Erdogan’s visit reveals unpromising edges of Turkish-Azeri cooperati

AZG Armenian Daily #121, 01/07/2005

Turkey-region

ERDOGAN’S VISIT REVEALS UNPROMISING EDGES OF TURKISH-AZERI COOPERATION

Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan finished his two-day
visit to Azerbaijani capital of Baku yesterday. During this short stay
Erdogan laid a wreath on the tomb of Heydar Aliyev, strolled at the
Alley of Shehids, took part in the opening of new embassy of Turkey
and met with president Ilham Aliyev and Azerbaijan’s top echelons.

The fact that Turkish mass media was avaricious in covering Erdogan’s
visit does not downplay its importance for Turkish-Azeri relations. But
one should not forget about omnipresent American factor in these
relations. The American influence made itself tangible when secured
its presence in the South Caucasus by means of Georgia, showing thus
that it will get along without Turkey in the region.

Losing its role in the South Caucasian policy of the US, Turkey
found its position swayed in the region. This fact reduced to minimum
Turkey’s capacity to intervene in Nagorno Karabakh conflict.

In this situation of American military presence in the South Caucasus,
Turkey’s joined policy with Azerbaijan does not promise any serious
prospects but simply puts Turkey before a dilemma and creates
conditions for the latter to run into Armenian initiatives. This is
the reason why Turkish mass media, terse in covering Erdogan’s visit,
informs in details that prime minister’s delegation includes only
one deputy from oppositional People’s Republican Party. The latter
was chosen to accompany Erdogan for being the head of Turkish-Azeri
Intergovernmental Friendship Group and for having Azeri roots.

Turkish mass media indicates meanwhile that Turkish prime minister
always has in his delegation not less than 3 deputies from ruling
Justice and Prosperity Party not only for foreign visits but also for
domestic trips. While Turkish press emphasizes the economic character
of PM Erdogan’s visit, Azerbaijan constantly paints the visit into
political colors and tries to use it for pressing on Turkey in terms
of Armenian-Turkish border opening and Karabakh issue.

President Aliyev told CNN-Turk about Azerbaijan’s readiness to “grant
Karabakh’s Armenian community privileges and to guarantee its secure”,
adding “The Armenian side understands that it has no alternative
but talks”. Aliyev’s chief foreign policy adviser Novruz Mamedov
warned Turkey that opening of Armenia-Turkish border will increase
tension in South Caucasus and added, “Armenia is striving for close
relations on one hand, and concentrates arms at the Turkish border
on the other. What’s the meaning of this concentration?”

He reminded of Azerbaijan’s great support in carrying on negation of
the Armenian Genocide. These words of Mamedov seem to have aroused
opposition in Turkey as Turkish ambassador to Azerbaijan, Turan
Moralen, called a press conference and stated, “Baku has to take
encouraging steps in order to get Turkey activated in the region”.

By Hakob Chakrian

Battle for Baku 1918

Military History magazine
29 June 2005
historynet.com

Battle for Baku

On the plains of Central Asia, the men of ‘Dunsterforce’ fought Germans,
Turks, Bolsheviks and Persian warlords with equal verve.
By Pierre Comtois

At midmorning on August 26, 1918, a small contingent of British
soldiers from D Company of the North Staffordshire Regiment lay dug in
along a defensive line at the crest of a dubious geological formation
known locally as the Mud Volcano. It was the key in a defense plan
protecting the vital oil town of Baku on the Caspian Sea — and the
target of Ottoman forces seeking to take advantage of the internal
chaos created by Russia’s ongoing revolution.

All had been quiet until about 10:30 a.m., when the British
defenders spotted a long line of about 1,000 Turkish infantry
and cavalry marching slowly at first, then more quickly toward
their positions. Suddenly the enemy struck the line with light and
heavy artillery. Then all along the ridge British machine guns began
sputtering in response. Five times the Turks lunged at the defenders,
taking heavy casualties. At last, outflanked on the north side of
the volcano and coming under machine gun fire from the reverse slope,
the “Staffords” were forced to retreat to a secondary position among
the oil derricks northeast of Baku. The final battle for the city
had begun — or so it seemed. In the confused seesaw situation in
Transcaucasia following the collapse of tsarist Russia, nothing could
be taken as final.

Although World War I’s principal area of conflict was in Europe,
the armies of Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Turkey and Japan also
fought in Africa, Asia and the Pacific. Among the least known of those
scattered battlegrounds was what at that time was called Transcaucasia
and Transcaspia, an area occupied by the newly independent nations of
Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. There, secret agents from half a dozen
powers prowled the streets of such legendary cities as Samarkand, Kabul
and Bukhara, seeking allies and stirring up the native populations.

The Allies had suffered a major disaster when revolution overtook
Russia’s creaking empire. Tsar Nicholas II abdicated the throne on
March 15, 1917. At first the new government was determined to continue
the war against Germany, but then, almost in a flash, it was replaced
by the more radical Bolshevik faction. With the signing of the Treaty
of Brest-Litovsk by the Bolsheviks in March 1918, the Allies’ worst
nightmare came true. Freed from the Russian threat in the east, Germany
was able to transfer the bulk of its divisions to the Western Front.

Even worse, with the situation in revolutionary Russia still unsettled,
anarchy reigned throughout much of the country. In the Ukraine,
Georgia and Armenia, the Germans held sway, draining those lands of
their natural resources for shipment west. Soon they were eyeing the
oil fields around the city of Baku on the Caspian Sea.

