Alexandria Draws A Veil Over Her Past

ALEXANDRIA DRAWS A VEIL OVER HER PAST
Nadia Abou el Magd

The National
August 21. 2009 12:08AM UAE

ALEXANDRIA, EGYPT // Alexandria, once "the bride of the Mediterranean",
has covered up. Women who once splashed about in swimsuits at the
popular beach resort are now at risk of insults, threats or worse
from the city’s increasingly conservative population.

"I just discovered I have committed a grave mistake by wearing a
bathing suit and trying to swim. I wasn’t even able to reach the sea,"
said Hanan al Amrani, 28, a Moroccan tourist, who was visibly upset.

She was wearing a short, brown dress above her one piece, colourful
bathing suit.

"People here have been treating me as if I am naked. Boys have thrown
sand and stones at me, and women give me fiery looks, much worse
than the men," she said, sitting next to her elder sister, Asira,
at al Montazah private beach, one of the most expensive to enter.

"I just arrived today and was told it’s OK to swim here. That was
wrong. I’m leaving today and will never come back," she said.

Rows of umbrellas and thousands of people packed the beach, which is
part of what used to be Montazah Palace, the summer home of the late
King Farouk, who was overthrown by a military coup in 1952.

Yet, no other woman was wearing a swimsuit. All were dressed in
galabyas (long robes) and with headscarves; some wore the niqab,
which covers the entire face apart from the eyes. Men wore shorts
and T-shirts.

At another private beach not far from Montazah, alcohol is prohibited,
not by law, but by locals who are intent on enforcing their religious
codes.

"While we were drinking beer on the beach, a man with a beard shouted
at us furiously, telling us we weren’t allowed to drink beer there
because it’s forbidden," said Hossam al Halwagy, 29, a music teacher
who was born and lives in Alexandria.

"When my friends and I shouted back, asking him who he was, he left,
while cursing us," he said.

Kiro Manoyan: Turkey Torpedoed Armenian-Turkish Normalization Proces

KIRO MANOYAN: TURKEY TORPEDOED ARMENIAN-TURKISH NORMALIZATION PROCESS

PanARMENIAN.Net
19.08.2009 15:15 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenia should have long ago declared its
unwillingness to be present in football match between Armenian and
Turkish national teams since Ankara failed to keep its promise, thus
torpedoing Armenian-Turkish normalization talks, ARFD Hay Dat Bureau
Director Kiro Manoyan told today a news conference. According to him,
Turkey wants to pretend it is "conducting a dialogue" with Armenia,
while Yerevan is required to announce that Turkey torpedoed talks
and there’s no dialogue between two states.

<Turkey torpedoed the process, changing the game rules,> Manoyan
said. Armenian-Turkish border will not open till October 14 as
Yerevan and Ankara will not manage to sign agreement by then. Document
formulation and agreement signing will take much time, whereas match
is going to take place in 60 days.

During the joint conference with his Serbian counterpart Boris Tadiæ,
President Sargsyan said he’d go to Trukey to watch Armenia-Turkey
return football match only in case the border is open or parties are
in the run-up to lifting the blockade.

Return match between Armenian and Turkish national football teams
is scheduled for October 14, in Bursa, in the football stadium after
Ataturk.

South Caucasian Railways Report 8 Accidents In Last Six Months

SOUTH CAUCASIAN RAILWAYS REPORT 8 ACCIDENTS IN LAST SIX MONTHS

ARKA
Aug 19, 2009

YEREVAN, August 19, /ARKA/. Eight accidents were registered on the
South Caucasian Railways (SCR) (formerly Armenian Railways) in the
first six months of this year, a SCR’s press release said.

According to the official operative data, 3 of the accidents were
reported in a time span between August 14-17 on railway hauls in Masis,
Noragavit and Ijevan killing three people.

Worried by the increasing number of accidents on railways the South
Caucasian Railways company called on people to observe all safety
rules when they are in the zone of trains movement.

The company reminded that pedestrians must cross the railways at
special places and use special bridges, tunnels and crossings.

The South Caucasian Railways was placed under the concessional
management of Russian Railways company for a term of 30 years.

The agreement can be prolonged for another 10 years given the accord
of both parties.

Participants Of Come Home Program’s Second Stage Said "See You Later

PARTICIPANTS OF COME HOME PROGRAM’S SECOND STAGE SAID "SEE YOU LATER" TO ARMENIA

Noyan Tapan
Aug 18, 2009

YEREVAN, AUGUST 18, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. The final event
of the Come Home program’s second stage took place on August 14 at
Yerevan Lovers Park. 65 Diasporan Armenian young people arriving
from 65 countries of the world expressed gratitude for giving them a
possibility to closely feel the Armenian spirit. "Visits to the places
of interest made feel the important need of returning to Armenia, to
our roots," many of them said. "Armenia is our homeland, we are its
children," Russian-based Ernest, who learnt Armenian in two weeks,
said holding a placard "Come Home, My Child!"

Yerevan Mayor Gagik Beglarian was present at the farewell event. He
applied to Diasporan Armenian young people calling them for returning
to the capital city. "You are leaving only on one condition,
for returning. The city of Yerevan always waits for you as special
guests." The Mayor also thanked the Armenian families, who had warmly
hosted the program participants. "I am thankful to the inhabitants,
who once more proved our grandfathers’ hospitality." Yerevan Mayor
said that his talks to heads of Yerevan administrative districts made
it clear how warmly Armenian families accepted this program. "I am
delighted with our residents," the Mayor said and called young people
participating in the program for again visiting Yerevan and feeling
themselves at home. The Mayor also considered the Come Home program
the most successful program of the Ministry of Diaspora.

RA Deputy Minister of Diaspora Stepan Petrosian also greeted those
present and thanked all supporters of the program mentioning that
in two weeks Diasporan children received not only knowledge of the
homeland, cultural and spiritual knowledge, but also gained new
friends. S. Petrosian gave letters of thanks and a book entitled
Armenia’s Wonders to the families hosting the participants and
gave certificates to the participants saying "not good-bye, but see
you later."

The talks with the program participants made it clear that many of
them have decided to return to the homeland without fail and to settle
there for ever.

Ani Soghomonian and Christine Hakobjanian residing in the city of
Nizhni Vovgorod, RF, look for ways to continue their studies at
the Slavonic University and to work in Armenia. "My willingness to
return to the homeland and to normalize the international relations
of Armenia became deeper after the program," Ani confessed. And
Christine noted that participants arriving from other countries
were more active and inspired than those arriving from Russia, but
in spite of many difficulties, according to Christine, "an Armenian
is Armenian everywhere."

During a competition on native studies organized during the event
the Diasporan young people presented the knowledge they received
within the framework of the Come Home 2009 program’s Native Studies
subject. Program’s winners received prizes set by Yerevan Mayor’s
Office. The event was concluded by a joyful entertainment program.

Ashot Anastasyan And Zaven Andreasyan – Top Players In Abu Dhabi Ope

ASHOT ANASTASYAN AND ZAVEN ANDREASYAN – TOP PLAYERS IN ABU DHABI OPEN CHESS TOURNAMENT

/PanARMENIAN.Net/
17.08.2009 18:44 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ In the fifth round of Abu Dabi Open chess festival,
Armenian grand masters Ashot Anastasyan and Zaven Andreasyan earned 4.5
points, and top the tournament list together with Alexander Rachmaninov
(Russia), Bassem Amin (Egypt) and (India).

