Author: Kajoyan Gevork

“Gay scandal” in Armenian politics

Messenger.ge, Georgia
Oct 15 2004

According to the newspaper Moskovsky Komsomolets, a ‘gay scandal’
is being kindled in Armenia, and MPs frequently accuse each other of
homosexuality. Accusations of a ‘non-traditional’ sexual orientation
have become the subject of serious arguments. MPs do not know who is
gay and who is not; but this did not stop a special briefing at the
Armenian National Assembly being held on the issue of the presence
of gays in the political elite.

MP from the party “Public MP” Akop Akopian publicly called the deputy
chair of the party “Orinats Erkir” and Head of the Defense and Internal
Affairs Commission Mger Shakhgeldian homosexual, saying that he can
prove this allegation in court if necessary. Shakhgeldian denied the
allegation, however, and promised to speak with Akopian like a man.

Some MPs have announced they are ready to present a full list of gays
in power. MP Armen Avetisian threatened to publish the “blue list”
of Armenian ministers, while Ombudsman Larisa Laverdian entered the
fray in the defense of gays, stating that no one has the right to
abuse a person’s biological status and to use it in his own interests.

Azeri newspaper Ekho.Baku also reports that opposition parties have
promised to publish a list of ministers of ‘non-traditional’ sexual
orientation. The newspaper says it is not always easy to distinguish
between politics and political parody, especially in a country like
Armenia, where there is absolute stagnation in economic and social
development, and the number of political parties exceeds one hundred.
It is hard to understand who is in the majority in the Armenian
parliament.

* Joyful homecoming for 2 Lebanese hostages in Iraq
* Two hostages survive Zarqawi’s lair and US attack in Iraq
* Two Lebanese Hostages Freed in Iraq – Lawyer
* U.S. attack credited for Iraq hostages’ release

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The Daily Star, Lebanon
Oct 15 2004

Joyful homecoming for 2 Lebanese hostages in Iraq

Relieved families rejoice at saga’s end: “For the past month we lived
in horror”

By Majdoline Hatoum

BEIRUT: Charbel Hajj and Aram Nalbandian, the two Lebanese kidnapped
in Iraq last month and freed Wednesday, returned to Beirut safely
Thursday, where their families welcomed them with tears of joy.

Hajj was rushed to the hospital following his arrival to continue
treatment of his injuries, sustained during the shelling of the
building he was held captive in.

“The most important thing is that he is alive,” said Rola Hajj, his
sister. “His injury is not dangerous,” she explained. “He will
hopefully recover soon, and among us,” she added.

Rola, very excited to have her brother back safe and sound, said that
the past month had been a nightmare for the family.

“For the past month we lived in horror, fearing that the kidnappers
might snap and murder him,” she said. “It is the hardest experience
any one might encounter,” she added.

“We are just thankful it’s over,” she added. “It was a very stressful
month for us.”

The two men’s month in captivity ended after the building they were
held captive in was hit during an American raid on Fallujah.

The two men were supposed to be released last Sunday, after their
company reportedly paid their kidnappers a ransom for their release.
But the release was delayed because of road closures around Fallujah
due to fighting between insurgents and coalition troops.

Hajj and Nalbandian’s kidnappers all died during Wednesday’s raid on
the building. The two men were then rescued and safely transported to
the offices of the company they had worked with in Baghdad.

“We were able to rescue them from under the ruins of the building and
get them safely to Baghdad,” said Hassan Hijazi, the Lebanese charges
d’affairs in Iraq.

Two more Lebanese nationals remain in captivity in Iraq, without
clear information as to whom is behind their abduction.

“Marwan Qassar and Moh-ammed Hussein are still held captive,” said
Hijazi, who would not provide further details to protect the two
men’s safety.

“All I can say is that efforts are being made to secure their
release,” he said.

Since the outbreak of violence in Iraq following the fall of Saddam
Hussein’s regime, 25 Lebanese citizens have been kidnapped. Four of
them were murdered, and the rest released.

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Agence France Presse
Oct 15 2004

Two hostages survive Zarqawi’s lair and US attack in Iraq

BAGHDAD, Oct 14 (AFP) – Charbel and Aram were lucky, extremely lucky.

Held hostage for 27 days by Abu Mussab al-Zarqawi’s men, who have
slit throats and hacked the heads off other captives, they emerged
alive from Fallujah — but only just.

Last Tuesday, the day their captors had promised to free them, US
warplanes struck. Aram Nalbandian, aged 47, and 31-year-old Charbel
Karam al-Hajj, spent two hours under the debris of the demolished
building.