Shortly before World War I broke out, London had ordered India to
station troops in the Persian Gulf to protect its oil fields and the
refinery at Abadan at the head of the gulf, in what is now Iran. When
hostilities began, the troops went ashore. After a long and arduous
campaign, the British finally occupied Baghdad on March 11, 1917. All
their gains were placed in jeopardy when the Bolsheviks took Russia
out of the conflict, rendering the vast landmass that stretched from
the Black Sea to the Indian frontier vulnerable.

British spies throughout Central Asia began sending back disturbing
signals.

German agents were at work in Afghanistan and Turkestan. Turkey was
seeking to take advantage of the civil chaos in the Turkic-speaking
lands bordering their empire to invade Transcaspia. Furthermore,
London was under the false impression that the Germans were on good
terms with the new regime in St.

Petersburg, making Bolshevik agitation in Central Asia and the German
presence in Georgia and Armenia appear ominously coordinated.

Then in the spring of 1918 Enver Pasha, war minister, commander in
chief — and de facto ruler — of Turkey, began planning an offensive
to seize Baku and unite the Turkic-speaking peoples of Central Asia
under Ottoman rule.

Enver Pasha had cannily bided his time after the revolution until
the demoralized Russian army stationed in northeastern Turkey simply
melted away, leaving the way to Baku invitingly open. Enver’s scheme
did not sit well with his German allies, however. When he ignored
their request that he cancel the invasion, the Germans turned to
the Russians and offered to stop the Turks in return for guaranteed
unlimited access to Baku’s oil.

Some months before the Turkish invasion, the British, fearing a
Russian withdrawal from Transcaucasia, decided to send a mission to
the Georgian city of Tiflis, to help stiffen local resistance to the
Germans. By the time that expeditionary force, called “Dunsterforce”
after its commander, Maj.

Gen. Lionel C. Dunsterville, reached the area, Tiflis and most of
Transcaucasia was in German hands. The mission’s parameters were
changed to fit the new scenario: Now Dunsterforce would seek an
accommodation with local revolutionary elements at Baku in an effort
to deny it to the Turks, and do what it could to aid a second mission
operating farther west in Transcaspia.

Dunsterville, a boyhood friend of Rudyard Kipling and the inspiration
for the character Stalky in Stalky and Co., Kipling’s novel about
their schooldays together, was fluent in Russian and had commanded the
1st Infantry Brigade on India’s Northwest Frontier until he received
secret orders to report to Delhi. There, he learned the details of
his new assignment. Together with a handful of 200 officers and NCOs
and a small train of armored vehicles with supplies, he was to proceed
north from Baghdad to the Caspian Sea. From there, his force would go
to Tiflis and form the nucleus of a reorganized Russian force meant
to restore the Allied line facing the Turks.

Dunsterville arrived in Baghdad on January 6, 1918, to find orders,
maps and intelligence reports awaiting him — but no army. Three weeks
later only 12 officers, a number of Ford vans and a single armored
car had joined him, but Dunsterville decided to carry out the first
part of his orders and clear the road to Enzeli, on the southern shore
of the Caspian Sea, hoping the rest of his modest force would follow
him in good time.

Although Dunsterville’s orders seemed clear-cut, no one knew much
about the military situation in the Transcaucasus. In fact, a Turkish
military mission, headed by Enver Pasha’s brother, Nuri Pasha, had
arrived at Tabriz, in what is now northern Iran, in May 1917 and was
organizing a Caucasus-Islam army, sometimes referred to by Enver as
his “Army of Islam,” to bring Azerbaijan under Ottoman rule. Soon
afterward, an advance column of 12,000 men, commanded by Mursal
Pasha, was making its ponderous way toward Baku. Germans and Turks
controlled most of the local railways, and Persian revolutionaries
called Jangalis, led by warlord Mirza Kuchik Khan, terrorized the
Enzeli road. Meanwhile, in Baku, the revolutionary central committee
had reached an impasse, split between factions loyal to the Russian
government at Petrograd, those eager to join with the Turks, and
Armenians sympathetic to the British.

Not all the news was bad for Dunsterville, however. When the Russian
army was ordered back north, Colonel Lazar Bicherakov decided to remain
behind with several hundred of his Cossacks. They eventually attached
themselves to Dunsterforce, which had spent the three weeks since
its departure from Baghdad crossing the jungles of Gilan province and
plowing its way through mountain passes filled with 12-foot snowdrifts
and stray Jangalis. At last the force arrived in Enzeli, where the
local Soviets insisted that Russia was out of the war and did not want
anything to do with the British, including helping them to reach Baku.

That initially cool reception soon turned dangerous for
Dunsterville. The local Persian population surrounded and threatened
to massacre his small force. With only a single armored car to impress
2,000 Bolshevik soldiers and 5,000 rowdy Persians, Dunsterforce slipped
away one night and made its way back south to the town of Hamadan,
about halfway from Enzeli to Baghdad.