Other two Armenian representatives – Hrant Melkumyan and Hrayr
Simonyan – have 4 points (6-20 positions). Lilit Galoyan, the only
female player representing Armenia, has 3 points and thus shares the
36th-57th positions in tournament table.

Competitions will finish after 4 rounds.

Russian PM Paid Visit To Abkhazia

RUSSIAN PM PAID VISIT TO ABKHAZIA

Panorama.am
11:45 13/08/2009

On his first postwar visit to Abkhazia, Prime Minister Vladimir
V. Putin pledged at least 15 billion rubles to build a Russian military
base and reinforce the boundary that divides Abkhazia from the rest
of Georgia.

During the visit, Mr. Putin said Russia would continue to pay Abkhaz
pensions, provide the capital to revive the Abkhaz economy and lend
military support, if necessary.

During his visit, Mr. Putin outlined how deeply Abkhazia’s future
was tied to Russia. He said Russia supplied 2.5 billion rubles,
or about $80 million, in direct budgetary assistance this year and,
despite the financial crisis, would offer a slightly smaller amount
next year. He told opposition leaders that 11 billion rubles, or
$340 million, would be allotted from Russia’s federal budget for
infrastructure projects and social support.

Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s Interview Abkhazian Media

PRIME MINISTER VLADIMIR PUTIN’S INTERVIEW WITH ABKHAZIAN MEDIA

Government of the Russian Federation
12 August 11:00

Events / Photos"We said it many times to the present Georgian
leadership. I personally called on them to have patience and to win
respect, prestige and trust both in Abkhazia and in South Ossetia. And
it is only in this way – I believe it now and said as much at that
time – that their territorial integrity could be achieved."

Vladimir Putin In an interview with Abkhazian media

Question: Mr Prime Minister, a year ago, Georgia launched an attack
against South Ossetia. What feelings do you have as you recall this
date and what changes have taken place in the region since Russia
took measures to defend the peoples of South Ossetia and Abkhazia?

Vladimir Putin: When we recall tragedies, we, of course,
primarily think about their victims; we think "How did this
become possible?" And, of course, we analyse those events and draw
conclusions. For me it is clear that the main thing that can prevent
such tragedies from happening rests with the people in power who see
it as their duty to consider the opinion of men and women who live
in one territory or another. No single matter of state can be solved
without the will of the people, or without a consideration of their
will. But this is what the present-day Georgian leaders forgot.

Abkhazia knows well Russia’s position regarding this conflict and
how relations developed in preceding decades. There is no point
in pretending otherwise. You know how many times South Ossetia
and Abkhazia, in some or other form, approached Russia with pleas
either to let them join the Russian Federation or to recognise their
independence… But Russia behaved in a very even-handed and very
correct manner. Because we always proceeded from one of the fundamental
principles of international law, that of the territorial integrity of
states. But I think, in order to preserve this territorial integrity
after the disintegration of the USSR, it was necessary to treat the
peoples of Abkhazia and South Ossetia with respect. It is necessary to
know the realities and to reckon with those realities. These realities
took shape over hundreds of years. After all, Georgia was accepted
into the Russian Empire, if my memory doesn’t betray me, way back in
1783, while Abkhazia joined Russia almost 30 years later, in 1810,
as an independent state. And it became part of Georgia when it was
already a component of a single country. The relations developed
with difficulty, we know it well, during all those centuries and
decades. Inter-ethnic differences, regrettably, occurred.

If the Georgian leadership wanted to maintain a single state, it
was necessary to treat both the Abkhazians and the South Ossetians
with respect. It was necessary to recognize the past mistakes and to
work to correct them. We said it many times to the present Georgian
leadership. I personally called on them to have patience and to win
respect, prestige and trust both in Abkhazia and in South Ossetia. And
it is only in this way – I believe it now and said as much at that
time – that their territorial integrity could be achieved. What was
the response? "Of course! We do understand! We’ll do exactly as you
say!" What did they do in practice? They did precisely the opposite:
military pressure, withdrawal of the autonomous rights, and eventually
an attack.

The crime caused many victims, both civilian and military. Undoubtedly,
Russia simply could not leave South Ossetia and Abkhazia without
support. And it took the only correct decision – to protect the
people of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and to recognise their
independence. After this happened, I think the situation has
stabilised, becoming very definite, clear and understandable. We have
created a legal basis that allows the development of our relationships
with both Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states, without
paying any attention to those who don’t like it. On this basis, we can
work together on development in the economic and the social spheres,
develop intergovernmental ties, and ensure stability and security.

To that effect, we are going to work within existing treaties and
agreements. The legal basis for our cooperation is strengthening;
we have drafted about 40 agreements with Abkhazia on various spheres
of our cooperation, and we are confident they are going to work
efficiently towards the well-being of the people of Abkhazia and
Russia.

Question: Does what you have said mean that the repetition of the
August 2008 events is out of the question?

Vladimir Putin: With the current Georgian leadership, there is nothing
we can rule out. However, a repetition is going to be much more
difficult for them this time. If there is anything at all that they
can draw lessons from, then the events of August 2008 should teach
them that talking only from a position of power is pointless. Apart
from that, within our treaty on friendship and cooperation, we have
agreements on military assistance. Russia is going to deploy its
armed forces in Abkhazia and take the necessary efforts to build a
modern border guard system in cooperation with the relevant Abkhazian
authorities. All these factors are serious guarantees of the security
of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Question: Mr Putin, it is for the first time that such a high-ranking
Russian official has visited Abkhazia. What do you expect from
your visit?

Vladimir Putin: First of all, I’d like to see things with my own
eyes. I visited Abkhazia a couple of times, very long ago. I first
came here when I was at university, as part of a student construction
team. After that, I stayed for two weeks in a Leningrad University
student camp in Gudauta. I also visited Sukhumi that time. That’s
why I’d like to see how Abkhazia has changed.

As for the business part, as I’ve said we are preparing a host of
documents regarding the economy, social issues, security, border
controls, and so on. All these issues will be in focus for our
negotiations with the Abkhazian leadership.

Question: While the people of the Caucasus have praised Russia for
what it did in August 2008, the West has been criticising Russia for
saving the two small nations. How does this policy of double standards
of the West affect Russia’s actions in the region?

Vladimir Putin: Well, we have always stuck to a sort of standard: the
West versus Russia. You know, the West is also not homogenous. Not
at all. In the so-called West, there are indeed quite a few of our
supporters. They all find themselves under certain pressure from the
leading NATO member country, the United States. Frankly speaking,
many of them refrain from expressing their positions publicly,
although their positions are vastly different from that of the
United States. You have mentioned double standards here. These are
not double or even triple standards; this is the absence of any
standards whatsoever.

