Author: Kalashian Nyrie

THE ROAD TO HELL IS PAVED WITH GOOD INTENTIONS
Interview by ARMAN GALOYAN

LRAGIR.AM
12:11:55 – 29/04/2009

Interview with parliamentary member of the Heritage faction Vardan
Khachatryan

– The ARF Dashnaktsutyun announced to leave to coalition and to
become opposition. How do you comment on this step of the ARF as a
representative of the only oppositional party in the National Assembly?

– They stated that they came to this decision because of the latest
events in the Armenian and Turkish relations. The ARF Dashnaktsutyun
is a political party which is directly connected to the Armenians
spread all over the world. To this extent, the lack of activity in
the process of the recognition of the Armenian genocide, and its stop
in some places could not but cause concern among our compatriots
abroad. And this fact could not but have its impact on the ARF
Dashnaktsutyun. The party has numerously stated that they may give
an immediate reaction to each concussion in this relation. In fact,
they left the governmental coalition and now, they are integrating
in the oppositional field. From this point of view, it should be
noted that their decision was not an easy one. But, nevertheless,
the situation obliged them to take such a step.

– Though, no one knows why, the ARF Dashnaktsutyun did not react
in such a strict way when Serge Sargsyan announced of setting up
a commission of historians to study the genocide issue, by which,
according to the opposition, he disputed the fact of genocide.

– The question on the historians may not have a serious executive
role and it may be viewed as a long lasting process. And, in this
case we face the problem of accepting the agreement of Kars, which,
of course, may destroy the basis of the Hay Dat.

– Do you consider possible cooperation with the ARF Dashnaktsutyun
in the oppositional field?

– It is not possible to say in politics that you will ever find
nothing in common to cooperate with any political force. Considering
that we are a national liberalistic force, and the ARF is a national
socialistic force, we have the same ideas concerning the national
questions that such declines of national values are unacceptable
within the foreign relations. As to the further cooperation in the
political field, we have not found any edges so far.

– The ruling coalition thinks that cooperation with the ARF is very
possible considering it constructive opposition. What do you think,
why the government is so excited about the ARF becoming opposition?

– It is the right of the government. If they think that bridges are not
burnt with the ARF yet and they may cooperate, let them cooperate. We
go on being opposition, we will be carrying out our projects. And only
time will show what the further actions of the ARF Dashnaktsutyun
will be in the oppositional field. Words are always relative, and
actions reveal the real stances.

– Among the society the ARF is not perceived as opposition yet and
there is opinion that this is a planned game.

– Nevertheless, their actions are to show everything. I would not
like to state beforehand that that entire is false, that they are not
opposition. One may always say different things but what they will do
will be clear in the nearest future. It is even stated in the Bible
that the road to hell is paved with good intentions.

– What do you think will the ARF Dashnaktsutyun be able to be a
serious alternative for the Heritage and HAK?

– It is a little surprising for me when someone is considered a
rival for us. This competitiveness is expressed with concrete number
at the elections. Everyone states of having high percents, but the
real image is seen after the elections. I don’t mean the breaches and
mutations. Anyway, I consider a rival no one. The Heritage does its
work fairly. We have many examples of political figures who changed
their stances numerous times and they are destroyed now. And to
say that the government or the opposition is to be blamed for this
is absurd.

– Considering that the opposition was represented at the Mayor election
with one alliance and now there is another oppositional camp, what
impact will it have on the votes, will the ARF Dashnaktsutyun "seize"
votes from the opposition?

– I don’t agree with the expression "to seize votes". It is difficult
to say what the ARF will gain as opposition. The quality of their
action will play an important role here. Today, the Armenian National
Congress has very good image among the public. And that of the
Dashnaktsutyun is rather low comparing with the HAK. Whether they
will manage to equalize it is difficult to say.