At Hamadan the British established temporary headquarters and a
defensive line that consisted mostly of bluff until it was joined
by Bicherakov’s Cossacks, who were disappointed to discover just
how weak Dunsterforce really was. As winter gave way to spring and
summer, however, the rest of Dunsterville’s men began to arrive,
including two Martinsyde G.100 Elephant bombers of No. 72 Squadron,
flown by Lieutenants M.C. McKay and R.P. Pope, which went a long way
to improve morale and impress Dunsterforce’s local allies. At last,
with the force’s assigned complement of officers and the addition of
a mobile force of 1,000 rifles of the 1/4 Hampshire Regiment and the
1/2 Gurkhas with two mountain guns, Dunsterville felt strong enough
to move forward to clear the Enzeli road once and for all of Kuchik
Khan’s guerrillas, who had seized the Menjil Bridge, a vital position
on the way north.

Bicherakov had been agitating to attack the Turkish sympathizers for
weeks, but Dunsterville had hesitated, fearing Kuchik Khan might be
too much for the intemperate Cossacks. Finally he could put off the
impatient Bicherakov no longer, and after talks with Kuchik Khan
failed, plans were made to attack his positions at Menjil.

On June 11, Bicherakov left Dunsterville’s forward position at Qazvin,
Iran, at the head of his Cossacks and elements of the 14th Hussars. At
first light on June 12, the Cossacks started for the bridge expecting
a hard fight, but as the Martinsydes flew over the enemy positions,
their pilots discovered that the Jangalis had failed to occupy a key
ridge commanding their lines.

Bicherakov quickly took the ridge and sited his artillery. A German
adviser with Kuchik Khan, realizing the importance of that move,
called a truce and tried to bluff a victory from certain defeat,
but Bicherakov refused his advances and pressed the attack. Almost
immediately the Jangalis broke and ran, leaving scores of dead and
wounded behind.

With the bridge secured, Bicherakov, supported by mobile units from
Dunsterforce, continued northward to the provincial capital at Resht,
just south of Enzeli, where on July 20 he routed the remnants of
Kuchik Khan’s Jangalis in a final battle. Meanwhile, Dunsterville had
established his headquarters at Qazvin, about midway between Enzeli
and Hamadan.

More reinforcements reached Qazvin in July, including a group from
the Royal Navy under Royal Navy Commodore David Norris, who brought
with him several 4-inch guns. That happy event was dulled, however,
by news of Bicherakov’s defeat east of Baku by the Turks, who had run
off the newly formed Red Army and captured an armored car and its
British crew, which had been on loan from Dunsterforce. By the end
of the month, Mursal Pasha’s force was outside Baku. Then the Turks
suddenly departed. The reason was never made clear, but the alerted
German occupation forces may have posed a threat to their flanks —
though that threat proved to be nothing more than a rumor. At almost
the same time, the Baku Soviet was deposed and the new regime decided
to make contact at Qazvin with the British, who in the meantime had
received permission from London to occupy Baku.

After stressing to Baku’s new rulers, who somewhat grandiosely
called themselves the Central-Caspian Dictatorship, that the British
could only provide help on a small scale, Dunsterville sent Colonel
C.B. Stokes to Baku with 44 men of the 4th Hampshires. They arrived
just in time to help repel a desultory attack by elements of the
Turkish army that had been left behind.

Two days later, Colonel R. Keyworth arrived with the 7th North
Staffordshires to organize the city’s defense. He found only a few
defenses there, all sited improperly. Nobody knew what supplies were
available or where they were located. There was little food, fodder
or oil. Worst of all, the local soldiery was little better than a
disorganized mob.

Receiving this disheartening news back at Enzeli, Dunsterville was
moved to commandeer three local ships, President Kruger, Abo and Kursk,
and arm them with heavy guns, thus providing the means to evacuate his
men from Baku if the need arose. Dunsterville himself landed on August
16, along with a battalion each of the understrength 9th Warwickshire
and 9th Worcestershire regiments, which were immediately sent into the
thin defensive line around the city. Dunsterville then met with the
town’s new rulers to impress upon them the fact that although every
effort would be made to prepare their men for battle, they could not
depend solely on Dunsterforce’s 1,000 or so men to defend Baku.

Ten days later, Nuri Pasha, learning that the Germans had no men to
spare in trying to stop him — even if they contemplated so extreme
a move against their ally — once again ordered advance elements
of his 60,000-man army to move on Baku. The British had used every
day following their arrival to assemble the city’s stocks of weapons
and ammunition and organize an army of 10,000 men. With all they had
accomplished in the short time at their disposal, however, the British
knew that Baku could not withstand a determined attack. Their 7,000
Armenian conscripts were unreliable, the 3,000 Russian troops would
break and run at a moment’s notice and the Tartar population only
waited for a Turkish victory to rise up and slaughter the defenders.

Baku sat on the southern shore of a narrow spit of land that stuck out
into the western side of the Caspian Sea. A series of cliffs to the
east of the city were dominated by the railroad that crept from the
west to service the oil fields to the northwest of the town and then
circled eastward to Baku’s seaport. Beyond the cliffs, a succession
of ridges formed the high ground of the tiny peninsula, among which
gathered a number of salt lakes and marshes.

It was on that high ground, from which they could study the enemy’s
movements, that Stokes and the other British officers decided they
could best defend the city. Thus the Turkish charge that struck the
North Staffordshires atop the Mud Volcano on the morning of August
26 was expected.

The Turks attacked with more than 1,000 men, supported by cavalry
and artillery. Four times the Staffords threw them back, but with no
sign of their expected Armenian reinforcements they were eventually
forced to abandon their position atop the volcano after losing all
of their officers and 80 men.