The first had his leg broken; the second his pelvis.

The US military said it had targeted Zarqawi’s militants who it
believed were planning “suicide attacks and kidnappings”.

According to the two Lebanese, five fighters were killed in the
attack. The group never discloses its losses and buries its “martyrs”
immediately, by-passing hospital morgues.

Both men were freed on Wednesday after being treated briefly in
hospital in Fallujah, the Sunni insurgent bastion some 50 kilometres
(31 miles) west of Baghdad.

Visibly still tired and wearing the dirty clothes they had on at the
time of the air raid, they said they were thinking of their companion
in misfortune, their Iraqi driver Ahmed Mirza, who was wounded and
was left behind in hospital.

“We were heading towards Fallujah on September 17 when we were
stopped at a makeshift roadblock manned by the insurgents,” said
Charbel, his black beard covering much of his emaciated face.

Several hours later, the boss of the Lebanese company for which they
worked, Si-Si, was aware of their plight.

“I tried tried to call Aram. An Iraqi replied. I knew they had been
kidnapped,” recounted Fadi Munir Yassin.

Those first days, the two men spent in a cold sweat. Tawhid wal Jihad
(Unity and Holy War) is not reputed for mercy.

“They questioned us during each of the first five days before
transferring us to a second house,” said Charbel, still wearing the
baggy trousers, characteristic of the Wahhabis or Sunni
fundamentalists, given him by the kidnappers.

Father-of-three Aram, smoking one cigarette after another, recalled
fearfully: “They wanted to know who we worked for and if we were
collaborating with the Americans.”

The pair spoke of a “war of nerves”, of long hours without sleep.
They began to mention “abuse” but then checked themselves, still
fearing the anger of their kidnappers.

Most of the time, they were blindfolded, their eyes covered with a
strip of fabric held in place by a metal wire.

“We kept track of the time thanks to the call to prayer” from the
mosques, said Aram, adding that when they were told they could remove
their blindfolds, they found themselves confronted by masked captors.

Asked about non-Iraqi Arabs among the kidnappers, they refused to
speak and repeated they had been well treated. Both maintained they
were able to shower every day and eat sufficiently. They also said
they had mattresses, pillows and a fan.

“Before we were due to be released, they (kidnappers) asked us what
we wanted to eat, to give us a farewell meal,” said Aram.

Both men appeared to be trying to exorcise their fear in painting a
picture rosier than reality. But their words sometimes betrayed them.

“The hardest thing was not knowing when we would come out,” murmured
Aram. And then there was the voices of other hostages. “In the final
days there was an Egyptian,” said Charbel, speaking also of Iraqis
being punished for immorality or theft.

Religious fervour permeated the group. “These young fighters ask only
to die as martyrs,” said Aram. “They expect the (town) residents also
to observe strict Islam. Tawhid wal Jihad makes the law in Fallujah.”

Aram smiles, drew on his cigarette, and ended: “We went into the
lion’s den.”

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Reuters
Oct 15 2004

Two Lebanese Hostages Freed in Iraq – Lawyer

BEIRUT (Reuters) – Iraqi kidnappers have freed two Lebanese men who
were taken hostage west of Baghdad last month, their company’s lawyer
said on Wednesday.
Lawyer Yasir Ali Ahmad said the head of their company in Baghdad had
called him to say Charbil Karam al-Hajj and Aram Nalbandian were safe
in the company’s offices in the Iraqi capital.

The two men disappeared on a road near Falluja on about Sept. 18,
along with their Iraqi driver, Ahmad Mirza. There was no news on the
fate of the Iraqi driver.

“I just spoke to Fadi Yasin, the head of the company, and he said the
two were with him in the Baghdad office, he said they were in good
health,” Ahmad told Reuters in Beirut.

It was not clear if the kidnappers, who had promised to free the men
on Sunday, had made any demands to secure the release of their
captives.

Ahmad said the two Lebanese were working for a company called Sisi,
which arranges charter flights in and out of Iraq.

Militants have seized scores of foreign hostages in Iraq since last
April, including several Lebanese. Most have been freed, but some,
including one Lebanese, have been killed.

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MSNBC
Oct 15 2004

U.S. attack credited for Iraq hostages’ release

Captors killed; 2 Lebanese injured, but returning home

The Associated Press

Beirut, Lebanon – Two former Lebanese hostages returned home from
Iraq on Thursday, and their employer credited a U.S. bombing that
wounded both men and killed their Iraqi driver and the kidnappers for
letting them escape.