The Langar Hall
April 24 2009

Genocidees Anonymous: Armenians and Sikhs

Posted by Mehmaan (Guest) in Human Rights, world news on 04 24th, 2009
Blogged: Amol Singh

On the night of April 24, 1915, over 200 of Constantinople’s Armenian
intellectual and civic leaders were taken from their homes and boarded
upon trains headed eastward toward the city of Ankara. What followed
over the next few months would be a concerted, systematic Ottoman
project meant to eradicate the Armenian identity. Millions of
Armenians, depicted by the state as dangerous Russian conspirators and
hazardous to the security of the Ottoman Empire, were uprooted from
their homes and marched across the Turkish desert. What transpired
over the course of that summer was the raping, pillaging, and
butchering of over a million people. Though the Ottoman forces might
have failed in the complete liquidation of a people, genocide served
as a near consolation prize.

As April 24th approaches, Armenians around the world will gather as
they have for the past 90+ years and demand that the Turkish state
take responsibility for its actions. This summer, as Sikhs also embark
on projects to mark the events of 1984, it seems hard to escape the
fact that we too, are becoming part of a global collective searching
for some sort of acceptance of the atrocities that have been done to
us. This sharing of spaces by the world’s downtrodden is allowing for
more nuanced perspectives of each atrocity. In this understanding, the
1915 Armenian genocide becomes not a yearlong campaign to annihilate
Armenia, but rather a set of events concurrent with a larger Ottoman
decades- long campaign meant to undermine Armenian existence. In this
sphere, Operation Blue Star becomes not a plan to rid Harimander Sahib
of radicals hijacking the Sikh identity, but rather another incident
in a set of systematic attacks on Sikh sovereignty by the Indian
Center.

In this mold, we are becoming participants in a unique Genocidees
Anonymous of sorts, where the recognition of our tragedies becomes
cast into a set of layered political demands.

As a Sikh friend stated recently, `We’re the Armenians looking for a
genocide, the Palestinians looking for a home, and the Tibetans
looking to practice our faith in the face of an intolerant
government¦’ This is nothing new for the quam. Our history can be
marked by stages where relentless attacks on Sikh autonomy have forced
us to assert and reassert our visions for social justice. The most
remarkable part of these assertions has been the universalization of
our demands for justice. Whether it was Guru Hargobind Ji rejecting
release from Gwalior kila (jail) because freedom did not mean freedom
if it those imprisoned alongside him would still languish while he
left or Bhai Kanhaiya giving water to those mandated to annihilate
anyone like him, a Sikh existence has meant an inherent demand for
engagement with the world.

As an undergraduate at what is considered to be a leading US
university, the interpretation of Sikhi many students including myself
have received through our work with the community, is an attack on
anything that deals with any engagement with the world around us. It
seems implausible to construct a vision of the world where we can
become active practitioners of the Sarbat da Bhalla yearned for in
ardaas, if we continue to view the world with utter and sheer
contempt. Over the past year, Sikhs attempting to engage with their
local communities have been likened to rapists and accused of
prostitution for holding turban tying days by professors considered to
be the voices of Sikh academia. We have been warned of associating
with Goray (white) Sikhs because they are practitioners of a falsified
version of Sikhi. Entire organizations have been critiqued and
undermined for offering `lightweight models of Sikhi’ without the
presentation of any alternative.

Any engagement they have had with the American populace at large has
been deemed conciliatory and thus subversive and dangerous. At first
glance, it seems easy to simply listen and subsequently ignore what we
believe to be a confined understanding of Sikhi. Yet at the point
where the collective investment of the Panth, through the work of
entire curriculums and organizations can become so easily undermined
by a terrified few, then we fear that the greater global challenges
that we as Sikhs feel mandated to engage in are placed in jeopardy.

A part of us still holds true to the conviction that the heroes of
Sikh lore we grew up with would be immune to this disease of
communalism. It seems almost nonsensical for us to think a Sikh
history whereupon Guru Tegh Bahadhur doesn’t faithfully march towards
Chandi Chowk because he is protecting the right of religious
expression, even if it is indirectly for the leaders of a faith who
through caste, have mandated one of the world’s most expansive forms
of subjugation. I fail to believe that the forces of the Dal Khalsa
would not march into Afghanistan if those taken were only Sikh
women. Our history is not littered with heroes who served faithfully
for an insular cause. Rather, we cherish those who looked at these
artificial societal veneers and used pen and sword to shatter them
beyond comprehension. To once again become the embodiment of what our
ancestors were, and to adopt the tragedies of the faceless and
powerless, we must learn to reject those within our panth who wish to
narrowly define what it means to be Sikh. Sikhi, in my humble opinion,
is not meant to be an expression of the insecurities toward the world
of a few, but rather a space so special that it elicits a response
that shakes the world’s oppressors toward justice.