Dunsterville rushed reinforcements from Baku aboard a caravan of
careening trucks. Sixty Staffords and 70 Warwicks arrived on the scene
too late to help and were forced to join the dozen or so survivors
as they retreated to new positions among the oil derricks east of
the volcano. A company of the 9th Worcesters joined them there in
midafternoon.

The position atop the volcano had been the key to Dunsterville’s
entire line, and when its defenders were forced to retreat, the whole
19-mile front was obliged to fall back to an inner line of prepared
positions. By early afternoon, the volcano was in Turkish hands.

At the same time as they attacked the volcano, the Turks moved out from
the village of Novkhany on the north side of the peninsula, where a
sunken road allowed them to approach close to the British lines while
under cover. They charged a hill east of the village of Binagadi,
held by a battalion of Armenian conscripts. When word reached them
of the attack on the volcano, a company of North Staffords was told
to abandon their positions at Diga and reinforce the Armenians on
Binagadi Hill. When they reached the crest, however, the British found
it deserted, with 250 Turks coming up the opposite side. The company
lost 10 men killed and wounded before it threw back the attack with
a hail of lead from its Lewis machine guns and rifles at point-blank
range. A second assault was also repelled, and the men breathed easier
when they saw the Turks retire toward Novkhany.

Dunsterville found his fallback position was a crooked, unsatisfactory
line, inferior to the first. In addition, the Turks now commanded the
heights atop the volcano and were bombarding the city with artillery
fire. Also disturbing was the news that conscripts had abandoned the
Armenian hilltop.

It seemed to be the same everywhere — while his men fought off
the Turks, the local militia loitered in town and Russian soldiers
attended political meetings. Dunsterville faced a difficult dilemma
— if his men were all that stood between the Turks and Baku, they
were surely doomed to failure, but if he decided to abandon the city,
he would be leaving the valuable oil fields in enemy hands.

Talks with the Baku government yielded glib promises from the local
commander, a General Dukuchayev, that his forces would fight to
the death.

The central committee adamantly resisted Dunsterville’s more realistic
suggestion — that they prepare to destroy the oil fields — since
its members considered them the city’s only claim to importance.

Meanwhile, the Turkish shelling increased. The Hotel d’Europe,
Dunsterville’s headquarters, was reduced to rubble, forcing him to
relocate to another hotel. That building too came under accurate
fire, and the British began to suspect that there was a spy in their
midst. After the war, they learned that a Turkish colonel, disguised
as a Tartar fodder merchant, had been spotting for the enemy artillery
all along.

On August 31, Mursal Pasha struck again at Binagadi Hill. Early that
morning, the 7th North Staffords under the command of Lieutenant
R.C. Petty brushed off a strong enemy patrol, then reported that at
least 500 Turks were forming up to attack. The British quickly shifted
a company of Warwicks to the center of the oil derricks near Binagadi
Hill to be held in reserve, and sent an armored train filled with
Russians to Baladjari village to pin down the enemy at the Mud Volcano.

At 6 a.m. Turkish machine guns and artillery opened an enfilading
fire on the men on Binagadi Hill, inflicting heavy casualties. With
Lieutenant Petty dead, the British survivors retreated to a fallback
position called Warwick Castle. A nearby Armenian unit took too long
to react, arriving long after the hill had been abandoned. The Armenian
reinforcements failed to hold their new position on the right, however,
and the retreat of another battalion on the left made Warwick Castle
indefensible. The remainder of the Warwicks then made a fighting
retreat through a forest of oil derricks to the northeast. A second
company of Warwicks, ordered to plug the gap in the new line, found
the position amid the derricks too weak. After nightfall, everyone
was pulled farther back to Baladjari.

Angry at the sight of hundreds of demoralized Russian troops streaming
through the streets of Baku even as his own men were dying in their
defense, Dunsterville fired off none-too-polite letters to General
Dukuchayev, who tried to soothe the British officer by inviting him
to attend a council of war. That meeting devolved into a series
of long-winded speeches suggesting unlikely plans for the city’s
defense. “Stalky” expressed his disgust with his allies by walking
out of the meeting.

All this time Dunsterville had kept his navy, now grown to four ships,
close at hand in Baku’s port. On September 1, he notified the central
committee that there was nothing more his men could do for the city
so long as its local defenders refused to join the British at the
front. Over the next few days, a flurry of correspondence produced
a provisional promise from Dunsterville to remain in Baku if the
Russians showed more spirit.

A few days later, a deserter who identified himself as being from the
Turkish 10th Division informed the defenders that the Turks planned
a major attack on the 14th. In the meantime, 500 men and 10 machine
guns from Bicherakov’s force had arrived and immediately found a
place in the city’s new line of defense.

Because their informer was unable to tell them just where the Turkish
attack would come, the defenders were forced to draw their perimeter
tight around Baku, in some places leaving little room for maneuver or
retreat. The heights to the immediate south of the city near the Bibi
Eibat oil fields were held by 60 men of A Company, North Staffords,
while 100 Armenians were held in reserve. Just to the north and hugging
tight to Baku itself was Wolf’s Gap, a narrow space between hills
crucial to the city’s defense, manned by Russians with two machine
guns, two howitzers and a battery of field guns. B Company of the
North Staffords held the thin line from Wolf’s Gap to the village
of Khoja Hasan, northwest of Baku, which was held by more Armenians
and a battery of howitzers. Bicherakov’s Cossacks watched the line
from Khoja Hasan to Baladjari. At Baladjari two companies of the 9th
Worcesters were settled in the village even as the 9th Royal Warwicks
watched the line out to the Darnabul Salt Lake and four machine guns
and an armored car machine gun squadron guarded its eastern shore.