After the end of the cold war some people in the United States
believed the illusion that they can act without any rules in place at
all, just as they want, as they like. They had only one criterion –
that of personal interests, which are very often misinterpreted by
the way. But in our view, now people are coming to understand that
everyone is interested in universal rules and standards stipulated by
international law. Because not a single country in the world today
is capable of – as resources are insufficient even if they would
like to – acting as a world policeman, as a world empire, which
imposes rules of behaviour on everyone. I think everyone has this
understanding now. And therefore, I would like to see that this will,
this opinion prevails on a political level, and not just on a level
of private conversations. And in fact, now we see that this becomes
the case more and more often.

As for criticising Russia, I would say that’s just a way to maintain
public opinion shaped under the pressure of one country. Nobody
wants to lose face, and for this reason, the notion, once started,
continues on and on, although the facts are becoming obvious. And in
real life these facts are gaining traction.

In this connection I would like to draw your attention to a very
important point. Do you remember how the situation evolved last
year? It was practically impossible to hear the truth on international
TV channels and in the mass media. Today almost everyone in the
international community has admitted the truth. They’ve admitted that
it was Georgia who was the aggressor, Ossetians and Abkhazians being
the victims. By the way, Abkhazia has acted very soundly over recent
years. 50,000 refugees have been able to return to the Gali District
of Abkhazia. That was due to the good will of Abkhazian people and
Abkhazian leadership.

But nobody paid any attention to that, though this was a very serious
step to settle the conflict. But even such steps did not prevent
Georgia from committing this crime a year ago. But anyway, the truth
will out. It will gain ground.

Question: Recently Russia has been actively supporting Abkhazia. Over
the last year a Russian school has been restored from ruins, a
Philharmonic Hall has been opened. A maternity home has been opened
in recent days and in addition, a hospital and both a Russian and an
Abkhazian theatre are being renovated. Roads are being repaired. All
these activities are financed by Russia. But emphasis is given to
mutually beneficial co-operation at meetings on different levels. What
is meant by this? What can Abkhazia do for Russia? What can Abkhazia
give Russia?

Vladimir Putin: Maybe not so much today. But we understand that and
we focus on the potential Abkhazia has. It has certain potential. We
are all aware of the size of Abkhazia and of its population, etc. But
I would like to say that in Europe and worldwide there are states
which are much smaller than Abkhazia in terms of their total area and
population as well. And they are flourishing. The citizens of these
countries feel great, they enjoy all kinds of social benefits and
high incomes, and they live in security. And I wish Abkhazia would
reach this level.

Certainly, all these small European states have special relationships
with their neighbours. Take San-Marino, Monaco etc. There are many such
states in Europe. They have all developed special relationships with
their neighbours – Monaco and France, for example. So, there is nothing
out of the ordinary about the special relationship between Russia
and Abkhazia. It is totally in line with international experience.

Well, why could Abkhazia be interesting for Russia in terms of
economy? The first point, which is obvious, is tourism. I have just
visited Turkey and met with Prime Minister Erdogan, a good friend of
mine, and with President Gul as well. We discussed different fields
of co-operation. Two-and-a-half million Russian tourists visit Turkey
every year. Turkey is a big country and there are a lot of modern
hotels there. And one million Russian tourists visit Abkhazia. The
figure is comparable with that of Turkey. One million! That’s what
we have under current circumstances, when far from everything has
been restored, neither in Gagra, nor in other resorts. Imagine what
will happen if we restore everything, if we provide security, which
will definitely be a cut above after we set up our military base, and
most important is the border. The border is crucially important. So
tourism alone means a lot.

Another opportunity, although this may be surprising, is high
technology. That is entirely feasible for a small country.

We should always keep in mind environmental issues, but there are
grounds to believe that there are mineral resources in Abkhazia. No
doubt, we have to consult the experts and the Abkhazian Government
in this regard. And if the Abkhazian Government thinks that such
projects are possible and beneficial for their economy, we can do
it together. There are also other areas providing opportunities for
mutual equitable co-operation.

Question: Despite the economic crisis the Abkhazian economy has been
actively developing. At any rate, that’s what our experts say. Economic
development depends directly on investment projects. As we know,
the economic crisis has hit Russia as well. Can it lead to freezing
of any investment projects?

Vladimir Putin: Naturally, all countries in the world have been
affected by the crisis to a certain extent, to a great extent, I’d
rather say. Russia has also been seriously affected by the crisis. We
had to resort to a budget deficit and to budget cuts. As you know,
we are complying with all our social obligations in Russia and we
will continue to observe them.

As for Abkhazia and South Ossetia, well, speaking of the Abkhazian
budget, this year we allocated funds to the tune of 2.5 billion
roubles to support the Abkhazian budget. And these are only the funds
allocated to support the budget; there are funds allocated for other
purposes as well. Next year the figure will be approximately the same,
just a little bit smaller. But, next year we are going to allocate
considerable funds for security purposes, specifically, for our
military base in Abkhazia – about 15 billion roubles. This money will
be used to reinforce the border and to create an up-to-date border –
not the Maginot Line, but a border – to enable normal communication
with both Georgia and Russia, to create modern infrastructure, to
equip the border and to equip border troops, to upgrade the military
base. All in all, it will take 15-16 billion roubles.

In addition, we will continue to pursue our social policy. Let’s put
it blankly, we will continue to pay retirement pensions, as we have
done starting from 2003, based on my decision. More than 1 billion
roubles have been allocated for these purposes this year. And next
year payments will remain the same. No changes are expected.

There are some technical issues to address regarding the status of
Abkhazia. The legal basis should be altered given Abkhazia is now an
independent state. And we will have to do it. Anyway, we will act
proceeding from the fact that nobody should lose anything. And we
will do it together with the Abkhazian authorities. We will find a
way to avoid any possible losses by the people.

And finally, there are infrastructure projects regarding transport,
border crossings with Russia, as there are weak points there. To
be frank, we have not found any specific financing sources so far,
but still motorway and bridge construction, railroad restoration
between Sochi and Sukhumi, marine transportation between Sochi and
Sukhumi – all this will require another 4 billion roubles. This is
a rough estimate. I would like to repeat that we have not yet found
sources to finance infrastructure projects, but the expenses have
not been calculated yet. The calculations are being done now by the
experts. And we will continue to do it.

Question: Everyone in Abkhazia was nervous when the venue for the
2014 Olympics was being chosen. Today Abkhazia is ready to help
Russia to get ready for this great event by providing ports and inert
materials. Does Russia need such support?

Vladimir Putin: Let me be honest with you. We started our conversation
today with the tragedy which happened a year ago. Abkhazians and
South Ossetians saw a big historic event – the declaration of
independence. This happened amid tense relations with Georgia. We
understand that. I am confident that everything will work out fine. I
find it inappropriate to rank the preparations for the Olympics
together with these problems. We should not consider all these events
together. Sports and the Olympics are beyond politics. But as for
the technical issues associated with preparations for the Olympics,
they should be tackled on the corporate and the commercial, rather
than on the political level.

Tenders take place, contracts are concluded, and we have announced
that everyone who has the best offer will have a chance to work. Both
Russian and foreign investors have a chance to participate in
investment projects without any limitation.

Question: The majority of the residents of Abkhazia are citizens of
the Russian Federation. Recently, passports of tens of thousands of
people have expired – I mean Russian international passports. This
entails difficulties in crossing the Russian-Abkhazian border. At the
same time passport replacement takes time. Is it possible to resolve
this problem smoothly?