Charbel Karam Haj and Aram Nalbandian, who work for a travel agency,
were kidnapped Sept. 18 along with their driver, Ahmed Mirza, as they
drove on a highway between Baghdad and Fallujah, a hotbed of
insurgency 40 miles to the west.

The kidnappers and Mirza were killed Wednesday when U.S. forces
bombed the building in Fallujah where the three were being held, Fadi
Yassin, the travel agency’s owner, said at Beirut’s airport after
flying back from Baghdad with Haj and Nalbandian.

“Haj and Nalbandian were removed from under the rubble by some
Fallujah mujahedeen (holy warriors),” Yassin said.

‘Expecting death every minute’
He said Haj suffered a fractured hip and Nalbandian had a broken
ankle. They were taken to the American University Hospital.

Nalbandian said he and Haj did not expect to make it out alive. “We
were expecting death every minute,” he said.

Haj, who said he was in tremendous pain, refused to speak with
journalists.

Nalbandian said the men were treated poorly shortly after the
kidnapping, “but things improved later.” He said the captors told
them that British hostage Kenneth Bigley was being held captive in
the same building, but they never saw him.

Bigley and two American hostages were beheaded; the Tawhid and Jihad
group, led by Jordanian Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, claimed responsibility.

Yassin was kidnapped along with his employees, but he was quietly
released a few days later for reasons that remain unclear. He then
began to negotiate with an intermediary he identified as Fallujah
tribal leader Sheik Abu Abdullah. According to Yassin, the two sides
agreed on a ransom of $100,000 for the men’s release, which he handed
over on Wednesday.

Timely attack
But as the followers of Sheik Abu Abdullah went to pick up the men,
“the building where they were held captive came under heavy shelling
by U.S. forces, which resulted in the killing of the kidnappers and
driver Mirza.”

He said the intermediaries returned the ransom money to him, and he
showed the cash to journalists at the airport. Yassin said he did not
know which group kidnapped the men, but the Lebanese Broadcasting
Corp. reported Thursday that they were held by Tawhid and Jihad.

Insurgents in Iraq have kidnapped more than 150 foreigners in their
campaign to drive out coalition forces and hamper reconstruction
efforts. Most have been kidnapped for ransom and freed unharmed, but
at least 30 have been killed.

There are believed to be three Lebanese hostages held in Iraq; all
others have been released unharmed except Hussein Ali Alyan, a
26-year-old construction worker whose body was found June 12.
Hundreds of Lebanese, mainly construction workers and industrialists,
went to Iraq looking for opportunities in the massive postwar
reconstruction.

Video shows new beheading
Video that appeared on an Islamic Web site Thursday showed militants
in Iraq beheading a man identified as a kidnapped Turkish driver.

He was the sixth Turk and the 30th foreign hostage slain by militants
who oppose the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq. Most of the victims have
worked for or alongside coalition interests in the country.

The video appeared on the Web site of the Ansar al-Sunnah Army, an
Iraqi militant group. A statement read in the video said the
kidnappers belonged to the group’s “Qaqa Brigade,” a reference to a
commander who served Islam’s Prophet Muhammad.

The Arabic-language Web site said the driver’s name was Ramazan Elbu.
In a brief statement, the driver gave only his first name — Ramazan —
and held up what appeared to be Turkish identity documents.

***************************************************************************

69 FOREIGN COMPANIES MAKE INVESTMENTS IN NAGORNO KARABAKH

Azg/am
12 Oct 04

According to NKR Statistic Service, as of July 1, 2004, 69 foreign
companies form the US, Germany, France, Canada, Argentina, Switzerland,
Australia and CIS member countries have made investments in Nagorno
Karabakh.

Recently, Araz Azimov, Azeri Deputy Foreign Minister, told the
journalists that “Azerbaijan has the black list of the foreign
companies that unfold illegal business in the territories occupied by
the Armenians.” He said that these companies will not be allowed to
unfold activities in the territory of Azerbaijan. “Azerbaijan can’t
ignore the fact of illegal utilization of natural resources in the
occupied territories, as well as Armenia’s policy of inhabiting these
territories illegally, ” he stated.

Karabakh has no problem with publishing the list of foreign companies
that made investments in Nagorno Karabakh. National Statistic Service
informed that 25 companies made investments in mining industry,
10 companies in agriculture, 11 companies in trade, 4 companies in
construction and hotel business. Other 19 companies made investments
in other spheres of business.