Bad weather had grounded Dunsterville’s tiny air force, leaving him
guessing as to just where Nuri Pasha intended to strike next along
his 14-mile-long front. Then, before dawn on September 14, a Turkish
artillery barrage struck everywhere along the line. Eight to 10
battalions of Turkish infantry swarmed across the railroad tracks
south of Khoja Hasan, rolled over Bicherakov’s stunned Russians,
breached Wolf’s Gap and gained the cliffs overlooking Baku. The 39th
Brigade rushed to stem the tide but lacked the strength to throw
the Turks from the heights. Lieutenants McKay and Pope, finding
their Martinsydes unserviceable, burned them and joined the British
infantry. Dukuchayev ordered counterattacks, but due to poor leadership
his men accomplished little. The Turks poured in reinforcements and
consolidated their hold along the cliffs. There, the action halted,
but the Turks awaited only the arrival of artillery on the heights
before swooping down into the city.

With scattered artillery fire pounding Baku and his last line of
defense breached, Dunsterville decided that further resistance
was futile.

Accordingly, he ordered the Royal Navy to have its ships ready to
evacuate Dunsterforce.

At 8 p.m., with their positions around the city deteriorating fast
in the face of renewed Turkish attacks, the Warwicks and Worcesters,
screened on the left flank by the North Staffords, began abandoning
their places in the line and streamed toward the docks. The evacuation
was complicated by the knowledge that if Baku’s populace learned
they were leaving, they would become hostile and an angry central
committee might turn the guns of its own ships in the harbor on the
British vessels. The sick and wounded were evacuated first aboard the
improvised hospital ships Kursk and Abo, which then managed to slip
away from the city unnoticed. Next, Dunsterforce loaded its equipment
and ammunition on the 200-ton Armenian.

During a propitious lull in the fighting, the last elements of
Dunsterforce found their places aboard President Kruger at 10 p.m. Just
before the crew cast off, a Russian soldier noticed the activity around
the British vessel, and minutes later Dunsterville was confronted by
two members of the central committee. They warned him that if he was
leaving, they would act to stop him. Dunsterville reminded them of
his warning that if greater efforts were not forthcoming from their
own men, he would have no choice but to abandon the city. He then
ordered the ship to cast off.

With Baku lit by flames and its streets beginning to ring with the
din of combat, Kruger began heading out to sea. Its leavetaking was
not without a moment of tension, when all its lights suddenly and
inexplicably flashed on.

Before they were once more extinguished, a Russian guard ship
spotted them.

The vessel ordered Kruger to halt, then opened fire. Luckily
for the British, the shots fell short, and the ship made good
its escape. Armenian, however, still lay somewhere behind Kruger,
surrounded by now-alerted Russians. Twelve hours later, it entered
Enzeli Harbor, having been struck six times by Turkish fire that
miraculously had not touched off the ammunition on board.

The mission to Baku had cost Dunsterforce 180 men dead, wounded
and missing.

Mursal Pasha later stated that the Turks had suffered 2,000
casualties. The Turks’ hard-won victory would prove less than
satisfactory, however. With its armies in Palestine and Mesopotamia
smashed, the Ottoman empire signed an armistice on October 30, 1918.

On November 17, a British military mission returned to reoccupy
Baku and supervise the removal of Nuri and Mursal Pasha’s forces. In
London, however, the failure of Dunsterforce to hold Baku was seen
as an embarrassment, and Dunsterville became its scapegoat.

With the war ended, British forces in Transcaucasia found their
mission changing, as they became involved with the tangled politics
of revolutionary Russia. As the Allied intervention in that country
ran its course, limits were placed on British activities in Central
Asia, followed by disengagement. By April 1919, it was all over. The
British soldiers who had been cast into the farthest corners of the
tsar’s empire to keep it out of the hands of Germany and Turkey, then
later the Bolsheviks, were reassigned to their accustomed billets in
India, the Middle East and England itself.

The strange saga of Dunsterforce and its courageous stand receded
from the consciousness of the West for the better part of 60 years,
until the tumultuous events of the 1980s, 1990s and the early 21st
century once again placed Transcaspia at the center of world conflict.

For further reading, Lowell, Mass.-based writer Pierre Comtois
recommends: A Peace to End All Peace, by David Fromkin; Like Hidden
Fire, by Peter Hopkirk; and The Baku Commune, 1917-1918, by Ronald
G. Suny.

This article was originally published in the July 2005 issue of
Military History magazine.

Artashat Cannery Does Not Have Time To Purchase Apricots

ARTASHAT CANNERY DOES NOT HAVE TIME TO PURCHASE APRICOTS

YEREVAN, JUNE 28. ARMINFO. Residents of Ararat region of Armenia
have to stand in line for several hours for selling apricots to the
Artashat cannery. And several people complain that the factory simply
does not purchase apricots. To elucidate the situation Minister of
Territorial Management of Armenia Hovik Abrahamian and Chairman of
State Committee of Cadastre of Real Estate of Armenia Manuk Vardanian
visited the Artashat cannery.