Vladimir Putin: Too much red tape, I agree. Generally, about 100,000
residents of Abkhazia have been issued Russian passports over the last
few years. And it is true, many of them are expiring now. In 2009,
at the turn of the years 2009 and 2010, around 70,000 application
forms are to be exchanged.

This year some 10-12 thousand have been exchanged. A special office of
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been opened in Sochi and another
one in Sukhumi, if I am not mistaken. Now the Foreign Ministry is
addressing the issue, and I think a decision will be taken soon on
opening a direct representative office in Sukhumi.

I think that these measures will speed up the resolution of this
problem. But it consists of two parts. Some residents of Abkhazia
need only an internal Russian passport. These are the retired people
who need these documents to get their retirement pensions. This case
is easier and it is dealt with by the Internal Ministry.

But as for those who want to have a Russian international passport,
it’s a bit more complicated, as the capacities of the Foreign
Ministry are insufficient. There are not going to be any political
limitations, and no measures will be taken to prevent the issuing of
these documents. It’s only an issue of building up the capabilities
of the Foreign Ministry, and we will do it.

Question: What about your relationship with the Governments of the
two new states – South Ossetia and Abkhazia?

Vladimir Putin: Everything is fine. If it were not so, I would not have
visited them. Dmitry Medvedev has also visited South Ossetia recently
as you know. Both republics are undergoing a very difficult period –
a formation stage, a statehood formation stage under very difficult
conditions. A child is born in pain. And that’s how Abkhazia and
South Ossetia, independent states, are being born today.

I would like to say it again that these are small republics, these
are small states. But there are many such examples in the world. And
there is nothing unusual about that. As for the Governments of the
republics, I think these people are professional, highly patriotic,
and they are capable of establishing internal order and building the
international relations of these republics so that they benefit the
people of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Russia will be right by their
side. We are ready to encourage and support these processes.

Question: You already mentioned the situation on the Russian-Abkhazian
border in summertime. Could you be more specific? What specifically
is going to be done to make border crossing by Russian citizens easier?

Vladimir Putin: Well, this is primarily a question of infrastructure
development. We need to build another bridge across the Psou River –
a motorway and pedestrian bridge. A railroad needs to be repaired
and modern checkpoints are to be built. They should be modern to
eliminate crime and to make people feel comfortable. That costs money.

I gave you the figure already – a rough estimate of 4 billion
roubles. That’s a lot of money, especially, in the middle of the
economic downturn. But I already gave orders a couple of months
ago. I think you know that the number of military personnel has
increased. Now we are going to discuss additional measures with
Abkhazian authorities. Both border troops and the Foreign Ministry
will report on the ways to improve this situation without waiting
for big infrastructure projects to be finished. We are aware of this
problem and we will address it.

Question: One other question. The book about you "First Person:
An Astonishingly Frank Self-Portrait by Russia’s President Vladimir
Putin" provides a picture of you in Gagra.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I just talked about that.

Question: Do you have any special memories about that holiday and
what feelings do you have about visiting Abkhazia?

Vladimir Putin: I do have some memories. This would be my first visit
after a student construction camp. I earned huge money there – about
800 roubles. I remember that I bought a coat, which I wore for some
15 years, and we spent all the other money in Gagra. So, I have a
lot to remember. It was a good time! And I have many pleasant memories.

Question: You are not sorry about spending it?

Vladimir Putin: I am not sorry about anything. There was a very good
atmosphere there, very friendly. It’s a shame that Gagra was destroyed
as a result of military action. That’s a great shame. And I took it
personally, because I like the city – it is so beautiful. There is
something festive about it. These are my feelings towards it.

Abkhazia is a multinational country. There are Abkhazians, Russians,
Armenians and Georgians living there. And it was very natural and
harmonious. That was a big Abkhazian advantage. I hope things will
be the same again.

Question: Abkhazia has always been proud of its resorts. Many people,
especially before the war, came to Abkhazia for treatment and
for holidays. Thank God this tradition is gaining ground again. I
would like to ask you the following question. An official visit is
an official visit. But would you like just to come to visit us to
remember your younger years?

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I would. But I do not know when it will become
possible, because, as you see, here in Sochi I am also not exactly
having a rest. I have to work here. But I have received an invitation
from Abkhazia and I hope one day I will have a chance to accept it.

Question: Mr Prime Minister, Abkhazia respects your opinion and
your judgment. What would you wish to our people? I mean everyone –
Abkhazians, Russians, Armenians and Georgians in the current situation?

Vladimir Putin: I think it is very important to restore trust
in Abkhazian society. Abkhazia is a small, but a multi-national
country. The harmony we saw in the Soviet times between Abkhazians,
Russians, Armenians, Georgians and other nationalities represented
in Abkhazia is of the utmost importance and it is crucial to the
well-being of the republic. This was the first point.

And secondly, today, unanimity of all the political forces is
crucial. Because Abkhazia is just starting up as a state, it is
starting to restore its economy. And it is very important to reach
a unified position in all areas.

Naira Zohrabyan Received Ukrainian Ambassador

NAIRA ZOHRABYAN RECEIVED UKRAINIAN AMBASSADOR

armradio.am
12.08.2009 15:56

Chairman of the Standing Committee on European Integration of the RA
National Assembly Naira Zohrabyan received the Ambassador of Ukraine
to Armenia Alexander Bozhko. During the meeting officials discussed
issues of European integration of the two states, as well as Eastern
Partnership programs. Naira Zohrabyan and Alexander Bozhko stressed
the significance of intensifying bilateral relations between states,
as well as developing parliamentary diplomacy and the need to exchange
of experience in constitutional and other areas. Addressing the issue
of Ukraine’s participation in GUAM, Naira Zohrabyan mentioned that the
position of Ukraine on certain issues causes concern and expressed hope
that Ukraine will take a more balanced position on priority matters
for Armenia. She also noted that any issue or problem can be solved
through discussions. According to Naira Zohrabyan, a memorandum of
inter-parliamentary cooperation signed between Armenia and Ukraine
does not serve its purpose and proposed to take steps to activate
the provisions set forth in the memorandum. The parties have agreed
that, despite some differences, further cooperation between the sides
is possible around prior interests, press service of RA National
Assembly reports.

Javakhk: A Historical Outline (Part I)

JAVAKHK: A HISTORICAL OUTLINE (PART I)
By Ashot Melkonian

Asbarez
12/javakhk-a-historical-outline-part-i/
Aug 12, 2009

The rights to the English translation and publication of this
article-which will appear in this and next week’s issue of the Armenian
Weekly-belong to the Hairenik Association.

Part I: From Javakhk’s Historical Past

Gugarq, the 13th of the 15 regions (ashkhars) of historical Armenia’s
Metz Haiq (Greater Armenia) Kingdom, covered the northern section
of the Armenian Highlands. In the east, it bordered on the province
of Utiq; in the west, of Tayq; in the south, of Ayrarat; and in
the north it bordered on Iberia (Virq, Georgia). Its administrative
center was the city of Tsurtav. Gugarq was one of the four borderline
counties of the Armenian Kingdom and, at times, it enjoyed certain
autonomy. According to some Georgian historians, the name Gugarq
has a Georgian origin, and it derives from the inhabitants of the
region who were called "Gogars" or "Gargars." But Armenian sources
do not mention such an ethnicity. As for the land of the Gargars,
it has no correlation with Gugarq.