In the last four years, about $40 million were invested in the economy
of NKR, most of them by foreign companies. Anushavan Danielian, NKR
Prime Minister, affirmed in the interview given to Azg Daily, that
NKR investment field is very attractive for foreign investors. In
future about $15-20 million will be invested in the construction of
small hydro-electric power, in wine industry and mining.

Particularly, 800 employees are working at Base Metals ltd., branch
of Armenian Copper Program Company. We should also mention the Swiss
Frank Muller Company that has unfolded activities in Karabakh.

It’s worth mentioning that in 2005 $2,5 million of aid will be
allocated to Nagorno Karabakh from the US budget. Armenia will receive
$75 million in 2005, while Azerbaijan will get $38 million.

By Tatoul Hakobian

The Irish Times
October 9, 2004

EU role for Turkey would boost Middle East democracy

WorldView: In Turkey the European Commission’s favourable but tough
report on whether negotiations on joining the EU should start with
Ankara next year was widely greeted, writes Paul Gillespie.

Members of the moderate Islamist governing party, business and trade
union leaders, women’s organisations, leaders of the Kurdish minority
and sections of the armed forces welcomed it.

There was a more sceptical response from secular nationalists in the
army, bureaucracy and in right-wing parties which defend Turkey’s
sovereignty against outside encroachment. They suspect the EU agenda
of democracy and minority rights is part of a devious and abiding
international conspiracy to weaken and divide their state.

These differing reactions are instructive in evaluating the merits of
the Commission’s case for Turkey’s eventual accession to the EU.
Turks can be remarkably quick to take offence from Brussels, having
been on the receiving end of hostility and prevarication for over 40
years on their application to join – and more particularly through
the 1990s.

Ever since the Treaty of Sevres was imposed on the rump of the
Ottoman Empire in 1920, in an attempt to partition Anatolia, there
has been a deep syndrome of suspicion in Turkish politics. It is
associated with a determination to resist takeover through a
programme of modernisation to emulate its European competitors and
thereby protect itself from them. It draws strongly on the 19th
century experience of the retreating Ottoman empire (described as the
“sick man of Europe” – not of Asia – by Czar Nicholas 1 in 1853) and
similar efforts to modernise it from the 1870s.

Kemal Ataturk based his nationalist revolution of the 1920s on these
sentiments. The state he built was founded on sweeping reforms in
which the caliphate was abolished, academic curriculums reformed and
the Arabic script replaced by a Latin one. Religious courts were
abolished, the legal system westernised and women given suffrage and
equal rights.

The resulting secular republic drew strongly on the inspiration of
French Jacobin republicanism. It had a unitary view of the “people”
and was suspicious of pluralism, identity and human rights because
they would fuel separatism and division.

Kemalism’s prehistory during the Armenian genocide of 1915-1916 and
the trauma of the independence war after it, in which over a million
Anatolian Greeks were expelled in exchange for Greek Turks, have
profoundly affected Turkey’s political culture. They gave the
military a central position in protecting national unity. Kurds have
been suspected of encouraging a breakup since the 1920s, a suspicion
fuelled during the 1990s rebellion in which 30,000 people died. It is
stoked again by demands of the Kurds in neighbouring Iraq for deep
autonomy within a federal state, which Kemalists believe could have a
knock-on effect.

The EU is seen as an agent of change by many of the forces in Turkish
society who want to transform this Kemalist inheritance by combining
it with religious, cultural and ethnic diversities persisting from
the Ottoman past. The governing Justice and Development Party (AKP),
which has an outright majority in sharp contrast to the nine
different coalitions in the 1990s, has continued another round of
sweeping reforms begun in 2001 in response to a previous Commission
document.

According to the veteran Turkish journalist Mehmet Ali Birand the
changes since then have been “nothing short of a miracle”. There have
been two major constitutional and 66 statutory amendments, 49 public
notices, 29 regulatory policies and 28 international agreements
ratified – a tremendous legislative output in a highly legalistic
culture.

In summary, the political system has been liberalised, while
restrictions on freedom of the press, expression and association have
been relaxed. Turkey has signed up to the European Convention of
Human Rights. The new government has adopted a zero-sum policy
towards police and army torture. The death penalty has been
abolished. Anti-terrorist statutes have been substantially changed
and the state security courts dismantled.

Kurdish civil and linguistic rights have been explicitly recognised
and protected, and the state of emergency in southeastern provinces
lifted. A provisional amnesty for Kurdish prisoners has been agreed,
and several prominent parliamentarians released.

