek Cathedral in Vanadzor, Armenia.

She said she can’t wait to see the orphanage.

“I need to go and visit my roots, I want to go and see where my
parents came from,” Kale said. “It’s going to be very emotional. I’m
going to want to hug every kid in that room, probably want to bring
every one back with me.”

Seeking closure

But for Kale, her real battle is against history. She said she won’t
rest until people know about Armenia’s past. She said the genocide is
a big reason why there is so much poverty in Armenia today.

She wants people to know what happened and she wants Turkey to admit
it.

“They need to know that this genocide really happened in 1915 and
that 1.5 million Armenians lost their lives,” Kale said. “We just
want them to admit it; the denial makes it real difficult.

“I think not only for me, but for Armenians all over the world; it
would put some closure on it.”

AGE: “Seventy-something”

– LOCAL RESIDENCE: Peridia

– OCCUPATION: Substitute teacher, artist, writer, student

– BIRTHPLACE: Detroit

– FAMILY: Children Mary Ann, Laurie, Joseph and Art, all of Michigan

BAKU: Azeri, Polish Leaders Discuss Expanding Relations

AZERI, POLISH LEADERS DISCUSS EXPANDING RELATIONS

ANS TV, Baku
27 Apr 04

(Presenter) Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev is visiting Poland. The
president met Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski today. Now over
to Warsaw. ANS TV’s special correspondent Qanira Pasayeva is on the
line. Qanira, good evening, what did the president discuss at his
meeting?

(Correspondent) Good evening, Aytan. It was stated after the meeting,
this meeting was tete-a-tete, that it had discussed bilateral
relations and processes in the region and in the world at large. No
complete statement was made. However, among the issues discussed
between Poland and Azerbaijan, the development of political and
economic relations between the two countries was the main subject of
discussion. An Azerbaijani embassy is expected to start operating in
Poland in the near future. Apart from that, Poland is very interested
in the Odessa-Brody oil (pipeline) project and in the activities of
the GUUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Moldova)
organization.

Another subject that was presumably discussed was the subject of Iraq,
because Azerbaijan’s military forces in Iraq are operating on
Polish-controlled territory, i.e. under the Polish military
command. Apart from that, Aleksander Kwasniewski pointed out that
Azerbaijan’s participation in the European economic summit and in
other events of the sort could help boost Azerbaijan’s relations with
Europe.

The main meetings are expected to take place tomorrow. First of all,
President Ilham Aliyev will participate in the European economic
summit tomorrow. I want to point out that in connection with the
European economic summit, serious security measures have been taken in
Warsaw. I can even say that it is under total control because
thousands of anti-globalists have already arrived in Poland. President
Ilham Aliyev will be the main reporter on the implementation of major
projects tomorrow. President Ilham Aliyev will speak about projects of
importance to Europe – oil, gas and energy projects. He will also
touch on the Baku-Ceyhan and Baku-Erzurum (pipeline projects), because
there is an issue of transporting gas to the European market and
Europe is very interested in expanding alternative sources of energy.

Ilham Aliyev is also expected to touch on the Nagornyy Karabakh
problem, i.e. the unresolved status of the conflict and Armenia’s
aggressive policy remain a great source of danger, i.e. the main
source of danger that might disrupt stability in the region where such
projects are being implemented.

After that, there will be a tete-a-tete meeting with (Armenian
President) Robert Kocharyan which will last for two hours. After the
tete-a-tete meeting, there will be a luncheon on the Caucasus with
Robert Kocharyan and Ilham Aliyev in attendance. I should also note
that the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen will also arrive in Warsaw
tonight. After the meeting between Robert Kocharyan and Ilham Aliyev,
Ilham Aliyev will have a meeting with the OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairmen. It is very interesting that no meeting was planned
between Robert Kocharyan and Ilham Aliyev several days ago. The idea
of this meeting came up after the visit to the region by the new US
co-chairman, Steven Mann, and after the Prague summit of the
(Azerbaijani and Armenian) foreign ministers. That’s why it is very
interesting.

After that, President Ilham Aliyev will have a tete-a-tete meeting
with Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili. The main subject of
discussions will be the events taking place in the region and energy
projects, i.e. the oil and gas projects implemented in the region. And
this will mark the end of President Ilham Aliyev’s visit to Poland.

(Presenter) Thank you, Qanira. This was ANS TV’s special correspondent
Qanira Pasayeva reporting from the Polish capital of Warsaw.

Calgary: Massacre of Armenians recognized

Calgary Herald, Canada
April 22 2004

Massacre of Armenians recognized

Canada became one of few countries to formally recognize the genocide
of Armenian Turks during the First World War in a strongly worded
motion adopted 153-68 in the House of Commons on Wednesday.

Government members were discouraged from voting for the motion, which
is sure to anger a Turkish government that has never recognized the
massacre of 1.5 million Armenians starting in 1915.

Following a charged debate at their weekly closed-door caucus
meeting, Liberal backbenchers voted massively in favour while the
party’s cabinet contingent rejected the Bloc Quebecois motion.

Prime Minister Paul Martin was absent during the politically
sensitive vote, but Foreign Affairs Minister Bill Graham defended the
government’s opposition.

The Turkish government has warned that recognizing the genocide could
have economic consequences and Graham said he wanted to maintain good
relations with Turkey.

BAKU: Russian mediator upbeat about Azeri-Armenian Prague meeting

Russian mediator upbeat about Azeri-Armenian Prague meeting

Azad Azarbaycan TV, Baku
19 Apr 04

Yuriy Merzlyakov, Russian co-chairman of the OSCE Minsk Group,
mediating between Armenia and Azerbaijan on Nagornyy Karabakh, has
welcomed new proposals and ideas voiced at the Prague meeting between
Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov and his Armenian
counterpart, Vardan Oskanyan.

In remarks to Azerbaijani commercial TV station Azad Azarbaycan over
the phone, Merzlyakov said: “We held consultations to discuss specific
proposals. Both sides and the co-chairmen made their proposals public
as the agenda was announced. In a word it was not just a protocol
meeting, but a working one”.

According to a TV reporter, Merzlyakov spoke highly about the outcome
of the meeting and said that the co-chairmen were optimistic. He
quoted Merzlyakov as saying that this was not only the opinion of the
co-chairmen, but of the ministers as well.

The latter will issue a statement on this in the near future.

Armenian president says Iran pipeline to end energy dependency

Armenian president says Iran pipeline to end energy dependency

Mediamax news agency
20 Apr 04

YEREVAN

Armenian President Robert Kocharyan said in Yerevan today that a gas
pipeline to link Iran and Armenia will only be used to meet Armenia’s
energy needs. “We do not discuss any other options with the Iranian
side,” Robert Kocharyan said in reply to a question about the possible
use of the pipeline for shipping gas to Europe.

Mediamax quoted Kocharyan as telling a news conference in Yerevan
today that “the construction of the gas pipeline is very important as
this will make Armenia independent in terms of energy supplies”.