The nine constituent counties of Gugarq were Dzoropor, Koghbopor,
Tzobopor, Tashir, Treghq, Kangarq, Kgharjq, Upper Javakhk, and
Artahan. Up to the first partition of Armenia (387 A.D.), the region
also included neighboring Shavshet, Inner Javakhk, Mangleatspor,
Qwishapor, Boghnopor, Khantsikhen, and Paruar. The total area covered
more than 16,500 square kilometers.

Javakhk is mentioned as eighth in rank of the Gugarq counties. It
was located in the central part of the region and covered areas of
the plateau of the same name (the headland of Akhalqalaq, upland of
Javakhk) and the mountainous area surrounding the latter, bordering
on Treghq (Trialet) in the north, on Samsar and Javakhk mountains
(Kechut, Mtin) in the east, and in the south, on the headland forming
the extension of the Ashotsq plateau.

In historiography, different points of view are offered on the
terminology of the name "Javakhk." According to the Georgian writer
Leonti Mroveli (author of Annals of Qartli and The Life of Qartli),
the plain of Kur, the environs of the river Potskhov (historic
Samtskhe province, now Akhaltskha), and other surrounding lands were
inherited by Javakhos, son of Mtskhetos, grandson of the ancestor of
the Georgians, Qartlos. After Javakhos, the region has been called
Javakhk, Javakheti in Georgian. However, rightfully considering this
"thesis" mythological and overly simplistic, many later researchers
have attempted to find other explanations. Some, having in mind the
region’s favorable climate for growing barley, have connected javi,
the Georgian word for barley, with the name. Others have tried to
find in the area an ethnic race of Javakhis.

In reality, the place-name of Javakhk, as is evident in the
inscriptions of Van (Kingdom of Van)-where it is mentioned from the
close of the 9th century B.C.-is a transliterated variant of the land
called "Zabakha" or "Zabakhian": Zabakha-Jabakha-Javakha-Javakhk. In
the Khokhorian inscriptions of Argishti I (786-764 B.C.), among the
conquered lands of Diaukh or Daya (Tayq) and Tariun (Daruynq, Basen),
there is mention of Zabakhan.

This name is also referred to in several inscriptions left by a number
of succeeding Urartian kings. Although, there is no mention of Javakhk
prior to the 8th century B.C., by studying the pre-Urartian era, it
is possible to presume that it had either been an administrative part
of an early Armenian state formation of the 2nd millennia B.C.-in all
likelihood of Hayasa or Etiuni-or it may have been a fairly large,
separate entity including the entire western section of the province
of Gugarq. The second hypothesis is more probable; it is not by
coincidence that the above-mentioned Argishti inscription mentions
Zabakha as an occupied country. It means that until the beginning of
the 8th century B.C., Javakhk had been a self-governing nation at the
time and, as a territory inhabited by ethnic Armenians, was absorbed
into the unified Kingdom of Van, constituting its largest province
on the north-western frontier.

There is almost no direct reference to Javakhk from the post-Urartian,
Armenian Ervanduni era. We can only cite two semi-legendary, yet
noteworthy, references from Moses of Khoren’s History of the Armenians
and Qartlis Tskhovreba. The father of historians notes that Vagharshak
I bequeathed "half of the Javakhs sector" to Gushar of the Sharas and
assigned a viceroy there to protect the Armenian homeland against the
north-Caucasian highlanders. Many scholars studying this venture of the
semi-legendary figure Vagharshak place it in the 3rd century B.C. At
that time, it seems, Javakhk was within the domains of the Ervandunis
and was given to Gushar, thus becoming identified with the latter; as
such, it ceased to be a vast province in its own right and was included
in the newly formed frontier principality as two split parts: Upper
Javakhk and Lower Javakhk. Upper Javakhk is identified with the "half
of the Javakhs sector" mentioned by Moses of Khoren, since it was given
to the Shirak province of the neighboring Shara. There are no sources
mentioning Lower Javakhk. But, if there was the upper segment-which
was the southern and northeastern highland-there must have also been a
"Lower Javakhk" encompassing the lowlands in the west and northwest.

It is significant that the above account by Moses of Khoren, written in
3rd-century B.C. (approximately) Javakhk, appears in its inaccurate,
"Georgian" version in Qartlis Tskhoveba, according to which-as
mentioned above-it was given to Javakhos. The fact is that in 270 B.C.,
adjacent to northern Metz Haiq, the Parnavazian state of the Georgians
(Iberia, Virq) had come into existence and, with the assistance
of the Seleucids-who were opposed to the Armenian Ervandunis-had
occupied and annexed the provinces of Gugarq and Javakhk, along
with other neighboring areas. At that time, the center of Javakhk
was the fortress of Tzunda, which the Armenians called Qajatun (City
of the Brave). The Greek writer Strabo describes the steps taken to
recover the territories listed above from the Georgians. He writes
that in the 2nd century B.C., King Artaxes of the Armenians (189-160)
had regained from the Iberians, among other lands, Gogarene (Gugarq)
and rejoined them to his country. The same statement, in different
words, is encountered also in Georgian sources. According to Leonti
Mroveli, in order to conquer Javakhetia, the Qartvelians (Georgians)
prompted the Osetians-the Alans, mentioned in Armenian annals-to
attack Artaxes. It means that the Armeno-Alan war, described by Moses
of Khoren in the well-known fable of "Artaxes and Satenik," was fought
also for Javakhk. Artaxes was not only able to re-conquer the Armenian
lands, but he also subjugated the small Georgian Kingdom. In fact,
the Georgian throne passed to the viceroy (Bdeshkh) of Gugarq. It is
not surprising, therefore, that in reference many future writers make
use of the title "Bdeshkh of Gu

Similarly, during the period of the Artaxiads and Arshakunis,
references to Javakhk are rare and it is basically through the
concept of the entire province of Gugarq that one can visualize the
region. The latter, until the downfall of the Arshakunis in 428 A.D.,
has remained the northern frontier province of Metz Haiq, and has not
been separated from it even in the first half of the first century
of our era (1-52 A.D.), when the Armenian throne was occupied by
foreigners, including Georgians.

>From the few references to the region in question, perhaps the most
valuable-a revealing observation on its demographic composition-belongs
to the pen of a Georgian historian. According to tradition, Nino
(Nune, of Armenian sources), one of the Hripsimean sisterhood of
Christian missionaries, on her way to Georgia from Armenia, finds
herself in Javakhk, where she meets Mskheti shepherds on the shores
of Lake Parvana and, speaking to them in Armenian, receives the right
directions to get to Mskhet. This testimony elucidates two important
issues. First, that Nune, a resident of Armenia until her passage to
Virq, was familiar with the native language and, along with other
missionaries, brought Christianity from Armenia to the land of the
Georgians. Second, that the language spoken in Javakhk was Armenian,
since it was populated with Armenians, otherwise there would have
been no necessity for shepherds from Mskhet to learn the language of
the Armenians.