The military’s special powers have also been curtailed and its
special financing brought under parliamentary scrutiny. The powerful
National Security Council has been trimmed, with the prime minister
appointing its secretary-general, who directs its work.

High inflation has been curtailed, as have interest rates and bank
loans. Through an International Monetary Fund loan the pension system
has been changed, the bureaucracy cut back and bankruptcy laws
reformed. Growth for this year is expected to reach 5 per cent.

These sweeping changes are fully acknowledged in the Commission’s
report, even as they are seen as a work in progress requiring much
more effort over the coming years. Mehmet Ali Birand says no special
conditions are laid down for Turkey, the reforms are not beyond its
capacities and there is no secret agenda involved. “Most of it is no
harder than the way we criticise ourselves,” he says.

There are, of course, still many suspicions on both sides. Turks in
favour of EU membership are quick to recognise Christian prejudice
against their country and keen to distance themselves from a clash of
civilisations. The fact that these reforms have flowed from a
moderate Islamic government creates suspicions among older secular
Turks that it is working to a hidden agenda of rolling back
secularisation.

But the AKP is deeply rooted, very ably led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
and represents a new political generation anxious for change. Its
foreign policy positions have also adapted, notably on Cyprus,
relations with Greece and on Iraq. Turkish co-operation with the US
invasion was withdrawn after a free parliamentary vote in March last
year.

A commentary in the liberal Israeli paper Ha’aretz this week points
out that a reforming Turkey inspired by EU membership to continue on
this path is a far better bulwark for democracy in the Middle East
than governments imposed by US arms. This geopolitical aspect
underlines how eventual Turkish membership can transform the EU’s
international role. One has only to think of the consequences should
Turkey consider itself rejected to realise how different it could be.
That dog did not bark much this week.

COUNTRY IS STRENGTHENED FROM INSIDE

Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)
08 Oct 04

After the earthquake in 1988 and then the war in Artsakh many charity
organizations started their activities in Armenia and
Karabakh. However, itis a fact that very few of these companies do
charity as many of them try to develop their business under the guise
of charity, which becomes clear partly from press and from direct
acquaintance with this or that organization. Among the few real
charity organizations is the Armenian General Benevolent Union
(AGBU).In the first meeting of the 83rd conference of the AGBU at the
beginning of this week the president of NKR Arkady Ghukassian
participated as well. Mr. Ghukassian said that in the past four years
40 million dollars were invested in Artsakh in the spheres of
telecommunication, industry, agriculture. `Only in the sphere of
industry the share of the private sector is 80 per cent, whereas in
1999 it did not surpass 23 per cent.’ According to him, the role of
the AGBU is very significant, which opened its office in Stepanakert a
month ago. â=80=9CIn my opinion, we have entered a new stage which
requires a new level of relationships and a new degree of
cooperation. In Artsakh they remember well many of you because you
were with us both in hardships and in the time of joy,’said Arkady
Ghukassian in his address. The road Goris-Stepanakert, Alek Manoukian
Street in Stepanakert, the old people’s home on the same street were
repairedowing to the AGBU. Soon the school N 7 in Stepanakert will be
repaired, and in the village of Norashen, Hadrout, settled by 22
families, the nursery school and polyclinic operate with the
assistance of the French branch of the AGBU. The Union also funds the
chamber orchestra of Artsakh. Then Arkady Ghukassian presented to our
compatriots, 350 Armenians who had arrived from 24 countries, the
problems that Artsakh faces today. `In many settlements there are no
water pipelines, medical centres, nursery schools, 60 villages do not
have schools.’ Despite these problems, the president stated, there is
no emigration from Artsakh and the main problem of the authorities is
the peaceful settlement of the conflict, where much depends on the
assistance of the OSCE Minsk Group. It is also important to inhabit
Artsakh with Armenians, which requires serious investments for
providing employment. The conscientious work of similar organizations
would quickly improve the state of our country and people and would
contribute to the peaceful and fair resolution of the conflict.

CHRISTINE MNATSAKANIAN.
08-10-2004

Civil Georgia, Georgia
Oct 1 2004

Senior Russian Senator Cites Terrorism Threat in Moscow’s Border
Policy

Chairman of the Council of Federation of Russia Sergei Mironov said
upon his arrival in Armenia on October 1 that Russia had to close
its borders with Georgia in order to avoid a penetration of
terrorists from Georgia into Russia.