AFTER TURKEY’S HYPE OVER OBAMA COMES HARD IMPLEMENTATION
Fadi Hakura

Daily Star
April 21 2009
Lebanon

President Barack Hussein Obama swooped into Turkey on April 6 for
two days of fence-mending bilateral relations with its erstwhile,
if sometimes prickly, ally Turkey while disseminating a message of
friendship to the wider Muslim world. Obama cut a dashing figure,
mesmerizing the normally skeptical Turkish public with self-deprecating
references to his inspirational life story of struggle and achievement.

This trip could be characterized as a success in terms of public
diplomacy. Opinion polls indicated that Turks had an increasingly
favorable attitude toward the new US president. Turkish media
was also mostly upbeat, bringing into sharp focus the contrast
between the positive vibes directed toward Obama and the negative
perceptions of his predecessor, President George W. Bush. Meanwhile,
Obama heaped praise on Turkey’s European aspirations, as well as on
its democratic and secular traditions and its regional ambitions in
the Middle East. He deftly maneuvered around the hot Armenian issue,
without conceding on his points of principle.

Obama also awed audiences beyond Turkey. After all, the visit was
not just about Turkey, but additionally about the Muslim world in
general. His speech to the Turkish Parliament – in which the sound
bite that the United States is not at "war with Islam" was interpreted
as a radical break with Bush’s "war on terror" rhetoric – attracted
the close attention of media in the Arab world.

Now that the party is over, however, a more sober assessment of the
ultimate impact of Obama’s Turkey jamboree is needed. For starters,
it is fair to say that US-Turkey relations had already undergone a
rapid turnaround even before Barack Obama took office, namely during
the tail end of the previous administration, after President George
W. Bush agreed to actively cooperate with the Turkish military in
its fight against Kurdistan Workers’ Party combatants infiltrating
Turkey from northern Iraq.

But Obama’s charm offensive has generated heightened expectations of
a substantive shift in US foreign policy, specifically when it comes
to the Middle East. Turkey welcomes Obama’s current desire to open a
dialogue with Iran and Syria, as well as its ongoing plan to withdraw
American combat troops from Iraq by mid-2010, and all troops by the
end of 2011. But, as always, the litmus test will be the stance of
the United States on the dispute between Israel and its neighbors,
particularly the Palestinians, but also Syria and Lebanon. How the
US handles the new government of Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel and
the glaring divide exiting between the Palestinian groups will be
closely watched by Turkey and by the Muslim world.

Naturally, heightened expectations are not just a one-way street. Obama
expects Turkey to deliver on its promises to improve ties with
Armenia by re-opening the border that has been closed since 1993,
and by establishing diplomatic relations with Yerevan. Whether
Turkey can re-open the border in the absence of a resolution to the
Azerbaijani-Armenian dispute over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh is
open to debate. Yet, there is a serious risk of disappointment rising
in Washington if the promises fall short or flat.

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s increasingly abrasive
style of diplomacy, displayed in full during his adamant opposition
to Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen’s candidacy to take the
helm of the NATO alliance recently, could eventually irk policymakers
in Washington. Obama seems to prefer a Turkish foreign policy of
the quiet and constructive type rather than one based on emotional
gestures and religious undertones. So the ground exists for some
disappointment here as well.

Despite the pitfalls, there is no doubt that US-Turkey relations are,
at least for now, on a firmer, realistic footing than they were during
the Bush years. Gone are the poisonous atmospherics of the past,
while in have come greater mutual cooperation and respect between
Washington and Ankara. However, the present mood cannot be taken
for granted. That the persistence of instability in the Middle East
and the Caucasus region could provoke events that scuttle relations
with Turkey is possible, perhaps resulting from the ongoing conflicts
between Arabs and Israelis, Iran’s nuclear program, and developments
in Iraq, Afghanistan or Armenia, to name just a few examples. Public
diplomacy is the easy part. Delivery is a far harder prospect when
it comes to the United States and Turkey.