During the reign of Arshak II (350-368 A.D.), Gugarq revolted and
pledged allegiance to the Georgian king. By the order of King Pap,
Sparapet (Supreme Commander) Mushegh re-conquered Gugarq and punished
the Bdeshkh and the princes who had helped him, re-establishing the
River Kur as the boundary between Armenia and Georgia: "…the old
boundary, which prevailed before between the land of the Armenians
and that of the Georgians, which is the great River Kur itself."

It is remarkable that, while being part of Gugarq, during the
3rd and 4th centuries, Javakhk managed to maintain its internal
autonomy. The princely clan of the Vardzavunis ruled there, and had
their special place in Arsacid (Arshakuni) Armenia. In the "Gahnamak"
(Register of Noble Clans), they occupied the 23rd place on a list of 70
"nakhararutiuns." During wartime, they contributed 200 warriors to the
eastern of the four command sectors. After the partition of Armenia in
the year 387 A.D., the influence of the Arsacids on Gugarq and Javakhk
was considerably weakened and, after the fall of the Armenian Kingdom,
the two regions were absorbed into the Georgian Satrapy set up under
the rule of Persia, at the same time that Artsakh was made part of
another Persian dominion, Aghvanq.

Along with all of northern Armenia, Javakhk also remained under
Persian rule until the Arab invasions of the 7th century. In History
of Taron, written by the contemporary author Hovhan Mamikonian, in
his narrative of the Arab conquests, once more we come across the name
of Javakhk. The author relates that the Arab general Abd el-Rahib had
sacked, in the mid-7th century, the Armenian provinces of Harq, Basen,
Javakhk, Vananda and, moving on to Virq, had returned to Arabia with
his loot. It is noteworthy, that Javakhk is listed with the Armenian
provinces, and Virq is mentioned only at the end. It signifies that
in the years 40-50 of the 7th century, during the period of the Arab
invasions, this province was part of Armenia, not Virq.

Javakhk remained under Arab domination until the end of the 9th
century, when Smbat I of the Bagratids (890-914 A.D.), according
to the historian Hovhannes of Draskhanakert, "…up and assailed
the province of the Gugars, subduing and conquering them for the
fortification of his own domain."

During the years 70-80 A.D., most of Gugarq formed part of the Kingdom
of Lori, or Kiurik (also Gugarq, Dzoraget). Upper Javakhk-particularly
Gogshen, its southern section-remained under the rule of the Bagratids
for a while, as, towards the end of the 10th century, Inner Javakhk
became a part of the increasingly more powerful Georgian Bagratids. By
the beginning of the 11th century, the same fate befell the heartland
of Upper Javakhk. In a short while, the Georgian kings turned Javakhk
and the neighboring Samtskhe into strong, fortified outposts of
their southern domains as a protection against separatist forces, the
Byzantine Empire and, later on, the Seljuk Turks. At the start of the
11th century, Bagrat III fortified one of the centers of the province
and called it New City, Akhalqalaq in Georgian (akhali meaning "new,"
qalaqi meaning "city"). In the years 1044-1047, in his war against
Liparit Orbelian, Bagrat IV built the Akhalklaq fort on the left bank
of the stream called Qarasunaghbiur. A certain number of Georgians
were brought here to populate the area.

Georgian hegemony did not last very long. In the year 1064, Armenia
and Georgia were devastated by the Seljuks. At that time, the Sultan
Alp Aslan "…set up camp in the province called Javalis (Javakhs),"
writes Matheos Urhayetsi, "and surrounding with arms the city called
Alakh (Akhal-qaghaq city), with a mighty assault captured Alakh city,
ruthlessly putting men and women, priests, clerics, and nobles to the
sword. He flooded the city with blood and took countless youngsters
and girls to Persia as slaves, and treasures of gold, silver, jewels,
and pearls beyond measure." Vardan the historian also narrates on these
events: The nephew of Tughril, Alp-Aslan "…returned with a force
of a hundred thousand and captured the new city that the Georgians
call Akhal-city (qaghaq)." It is obvious from these statements by
historians that by the middle of the 11th century, Akhalqalaq, which
had replaced Dzunda as regional center, had lost a sizable part of
its population to atrocious massacres and mass deportations.

At the beginning of the 12th century, King David the Builder of
Georgia (1089-1125) managed to regain Lori and Javakhk from the Seljuk
Turks. But, over the entire duration of the 11th century, Javakhk-along
with other provinces-continued to change hands. In August 1175, the
troops of Sultan-Atabek Eltkuz of Gandzak occupied and sacked Javakhk
and Treghq. Georgi III (1156-1184), avoiding a confrontation, showed no
opposition to the Seljuk aggression. After destroying Ani and Shirak,
Eltkuz "…totally devastates Akhal-qaghaq and Javakhet and then turns
towards Dvin…" Only towards the end of the 12th century-according
to Queen Tamar’s (1184-1213) historian-after the victorious campaigns
of Zachary and Ivane Zacharians, did the territories between Javakhk
and Sper fall under Georgian rule.

During this period, infiltrations of Qartvelian ethnic groups into
Javakhk continued along with the spread of Georgian Orthodoxy-a
process that was evident during the rise of the Bagratids of Georgia
(from the 12th to the beginning of the 13th century) not only in
Akhalqalaq but also other areas of northern Armenia which, as a result
of the growing Armeno-Georgian alliance, had been absorbed into the
boundaries of Georgia.

Nevertheless, of those provinces, Lori, Samtskhe-Akhaltskha,
Daush, areas around Sevan, as well as Javakhk remained essentially
Armenian-populated territories. It is not by chance that the Georgian
court trusted these provinces to the Armenian Zacharians who, under
the aegis of Georgia, created their own fiefdom.

The historian of Queen Tamar writes that Sargis Erkainabazuk Tmogveli
(Tmogvetsi) and Shalva Toreli (Toretsi) were viceroys of Javakhk. The
first had his seat at Tmogvi, in the Armenian fort of Tmuk or Tmka,
located in the valley of Kur, not far from the town of Tzunda;
while the second, in all probability, governed from the hamlet of
Torea. It is significant that there were two governors in Javakhk. It
means that the former administrative division of the province was
maintained. The Toreans were also under the jurisdiction of the
Tmkaberd Zacharians. Autonomous Akhalqalaq was the most important
administrative and economic center of the province.

In the mid-20’s of the 13th century, Javakhk was subjugated by the
Central Asian conqueror Jalaleddin, and during the 30’s, it was
devastated by the Mongol invasions. But in several provinces, as in
Javakhk, the autonomy of the Zacharians prevailed. Based on the new
administrative division of 1245, Javakhk was left to the Toreans, under
Mongol supervision. In 1266, taking advantage of the Georgian kings’
struggle against the Mongols, the lord of Tmkaberd, Sargis Jaghetsi,
in the name of the satrapy of Samtskhe, succeeded to establish a vast
principality from Tashir to Erzrum, including Javakhk. Until the
beginning of the 14th century, by paying a certain amount of taxes
to the Mongols, this basically Armenian-populated principality,
constituted in northern and northwestern Armenia, maintained its
autonomy until 1535 by resisting pressures from Qartli, Leng-Timur and
his successor Timurians and, from the 15th century onwards, Turkmen
Koyunlu tribes. Armenian cultural life thrived in Javakhk under the
Bagratids, Zacharians, and the succeeding Jaghetsis; the numerous
surviving architectural monuments are living proof of that era.