In his turn, Director of the factory Sergo Karapetian stated that
the factory purchases apricots in three shifts and does not have
time to process them. During the last three years the purchases of
the factory reached 150 tons, 100 tons of which were purchased only
in June 27. According to Karapetian, the factory is able to purchase
maximum 100 tons of apricots per day. “But in total the factory is
able to purchase unlimited volume of fruits”, Karapetian said.

Abrahamian said that the management of the factory is obliged to
pay 50% out of the amount of the purchase, and the remaining 50 –
within 10 days.

To note, on the results of 2004 the volume of production of Artashat
cannery ojsc increased by 30%, reaching 12,000 tons of finished
product. The volume of selling of the product of the enterprise totaled
$5 mln, the exports reaches 95-96%. Mainly the products are exported
to European countries, the USA, Japan, Russia, Belarus and the Ukraine.

Haley Gallery on a mission to enlighten the world

Portsmouth Herald News, NH
June 28 2005

Haley Gallery on a mission to enlighten the world

By Jeanne’ McCartin
[email protected]

Jackie Abramian and her family moved to the Seacoast looking for a
simpler, more diverse life surrounded by nature, where they could
build on a dream that is part love, part mission. It’s been a year
since they’ve lived in Kittery full time, and six months since they
opened Haley Farm Gallery – a space where she reaches out to the
neighbors and world.

“We were looking for somewhere to be for many years to come, and to
have a gift shop/bookstore, gallery, something like that. … We had
talked about it for year,” she says. “We saw the potential here. …
There are so many artists here, beautiful scenery, we thought it just
has to be.”

As Abramian explains, she’s not an art historian, her degree is in
journalism not art, and she’s not an artist. Her motivations for a
gallery lie in her love of creativity, and humanity. In her mind the
two are intertwined. Art, when done well, provides a deeper meaning and
understanding of ourselves, she says. That belief drives the exhibition
selections. Haley’s first display was the work of local schoolchildren
– it was a way to meet the neighbors. The next featured two nationally
renowned artists, Samuel Bak and Berj Kailian, one a survivor of the
Holocaust, the other of the early 20th-century Armenian genocide,
respectively. It was during a period both horrors were marking major
anniversaries, something that needed to be noted, she says.

The two artists’ works speak not only of the incident, but also to
survival and hope. They, like any true artist, bring truth to light,
she says. For Abramian truth is art’s value.

“I have to say there are so many crazy things in this world, wars,
human trafficking, drugs, abuse, I think art is where we find solace.
It is the only sane aspect of our existence,” she says, in a voice
lightly laced by an accent. Sharing that element is one motivation
behind the gallery. Another is she and her husband are collectors,
who find art a necessity to a rich and well-lived life. They also
appreciate the relationships they build with those who create the work.

“Whether it’s a filmmaker capturing the struggle of a village in a
far-away land, or a poem you read and are moved by, (artists) have
a different eye, not the same as I have. … I appreciate that when
they look at life, war and abuse, they see a different thing that is
the only thing we can hang on to that’s truthful.”

But, she concedes, not all creations contain truth. There are
paintings, sculpture and writings that don’t qualify as art, though
they may appear as such. They’re pure propaganda, work motivated by
a different place, an institution, or government, “not produced by
a creative artist.”

“Look at the former Soviet Union, there were artist within it that all
they created was propaganda. That artist is not an artist in my book,
even if they think so. They have been manipulated. Maybe they had to
sell their soul to survive. But there were true artists who didn’t.”

It happens everywhere, she adds. But the discerning eye, and
intelligent person knows the difference.

“You know who’s taking pictures to show you things you know are not
happening. You can see. It’s an insult to your intelligence. … You
can see there is no challenge. Some people would want propaganda in
their gallery. It’s their choice, but I won’t have it here. … My
husband and I strive to bring a message”

Although every Haley exhibition won’t have to make a powerful social
or political statement, she hopes all will at least have visitors
look differently at things. She notes the work of Lisa Reinke, who
exhibited back in May.

“Lisa says, ‘We miss to pause and see humanity in humanity.’ That is
her message.”

When asked if her gallery is in fact a mission, Abramian laughs out
loud. “Yes it is,” she says. “We didn’t have a business plan on this,
where we expressed our political and social idea, but it has become
that because that’s who we are – it just comes out somehow.”

There is purpose even in the gift items offered at the gallery. Each
is a one-of-a-kind item, purchased from privately owned cottage
industries.

This focus started before their Kittery life.

Abramian, who speaks “four and a half, five languages,” which are
Armenian, Farsi, (spoken in Iran) Turkish, English and a bit of German,
is a former journalist. In addition to writing for magazines and
newspapers, she published two books “Conversations With Contemporary
Armenian Artists,” (Amana Books) and “Get Paid to Travel the World”
(Cader Publishing), before moving into public relations.

It was her interest in her heritage and world affairs that prompted
her involvement with the Cambridge Peace Project, in the mid ’90s.
She would be one of its first ambassadors to Armenia, where she would
return numerous times over the next few years. In 2001, she visited
Armenia with her family. It was during this trip she connected with
people struggling to keep their cottage industries going, and began
the effort to help distribute their items in the United States.