`After the tragic events in Beslan [North Ossetia] we were forced to
impose strict control [on borders], since the terrorists, who enjoy
particular privileges in the territory of Georgia, were directly
infiltrating Russia,’ Sergei Mironov told reporters, reports the RIA
Novosti news agency.

At the same time, he stressed that this measure is not directed
against freight transit from Armenia. Russia’s decision to close its
border with Georgia at the Larsi checkpoint has had a negative effect
on the economy of both Georgia and Armenia. Armenian Prime Minister
Andranik Marganyan has recently urged Moscow to reopen its border
with Georgia.

Reconsidering Turkey

Richard Falk

Zaman
10.06.2004 Wednesday

There is an exciting process of reform and reorientation taking place
in Turkey during the last few years that has been hardly noticed in
America, and certainly not properly appreciated.

To the extent any attention has been given, it has been to whether the
soft Islam of the AK Party provides the United States with an
opportunity to demonstrate its willingness and capacity to abide a
moderate Muslim outlook on the part of a foreign country in the Middle
East.

This possibility was severely strained in the weeks leading up to the
Iraq War when the Turkish Parliament twice narrowly turned down an
American request to use Turkish territory to launch its invasion. This
was at the time an unexpected show of strategic independence on the
part of Turkey, especially in the face of an American offer to provide
Turkey with much needed financial assistance in the amount of $16
billion. It is worth remembering that during and after the cold war
Turkey had shaped its foreign policy entirely on the basis of being a
subordinate ally of the United States, and regionally since the early
1990s, by working in an avowed partnership with Israel.

What was most surprising, and in the end revealing, about the Iraq
decision initially so resented in Washington was that the Turkish
military stayed in the barracks. In the recent past, any elected
government in Turkey was subject to repudiation by a military coup or
takeover if it crossed the red lines of either ‘secularism’ or the
strategic relationship with the United States and Israel. There
existed little room for maneuver on the part of politicians, and
foreign policy in particular was regarded as the domain of ‘the deep
state,’ the non-elected, non-accountable army leadership that had
claimed for itself the uncontested role of guarding the constitutional
order of republican Turkey as established by its founding leader
[Mustafa] Kemal Ataturk. What is fascinating about this recent phase
of Turkish foreign policy is this silent process of fundamental change
that has been taking place without attracting notice except on an
issue by issue basis. The scope and cumulative weight of these changes
should not be exaggerated. The deep state remains in ultimate control
of the political destiny of Turkey, and the red lines still limit the
options for elected leaders. But the softening of these constraints is
also part of the unfolding reality, and deserves more attention than
it has so far received.

Why this softening? I think the strength of the mandate received by
the AK Party in the last round of national elections over two years
ago, and the admitted absence of a secular alternative, has been
crucial. But also significant is the skill and creativity of its
leaders, particularly its Prime Minister, [Recep] Tayyip Erdogan, and
Foreign Minister, Abdullah Gul, in taking steps forward in a manner
made acceptable to the hidden military overseers, including even the
civilianizing of the Turkish National Security Council. And overall,
the unexpected success of the present leadership in Ankara of
stabilizing runaway Turkish inflation while generating one of the
world’s fastest rates of economic growth has given the government an
underpinning of credibility.

The most obvious explanation of this Turkish opening is undoubtedly
the consensus in Ankara that it is in the national interest of the
country to obtain membership in the European Union at the earliest
possible time. And it is agreed on all sides that this goal is
attainable, if at all, only if Turkey demonstrates a willingness to
clean up its human rights record and solve its main internal and
external problems. This pressure was present even before the AK
leadership arrived, and first became visible in earthquake diplomacy
in which the Greek humanitarian response to the Turkish disaster in
1998 led to a dramatic thawing of Greek/Turkish tensions, initiating a
process that removed a major source of resistance to Turkey’s presence
in the EU. In that instance, Turkey responded positively, but it was
Athens that took the initiative. But what has been happening more
recently discloses a much greater Turkish willingness to take bold
initiatives in foreign policy.

I would mention several notable developments, but there are more. The
Turkish government overcame the influence of its own formidable
rejectionists to accept the carefully balanced proposals by Kofi
Annan, on behalf of the United Nations, to solve the long-festering
Cyprus crisis. When Turkish Cypriots voted to accept the plan, and
Greek Cypriots voted to reject it, there emerged a new European and
global realization that Turkey was moving away from its earlier
pattern of rigid nationalism. It was also a clear signal that Turkey
was ready to become a responsible member of the EU.