Fadi Hakura is the Turkey analyst at Chatham House in London. This
commentary first appeared at bitterlemons-international.org, an
online newsletter that publishes different views of Middle Eastern
and Islamic issues.

HISTORIC ARMENIAN CEMETERY IN INDIA "BURIED UNDER WASTE"

society

2009/04/21 | 15:16

An article entitled "Historic Armenian cemetery buried under waste",
in today’s ExpressBuzz, an online Indian news service, focuses on an
historic Armenian cemetery in the Indian city of Hyderabad and the
threats leading to its imminent demise.

It is perhaps the last known trace of the Armenian connection with
the city of Hyderabad.

And now it is almost on the verge of being erased from the city’s
historic map.

Yes, the Armenian cemetery located at Uppuguda (known as Opiguda in
the colonial times) is reduced to a mere dumping zone and a place
where people relieve themselves.

Armenians came into India as traders through the overland route
much before the advent of European traders into India; in fact seven
centuries before Vasco-da-Gama reached India.

A historian Mesrovb Jacob Seth in his seminal work Armenians in India
has noted that 19 Armenians including two priests Rev Johannes (1680)
and Rev Simon (1724), were buried in this now deserted cemetery.

And the cemetery is not confined to Armenians alone.

"With no English graves of 17th and 18th century seems to have existed,
even the Dutch used the Armenian cemetery till they acquired their
own cemetery in the year 1678," B Subrahmanyam, a retired deputy
director of AP Archaeology Department told Expresso.

Referring to a study done by Dr V. Nersessian, he pointed out that
there was considerable Armenian population in Hyderabad and the
community was sent a Pontifical Bull from Holy Etchmiadzin, the
spiritual centre of Armenian Chursbiantuow in Armenia.

Realizing the importance of the Armenian cemeteries and churchyards,
which are the only attested sources of their presence, the Department
of Archaeology has declared the Uppuguda site as a protected monument
under the Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1960. But due to
sheer negligence, this historical churchyard is reduced to a dump
yard full of liquor bottles and human excreta.

When the sorry-state of affairs was reported to the Director of
Archaeology and Museums Department P. Chenna Reddy, he said that
they have included this cemetery in the colonial heritage monuments
preservation project in Hyderabad.

"The cemetery has been neglected for more than seven years. Before the
Central Government releases funds for this project, the department is
chalking out a plan to clean the site soon," an Archaeology Department
official said.

One can only hope that the condition of this cemetery, where the
Armenian-Hyderabad connection is etched, would be improved as soon
as possible.

TURKISH INTELLIGENCE SERVICES TO PROHIBIT TURKISH SPORTSMEN’S ARRIVAL IN ARMENIA

PanArmenian News
April 20 2009
Armenia

Turkey refused to participate in International Wushu Tournament in
memory of Genocide victims, Tigran Chobanyan, President of Armenian
Wushu Federation told a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter.

"We were informed that Turkish intelligence services prohibited Turkish
team’s arrival in Armenia, although the Turkish Wushu Federation
had previously accepted our invitation. Ukraine and Uzbekistan also
refused to participate in the tournament on grounds of the financial
crisis. We haven’t yet received answers from Uzbekistan, Iran, Georgia
and the two Russian teams representing Moscow and Dagestan. They all
are to arrive in Armenia on April 23. On April 24, their delegations
are to visit Tsitsernakaberd and lay wreaths at the Genocide Memorial."

The sixth International Wushu Tournament in memory of Genocide victims
will be organized in Dinamo stadium, Yerevan. The Wushu wrestlers
will compete in two disciplines: martial art, i.e. single combat,
and gymnastic exercises involving women athletes.

Potential of Armenian-Iranian integration not fully realized

YEREVAN, April 18. /ARKA/. The potential of Armenian-Iranian
integration has not been fully realized, stated Armen Darbinyan, Rector
of the Armenian-Russian (Slavonic) University (RAU).