“We’re so lucky we can have (the gallery) as a channel. My husband and
I are always caring about what goes on around the world in Africa,
the former Soviet, Iraq. Maybe some people think we’re crazy for
caring about it. But we are human beings and we should care about
human beings. No matter who they are, we should care.”

So, in their own way, in a small gallery on a Maine back road, they’re
trying do their part to support the effort of others, and enrich lives.

As for establishing that gallery off the beaten path, well it’s another
choice some have called foolhardy or at least wildly optimistic. A
friend who owns a gallery in Boston warned, “you’re not going to
make money.”

“We said, it’s OK. … We didn’t think this was a million-dollar
endeavor we were taking on. … We still need jobs. However it’s what
you want to do, so you do it,” she says. “I believe in time we’ll
be recognized.”

Telephone Call on The Bomb Laid in Government Building Was False

TELEPHONE CALL ON THE BOMB LAID IN THE BUILDING OF RA GOVERNMENT WAS
FALSE – DEPARTMENT OF EMERGENCY SITUATIONS

YEREVAN, June 23. /ARKA/. Telephone call on the bomb laid in the
building of RA Government was false, stated Colonel Vrej Gabrielyan,
the deputy Chief of the RA Department of Emergency Situations, ARKA
News Agency correspondent reports from the scene of developments. He
said that a call was received at 14.00 local time on the control panel
of the police about the bomb laid by the external wall of the RA
Government building. The RA Police, Department of Emergency Situations
and National security Service groups immediately drove out to the spot
of the incident and undertook active measures. “As a result of the
action taken, no trace of a bomb or other explosives was found, the
call was false”, said Gabrielyan. He noted that proceedings would
instituted in connection with the case and “the guilty will be
punished”.

The active measures were carried out without the evacuation of the
people from the RA Government building. The Head of the Government,
Andranik Margaryan did not leave his workplace for the time of the
alarm. Until now, the officials of the security agencies are at the
scene, ambulance and fire services are on duty. Note, this is the 4th
false call about a bomb. Previously, similar calls were received in
Russian-Armenian (Slavonic) University, State Pedagogical University,
French University of Armenia and one of Armenian schools. L.V. -0–

Those denying the Genocide to face trial

AZG Armenian Daily #115, 23/06/2005

Armenian Genocide

THOSE DENYING THE GENOCIDE TO FACE TRIAL

German-Armenian lawyer Stepan Tashchian submitted a petition to start a
legal action against Berlin’s Turkish community. Tashchian said over the
phone that during the rally in central Berlin on June 19 (German public TV
counted 1.500 participants) the protesters carried insulting banners,
distributed leaflets urging not to distort history and chanted that what
happened to Armenians in 1915 was not a genocide as it was not organized by
the state, thus it cannot be defined as genocide. This very statement made
Tashchian turn to the police official supervising the rally. Allegedly the
trial will begin in 2-3 months. The 130th article of German Penal Code and
the 189th article of Civil Code administers punishment and fine for the
aforesaid actions, Stepan Tashchian said.

By Anahit Hovsepian in Germany

BAKU: Fresh Protests Against `Land Grab’ In Yerevan

Baku Today, Azerbaijan
June 22 2005

Fresh Protests Against `Land Grab’ In Yerevan

22/06/2005 04:05

The Armenian government’s ongoing land allocations in Yerevan sparked
a fresh controversy on Tuesday as tenants of an orchard in the city’s
northern outskirts protested against its planned sale to wealthy
businessmen.

The once barren patch of land stretching along a highway was leased
free of charge to about a hundred residents of the nearby Kanaker
district 15 years ago. They have since planted there hundreds of
fruit trees that now help them make a living.

The government continues to formally own the land and apparently
intends to sell much of it to wealthy individuals keen to build
gasoline stations and other businesses there. Local residents say a
3,500 square-meter plot of the land have already been sold to private
investors.

The deal was declared illegal by a Yerevan court of first instance
earlier this year. However, the ruling was later overturned by a
higher court.

About 50 tenants gathered outside the government building in the
capital to demand a halt to the privatization which hey claimed is
accompanied by corrupt practices. `Now whoever pays a bribe gets a
plot of land,’ charged Ashot Gevorgian, a university professor whose
family has grown fruit in the orchard for over a decade.

`I cherish my trees and flowers like my children,’ said another
protester. `Now they are telling us to get out.’

Organizers of the protest were received by Prime Minister Andranik
Markarian and said he promised to look into their grievances. `We
hope that the prime minister will indeed pay attention and solve the
issue,’ one of them said.

The government faced similar protests last year when it announced
plans to auction off a much bigger and older orchard near the city
center. It eventually agreed to make concessions to some low-income
580 families that have long cultivated the land.

A massive government-sanctioned redevelopment program currently
implemented in downtown Yerevan has also stirred controversy. Scores
of old houses have been torn down to make room for expensive office
and apartment buildings that are being constructed by private real
estate developers.

Many of the house owners have complained that the financial
compensation paid to them is disproportionately low, accusing senior
government officials of cashing in on the lucrative deals. Some of
them have likewise taken to the streets to demand more hefty sums.

Owners of the few remaining houses subject to demolition protested
Tuesday outside President Robert Kocharian’s residence for a second
consecutive day. They said officials from the presidential
administration refuse to meet with them. The protest followed a
forcible eviction last week of a family that lived in one such house
in the city center.