More impressive, and more subtle, were the Turkish moves to improve
their relations with their Islamic neighbors. Prime Minister Erdogan
engaged in successful goodwill diplomacy with most of Turkey’s
neighbors, achieving a dramatic breakthrough by establishing an
accommodation with Syria, and notably improved relations with Iran and
Egypt. The Turkish government criticized Israel for the targeted
assassinations of Hamas leaders, further solidifying its new image as
a truly independent sovereign state that was now conducting its
foreign policy according to ethical and legal principles, as well as
on the basis of real politik.

Recently, I had the benefit of long conversations with Ahmet
Davutoglu, Chief Advisor to the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister,
who confirmed these trends, speaking of ‘a new paradigm’ in Turkish
foreign policy. This influential policy advisor, previously a leading
intellectual presence in the country, saw Turkey as playing a decisive
role as participant in an emerging multi-dimensional world order,
being still in a positive relationship with the United States and
Israel, but also an active player in Europe, the Middle East, and
Central Asia. Davutoglu represents a new cultural and political trend
in Turkey associated with a deliberate revival of the Ottoman past,
both as a matter of cultural enrichment, but also as a source of an
enriched Turkish identity as a political actor. What Davutoglu
particularly celebrates is what he calls the ‘accommodative’ character
of the Ottoman Empire at its height, that is, the willingness to
appreciate and respect civilizational and ethnic diversity, and to
deal with political conflict in a spirit of compromise and
reconciliation. Davutoglu seeks what he calls ‘a zero conflict’
foreign policy for Turkey, as well as a balance between relations with
Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and with the United States. He agrees
that much of this hinges in the end on the willingness of Europe to
set a schedule for Turkish accession to the EU, and thereby confirm
the benefits of this innovative approach being taken by the AK
leadership in Ankara. Without this tangible positive result, there are
dangers of a return to the earlier rigid and narrower Turkish
nationalism that approached conflict in a somewhat paranoid and
zero-sum fashion that seemed incapable of reaching peaceful solutions
because of its intense fear of being seen as ‘weak.’

There are additional lingering difficulties with this rather hopeful
line of assessment. It is still not entirely clear which way the army
will jump in future crises, especially if it views its guardian role
as being subverted. Furthermore, Turkish urban elites are deeply
suspicious of the AK leadership, fearing that it conceals an
undisclosed agenda to turn the country into an Islamic
republic. Turkish society is quite polarized, as Kemalists refuse to
acknowledge the progress being made, contending unconvincingly that
any leadership would have taken similar steps. Also, there are some
remaining open wounds that the current leadership has not yet
healed. The acknowledgement of the Armenian genocide is still
resisted, and keeps this disturbing issue alive. And although the AK
leadership has taken some notable positive moves with respect to its
large Kurdish minority, on such matters as language and cultural
rights, it has not gone nearly far enough in providing the Kurdish
regions in the Eastern part of the country with a measure of
self-rule. As well, the economic picture is not rosy for the Turkish
masses as unemployment, poverty, and a low average standard of living
torment most of the society.

Yet on balance, considering the darkness that has descended on so much
of the world since 9/11, the Turkish story is encouraging. And, in
fairness, the Bush administration has, despite the refusal of Turkey
to join actively in the Iraq War, has welcomed these shifts in Turkish
foreign policy, and this has mad the process possible. At this point,
what will push the process forward is a positive response from Europe,
setting a date for the start of accession process, which even
optimists will take more than a decade and will be confronted by
roadblocks along the way. Nevertheless, at this moment, those that
believe in democracy and a peaceful world order should take heart from
Turkey’s impressive efforts to reform its foreign policy, and
congratulate the Turkish foreign ministry for exploring the frontiers
of the politically acceptable.

This has been a commentary exclusively written by Mr. Falk for ZAMAN
daily.

Mr. Falk, is a professor of International Law and Practice, Princeton
University, a prolific writer, speaker and activist of world affairs
and the author or co-author of more than 20 books, among them “Crimes
of War”, “Revolutionaries and Functionaries”, “The War System”, “A
Study of Future Worlds”, “The End of World Order”, Revitalizing
International Law”, “Nuclear Weapons and International Law” and “On
Human Governance”.

Azeri official favours meetings with Armenians in neutral countries

ANS TV, Baku
1 Oct 04

[Presenter] The Baku government favours joint meetings between
representatives of the Azerbaijani and Armenian governments in a
neutral country, the head of the public-political department of the
Azerbaijani presidential administration, Ali Hasanov, has said.