Towards the end of the 15th century, Javakhk became the target of
numerous aggressors. In 1484, the troops of Yaghub Khan of Persia
devastated the area, massacring and enslaving the population and
setting the province on fire. In 1535, in a joint effort, the kings of
Imeretia and Qartli defeated the forces of the ruler of Samtskhe and
occupied Akhalqalaq and Akhaltskha. However, in the wars against Sefian
Iran in 1547, the Ottoman Turks occupied those cities. By the 1555
Persian-Turkish peace treaty of Amasia, Javakhk was ceded to Persia.

But the war began again in 1578, the Turks reentered Javakhk, and
made it part of the newly constituted vilayet (province) of Chlter,
and later, in 1637, a separate sanjak (district).

The Ottomans began a census in the conquered regions for taxation
purposes. One of the taxpayers lists, prepared by the Turks at the
close of the 16th century, contains valuable information on the
demographic picture of Akhalqalaq. Called "Extensive Register of
Gurjistan (Georgian) Vilayet," it contains a listing of all the
counties, their villages, and inhabitants. It shows that in most
areas of Akhalqalaq, the inhabitants were Christians, with Armenian
or Georgian names, and names common to both ethnicities. We come
across Armenian names-or names widely used by Armenians-in Kokia,
Ruben, Roseb (Hovsep); in Orja, Prince Hanes, his brother Sargis,
elder of Hanes, Kirakos, Simon, Ghazar son of Nazar; in Kotelia,
Zachar; in Baralet, grandson of Mitich (Mkrtich), his son Sargis;
in Turtskh, son of Masur (Mansur) Sargis, Avag; in Khando, Hacob; in
Vachia, Qerob; in Qartzep, Bayandur; in Hokam, Manuel son of Sargis;
in Qilda, Khachatur; in Upper and Lower Khospia, Mitich, Ter-Beki,
Khosik-Husik, Sahak; in Jigrashen, grandson of Zachar; in Greater
Majadia, Hacob; in Naqalaqev, Havategh son of Karapet; in Korkh,
Rostom, his son Kirakos, Shahaba son of Mkrtich, Hanes son of Sargis,
Kirakos son of Astvatzatur; in Gumburdo, David son of Kharaba, Mkrtich
son of Amirkhan, Yaral son of Kirakos, Abraham son of Shahkul, Manuk;
in Olaverd, Abas; in Khulgumo, Astvatzatur, Artashes; in Heshtia,
Ter-Hacob; in Metz Khorenia and Chamdura, Grigor, his brother Mose,
Sahak son of Grigor, his brother Sargis, Ter-Hacob, his brother Yaral,
Khachatur, Murat son of Jihanshe; in Orja, Vahram, Sargis, Eghiazar;
in Zresk, Shahmurat, Rosep, Simon, Samson, Astvatzatur; in Ghaurma,
Sargis; in Bavra, Bayandur; in Toria, Araqel, Bayandur, Janibek son of
Sargis, Mkrtich; in Abul, Eghiazar, David, Sargis; in the fortress of
Akhalqalaq, Murat, his brother Zadik; in Little Murjakhet, Hanes son
of Sargis; in Little Manzara, Dolik son of Astvatzatur; in Tzunda,
Jojik son of Jhanshe, his brother Manuk; in Sulda, Shermazan, his
son Simon; in Erinja!

, son of ; in Khozabun, Manuk son of Astvatzatur; in Aragova, Sargis;
in Apnia, Abas; in Bezhono, Simon; in Alastan, Arzuman; in Lomaturtskh,
Rostom son of Alibek; in Zak, Eghiazar, Rosep; in Burnashet, Sargis,
etc.

It is noteworthy that there were also locations where the populations
were overwhelmingly Armenian. Thus, the famous fortress town of
Tmuk (Tmotsvi), according to the same source, was mostly Armenian
populated. There, we come across the following names: Sargis son
of Araqel, Rostom son of Anania, his brother Mkrtich, Vardan son
of Etigar, Hovhannes son of Bayandur, Papu son of Shirin, Berik son
of Piraziz, his son Mkrtich, Murat, Ter-Hacob, Berik son of Murat,
his brother Margar, Hacob, Sargis son of Meliq, etc. Qenarbel Village
of the Chldri Region was all Armenian populated: son of Tzaruk, his
brother Astvatzatur, son of Margar, Norses (Nerses) son of Ghulijan,
Khosik-Husik, son of Rostom, Sargis son of Mukhtar, Mkrtich son of
Velijan, son of Mkrtich, his brother Sargis, Murat son of Karapet,
Martiros son of Avanes, Hovhannes son of Amiraziz, his brother Karapet,
Khachik son of Hambardzum, Tornik son of Tzaruk, Khachatur son of
Alexan, Margar, Papu son of Margar, etc.

Many Armenians also lived in the villages of Metz and Poqr Kartzakh
of the same province: Nadar son of Shahnazar, Vardan, Grigor son of
Suqias, Jhanshe son of Kirakos, son of Mkrtich, his brother Vardzel,
Bayandur, Khachik son of Yarali, Son of Sahak, son of Anton, Ter-Hacob
son of Jomerd, his son Shahaziz, Yaraziz son of Ter-Hacob, Sargis,
Astvatzatur, Diarbek son of Sahak, his brother Astvatzatur, etc. It
should be noted that, among the names listed above, the name Ter-Hacob
is mentioned many times, while in Khospia, it is the name Ter-Bek-an
occurrence that proves the presence of Armenian clergy along with
churches and parishioners.

In subsequent eras, during the long and brutal Ottoman domination,
the province in question was not immune to forced Islamization. The
Islamic faith was adopted particularly by Armenians who had converted
to the Chalcedonian creed. By the 17th and 18th centuries, these
Islamized elements, along with Turkish newcomers, were known regionally
as Meskhetians in Akhaltskha, Adige and, to a lesser degree, in
Akhalqalaq. Thus, according to the Georgian author Vakhusht Bagration,
in the mid-40’s of the 18th century, the core populations of the
well-known hamlets in Akhalqalaq, Baralet, and Kokia were Meskhetian
and Armenian. Although in comparison to the Christians the Mohamedans
were few, the destructive realities of foreign occupation were
leading to the disfigurement of the native ethnicity. In particular,
Nadir Shah’s invasion in the mid 1730’s had dire consequences. Around
6,000 Armenian captives of northern Armenia were brought by force to
Persia: "…and they enslaved the province of Nariman, Javakhetia,
Chltur, and Ghayi Ghula, which were full of our co-nationals," writes
Abraham of Crete, "and they moved man and woman, old and young, and
took them to Khorasan-6,000 in all, from what we hear." Nevertheless,
as a statement by Ghucas Injijian indicates, at the close of the 18th
century, the province of Akhalqalaq continued to be a region inhabited
mainly by Armenians. Just in Akhalqalaq City, there were 600 Armenian
and Georgian households. Over the last decades of the 18th century,
Georgian kings attempted to liberate the province of Akhalqalaq from
the Turks. In 1772, Herakl II of Kskhet and Solomon of Imeritia
laid siege to the fortress of Akhalqalaq, without any success. At
the beginning of the 19th century, the Russian Empire’s involvement
in Transcaucasia became progressively more active. In April 1807,
Field Marshall Gudovich’s troops surrounded Akhalqalaq, but suffering
enormous losses, retreated. On Sept. 5, 1810, in the vicinity of
Akhalqalaq, the division under the command of General Paulucci over!

whelmed t uli Khan of Erivan sent to assist the Turks, and on Dec. 8,
1811, Kotliarevski’s army group, crossing the snow-covered mountains of
Treghq, staged a surprise attack on Javakhk and captured the Akhalqalaq
citadel. However, by the terms of the 1812 Bucharest peace treaty,
it was returned to Turkey.