The Armenian authorities insist that the land allocations have been
fair and deny corruption allegations.

Armenian troops participate in Ukraine-hosted NATO war games

Armenian troops participate in Ukraine-hosted NATO war games

Arminfo
20 Jun 05

YEREVAN

Military exercises Cooperative Best Effort-2005 under NATO’s
Partnership for Peace programme started [on the Yavoriv training
ground] in Lviv, Ukraine, yesterday.

An Armenian delegation led by Maj Mger Shirinyan is participating in
the exercises, the Defence Ministry spokesman, Col Seyran
Shakhsuvaryan, said earlier. The Armenian representatives also
attended command and staff exercises on 15-17 June.

The exercises will last till 30 June.

Famous librarian makes a donation to the national library

Famous librarian makes a donation to the national library

Yerkir/Arm
June 17, 2005

By Armine Ghazarian

`This country does not need commiseration. Rather, it needs action,
diligent work and unification’ President of the American Carnegie
Foundation, ex-director of New York Public Library and famous sponsor
of various library support programs Vardan Grigorian said during his
visit to the National Library in 2002.

And he backed his works with actions. Grigorian has started a
cooperation project with the National Library donating 10,000 dollars
to Armenia’s number 1 library. With this unique donation a copy center
was opened in the National Library which is now called Vernatun.

Today the Vernatun Center hosts various events, exhibitions, book
presentations and meetings with writers and intellectuals. The
presentation of the American Armenian historian Vardan Grigorian’s
book titled `On the Way Home: My Life and Time’ was also held at
Vernatun Center.

`This book is the Odyssey of a great individual and a great
patriot. It is full of descriptions of many historical events. We are
planning to translate it into Armenian,’ director of the National
Library David Sargsian said at the presentation ceremony. The
historian’s colleagues and friends spoke about his work and life.

Grigorian was born in Tebriz. He studied in Iran and Lebanon. In
1956-58 he studied at the department of history and social sciences at
Stanford University. In 1964 he received his PhD from Stanford
University. He has lectured in several universities, including
University of Pennsylvania where he was teaching history of South
Asia. Later he became rector of the University of Pennsylvania.

In 1981-89 Grigorian was the director of the world’s third largest
library, New York Public Library. Then he was the rector of Brown
University for 7 years.

Since 1997 he is the XII president of the Carnegie Foundation. In 1998
Grigorian was awarded a national medal for social sciences
research. In 2004 president George Bush awarded Grigorian with the
highest civil award ` Liberty Presidential Medal. Grigorian is the
author of `The Birth of Modern Afghanistan: Reform Policies and
Modernization’, `Islam: a Non-Monolith Mosaic’ and other books.

Having worked in the library system for many years Grigorian perfectly
understands the indispensable function of books and sees his mission
as serving the books and libraries. `We as librarians have a great
mission to spread the word and not to allow anyone to control, oppress
or manage human will and democratic institutions,’ Grigorian says.

Grigorian addressed the Armenian businessmen on the occasion of his
donation to the National Library, `Let’s not be `honorable beggars’ as
Abisoghom Agha taking pictures with the donations we are making and
announcing everywhere that we have donated one dollar to our
country. Let’s be reasonable, let’s unite and concentrate our
efforts¦’

Iran’s gas export plans gain momentum

Iran’s gas export plans gain momentum

IranMania, Iran
June 19 2005

Sunday, June 19, 2005 – ©2005 IranMania.com

LONDON, June 19 (IranMania) – Managing Director of National Iranian
Gas Exports Company has said that several companies have completed
feasibility studies to transfer gas from Iran to Europe, Iran Daily
reported.

Roknoddin Javadi said companies from Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania,
Slovenia and Austria each had a 20% share in completing the feasibility
studies of the project to pump gas produced in Iranian refineries to
Europe’s main grid via Turkey.

He said Iran is also considering gas export to the UAE and Oman.

“The Indians are also a potential customer for 2.5 mln tons of
liquefied natural gas (LNG) from us which if finalized will begin as
of 2011,” Fars news agency further quoted him as saying.

Iran, which holds some 15% of the world’s natural gas reserves, is
trying to increase exports of gas to neighboring states in the hope
of picking up sales to Asia and Europe in the future.

“In the short term, we are looking to export gas to neighboring
countries, but we are also working on exports of liquefied natural gas
(LNG) to markets in Asia and Europe,” said Javadi.

“The issue is that the projects to export gas to neighbors, such as
those in the Persian Gulf, can be completed in two years. But an LNG
export project needs five years.”

Javadi said Iran was also in talks with Kuwait and the UAE for two
contracts, hoping to export 1.5 bln cubic meters to the two countries
each year. Contracts are also expected with Armenia and other former
Soviet republics in the Caucasus, covering the sale of three blon
cubic meters annually.

South Pars gas field, which is set to increase Iran’s gas exports,
straddles the maritime border between Qatar and Iran in the Persian
Gulf.

It is estimated to contain around 14.2 trln cubic meters of gas, equal
to seven percent of the world’s total proven reserves and roughly 50%
of the national gas deposits.

Iran’s gas reserves, estimated at 812 trln cubic feet account for 15.8%
of the world’s proven gas reserves are second only to those of Russia.

–Boundary_(ID_SNBgDIGY94wmhmUoAFGJlA)–