[Ali Hasanov, speaking to journalists] We are against all forms of
cooperation and ties with Armenia until this country withdraws its
troops from the [occupied] Azerbaijani lands and ends its policy of
aggression. However, there are some issues that do not depend on
us. Specifically, this pertains to events organized by international
organizations in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and other countries. It
is better to hold these events in neutral countries so that we and the
Armenians can attend them. This will enable us to unmask them.

Newark Museum Showcases Latino Films

Fri Oct 1,10:25 AM ET

By STEVE STRUNSKY, Associated Press Writer

NEWARK, N.J. – Moviegoers are most likely to associate the Newark
Museum with the annual Black Film Festival it has hosted for the past
30 years.

But this weekend the museum will acknowledge the growing influence of
Hispanic culture on New Jersey and film with its first annual Cinema
Latino festival.

The three-day festival begins at 7 p.m. Friday with a screening of
“Bought and Sold,” a feature film set in Jersey City, written and
directed by Michael Tolajian.

Saturday’s bill, beginning at 5 p.m., includes two features, “Ballad
of a Soldier,” directed by Kinan Valdez, and “Manito,” written and
directed by Eric Eason. A short film, “White Like the Moon,” written
and directed by Marina Gonzalez Palmier, also will be shown.

The festival concludes with a Sunday matinee, a 2:30 p.m. screening of
the documentary “Santo Domingo Blues: Los Tigueres de la Bachata,”
written and directed by Alex Wolfe.

“We are making efforts to reach a Latino population here in New
Jersey, but we also are interested in reaching out to people making
independent film,” said Carmen Ramos, the museum’s assistant curator
for cultural engagement, and the festival’s principal organizer. “It’s
also a reflection of trends that are happening nationwide.”

Ramos said the museum’s annual Black Film Festival is among the oldest
in the country for African-American cinema. The 30th annual festival
in June included a screening of the 2002 Spike Lee documentary, “Jim
Brown (news): All American,” with a personal appearance by Brown, the
NFL Hall of Fame running back who became an actor and activist.

“The Black Film Festival had different goals,” said Ramos. “When it
started, it was because black actors and directors and writers
couldn’t get their stuff in the theaters, with the film festival
business actually being operated as a discovery tool.”

“Now,” Ramos added, “with growth of the Latino market, especially here
in this state and in other parts of the country, I think the emphasis
is a little different.”

Ramos said the goal of the Latino festival is to engage educators,
artists, professionals and the community at large in a creative
discussion that might inspire actors, writers, directors and producers
of Latino cinema. In other words, the festival seeks to be part of the
creative process, rather than simply a distribution aid, she said.

The festival avoids defining Latino cinema, recognizing the complex
nature of Latino culture and identity, said Ramos, who was born in the
Bronx to parents originally from the Dominican Republic.

The opening feature, “Bought and Sold,” which premiered at the 2003
Tribeca Film Festival in Manhattan, exemplifies the Newark festival’s
flexibility. For example, Tolajian, the film’s director, is not
Latino.

“I’m 100 percent Americanized Armenian,” said Tolajian, who lives in
Maplewood.

But the film’s young star, Rafael Sardina, is Puerto Rican, as is his
character, Ray-Ray.

“The story itself takes place in Jersey City. There’s an
African-American, an Asian, an Armenian,” said Tolajian. “He’s the
center point, of course, but it’s kind of how all these racial or
ethnic groups interplay in this coming-of-age story.”

Tolajian said he would not label “Bought and Sold” a Latino film
himself, but he doesn’t mind if others do.

“I think distributors, they need an audience to get it out there, they
need a particular audience,” he said. “If they have to target it to an
urban or Latino market, I don’t mind it.”

Annual trade between Armenia, Turkey totals 40m dollars

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
29 Sep 04

The secretary of the Armenian-Turkish Business Forum, Ashot Sogomonyan,
believes that annual trade between Armenia and Turkey totals up to 40m dollars.
About 20,000 Armenian businessmen are doing business with Turkey.

Economists believe that if Turkey changes its policy towards Armenia and
opens borders with this country, the figures will go up immediately. Currently,
trade between Armenia and Turkey is carried out via third countries, in
particular, Georgia and Iran.

Turcologist Ruben Shafrastyan also believes that Armenia is not ready to open
the borders. Before opening the borders, Armenia should make amendments to
its legislation to protect the interests of local manufacturers.