On July 24, 1828, General Paskevich occupied Akhalqalaq in one
swift assault, and on July 26, the fort of Khertvis (Khertez). On
Sept. 2, 1829, based on the Treaty of Adrianopolis, the provinces
of Akhalqalaq and Akhaltskha were turned over to Russia. The war
had caused serious damage to the Armenian and Georgian villages;
many of them were depopulated, with many emigrating. The Russian
occupation gave the native population a chance to return and partly
rebuild several hamlets, such as Hokam, Baralet, Kokia, Gondura,
Abul, Diliska, Majadia, and Aragova. Already, at the end of the war
in 1829, the region was inhabited by 1,716 Armenian, 639 Muslim,
and 179 Georgian families.

At the end of 1829, with the efforts of Karapet Archbishop Bagratuni,
58,000 Armenians from Erzrum, Basen, and Khnus, and partly from the
environs of Derjan, making use of the 13th Article of the Adrianopolis
Treaty, settled in the provinces of Akhaltskha and Akhalqalaq. In
Akhalqalaq province alone, the Erzrum Armenians, along with the
natives, rebuilt or founded around 50 villages. In 1831, a few dozen
Armenian families from Akhaltskha set the foundations of a widespread
district in the half-ruined southern sector of Akhalqalaq. Thus, the
number of native Javakhk Armenians was enhanced with Western Armenians
who, actually more numerous than the Eastern Armenian-speaking natives
(whom they called Yerli or Yerlagan) imposed their dialect, lifestyle,
and traditions in the region. During the 1830’s, a small percentage of
Western Armenians who had not found the comfortable living standards
promised by the Russian authorities, returned to Western Armenia,
while the majority, overcoming numerous difficulties, remained and
developed the region. Soon, Akhaltskha and Akhalqalaq turned into
overwhelmingly Armenian-populated provinces in Transcaucasia, since
the majority of Meskhetians of the area, not wishing to live under
Russian rule, emigrated to Turkey. By 1831, the number of Armenians
in the Akhalqalaq province exceeded 30,000-of which, as noted above,
1,716 families (nearly 10,000-13,000 people) were native locals,
some of them Catholics.

In 1840, the province of Akhalqalaq, constituting the main area of the
Turkish sanjak, was incorporated into Georgeoimeritia and, in 1846,
into the Tbilisi province. In 1860, it was made into a sub-sector
of Akhaltskha and, in 1874, was given the status of a full-fledged
province. That same year, Akhalqalaq received provincial status of the
third level; in 1890, the rating of a second-level city; and in 1896,
the regular autonomy of a metropolis.

Between 1841 and 1843, exiled members of the Russian Dukhobor sect
established eight to nine villages in the southern sector of the
region (the present region of Ninotzminda). Thus, Javakhk became
multi-ethnic. In 1886, the province included 110 villages, grouped
in 10 rural districts: Aragova (13), Baralet (23), Varevan (9),
Vachian (11), Gorelovka (8), Diliska (9), Kartzakh (10), Satkha (8),
Khertvis (11), Heshtia (8). All in all, approximately 63,800 people,
of which 46,386 were Armenians (39,597 Apostolic, 7,236 Catholic),
6,674 Russians (6,597 Dukhobors), 3,735 Georgians, 6,824 Muslims, 53
Jews, 14 Yezdis, and 102 Greeks. From the provided data, it is clear
that the overwhelming majority of the population (72.7 percent) were
Armenians. The Muslims constituted 10.7 percent, the Russian Dukhobors
10.4 percent, and the Georgians 5.8 percent. The Armenians outnumbered
the others not only in the villages but in the city of Akhalqalaq,
as well; in 1893, 4,084 of a population of 4,303 were Armenian. At
the close of the 19th century, in the same 110 villages and the city,
there was a population of 63,799, of which 50,467 (or 79 percent of the
entire population) were Armenian under Russian rule, the Akhalqalaq
province marked great socio-economic and cultural progress, turning
into a technological center, while the villages played an important
role in providing grain to the Transcaucasus. At the start of the
1830’s, the Mesropian Boys’ School opened its doors with the efforts
of Archbishop Karapet. In 1856, the Surb Khach (Holy Cross) church was
renovated with the donations of benefactor Karapet Yaghubian. In 1870,
the Sandkhtian Girls’ School, in the 1880’s, the Russian schools,
and in 1889, the municipal gymnasium started their classes.

Towards the close of the 19th century, a liberation group was
organized by J. Ter-Grigorian and P. Abelian. Thereupon, political
activities were initiated by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation
(ARF). Javakhk produced national figures, such as Hovhannes Qajaznuni,
Hamo Ohanjanian, Vahan Terian, Ruben Ter-Minasian, Ruben Darbinian,
and many others.

http://www.asbarez.com/2009/08/

Prost: Schumacher made the right call

Prost: Schumacher made the right call

Autosport.com
Wednesday, August 12th 2009

By Steven English

Alain Prost says he understands Michael Schumacher’s desire to return
to Formula 1, but believes the seven-time world champion made the
right decision in calling off his comeback due to worries over the
strength of his neck.

Schumacher injured his neck in a motorcycle testing accident in
February and after testing a 2007 Ferrari decided that he was not fit
enough to race again in F1.

Prost, who won four world titles between 1985 and 1993, told French
newspaper Le Parisien that he believes Schumacher needed more time to
prepare himself for a return.

"The desire and motivation to return takes time to disappear, it takes
several years to abandon F1," said Prost. "Michael and I hung up our
helmets for different reasons, but when you were competitive the
temptation to return when asked is great.

"If there was any physical risk, Schumacher was right. The neck is
crucial in motorsport and if there is pain you can quickly feel nausea
and have impaired vision."

Prost also questioned whether the German’s decision was made at least
partly because of question marks over his performance.

"It remains to be seen if Schumacher stopped solely because of the
health problem, or because when he resumed driving he realised that
the task was enormous.

"He has not started in F1 for three years and only had three weeks to
prepare. The body changes very quickly when you stop racing, a driver
does not react the same way and the vision is not as sharp. When I
returned in 1993 after eight months it was very difficult to find the
best level, Schumacher may need more time.

"In 1994 McLaren asked me to take the wheel. I conducted three days of
testing and I immediately realised that something was broken. The
speed was there, but not the will to manage the pressure, travel and
media that comes with a championship contest.

"A year later, Jean Todt suggested that I become team-mate to
Schumacher to help him become champion at
ich was ok – I almost drove, but finally I did not, for the same
reasons."

s/report.php/id/77630

http://www.autosport.com/new