`We have been speaking of Armenian-Iranian projects for ten, or even
for 15, years and although they are closer to being launched than ten
years ago, we would like to see them more dynamic,’ Darbinyan stated at
the conference `Global financial and economic crisis: genesis and
prospects’ held at the RAU.

Among the projects he included an Iran-Armenia products pipe line,
construction of an oil refinery, a railway, as well as the construction
and joint operation of a hydro-power plant on the Araks river.

RA Minister of Transport and Communications Gurgen Sargsyan and Iranian
Minister of Road and Transportation Hamid Bihbahani signed a final
agreement on the construction of an Armenia-Iran railway in Teheran
this April. The agreement was signed during a visit paid to Iran by an
Armenian delegation headed by RA President Serzh Sargsyan.

RA Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Armen Movsisyan stated
earlier that the construction project for the Meghry HPP on the Araks
River, which is estimated at $240mln, had been launched, with design
work being in progress.

The construction project for an Iran-Armenia products pipe line has
been launched as well, and field
operation is under way.–0–

APA, Azerbaijan
April 18 2009

Novruz Mammadov: `Azerbaijan has pursued and will pursue
comprehensively weighed up and independent foreign policy’ ` EXCLUSIVE

[ 18 Apr 2009 15:43 ]

`¦I don’t understand so much love, attention and care to an
aggressor country. Everybody sees that recently the West is taking all
steps to improve the wellbeing of tacountry, which occupied the
territories of Azerbaijan. I don’t understand that’.

Baku. Lachin Sultanova `APA. `The working visit of the President of
Azerbaijan to Moscow has been planned since the beginning of this
year. Despite that some politicians, journalists and political
analysts explained it as they like, but they were wrong’, Chief of the
International Relations Department of the President’s Office Novruz
Mammadov told APA, commenting on the President Ilham Aliyev’s visit to
Russia.

`We have very close relations with our big neighbor Russia, we have
friendly relations and strategic partnership and these relations are
extended year by year. Meetings and relations between the Azerbaijani
and Russian leadership have a traditional character. These processes
take place every year and the presidents meet in various places. I
give great importance to this visit’, said the department chief and
added that the visit was very important and covered a;; specters of
bilateral relations.

Mammadov said the presidents have wide discussions on the future
prospects of the relations. `Our relationship is very developed in the
trade, economic, humanitarian and energy fields. It needs to take it
into consideration that Russian Federation is important for Azerbaijan
as a co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group, the mediator in the settlement
of Armenian-Azerbaijan Nagorno Karabakh conflict and the solution to
the conflict was also focused at the meetings. The presidents said at
the briefing that they had very useful meetings and found out new
opportunities for the cooperation in a number of spheres, including
the energy field particularly. The President of Azerbaijan noted that
they had wide discussions over the solution to Nagorno Karabakh
conflict. The Russian president said Russia made all efforts to bring
inline the positions of Armenia and Azerbaijan’.

Mammadov emphasized that Azerbaijani and Armenian presidents could
meet this year. `If we take the current situation and processes into
consideration, there is a great probability for the progresses’.

Asked `What is your view on Turkish media reports claiming Azerbaijan
has opted to give up a balance in foreign policy orientation and
tilted towards Russia,’ he answered that Azerbaijan has pursued and
will continue to pursue a balanced, comprehensively weighed up and
independent foreign policy.

`Azerbaijan’s relations with Turkey are at the high level and
relations have always been on track of development. We are committed
to continuing this afterwards. I also highly appreciate the relations
between Azerbaijan and the United States. At the same time,
Azerbaijan’s relations with the West are and will be developing apace.
There are frequent visits to Russia, there are frequent meetings,
these possibilities come true, there is no need to interpret this in
another way. Azerbaijan’s doors for cooperation are open in all
vectors. Our relations with the West are at the high level, I highly
appreciate this. But in my personal view, unfortunately, I can’t see
adequate reaction in the West’s relationship with Azerbaijan. Since we
gained independence, Azerbaijan’s steps directed to energy and
integration. We carried out many reforms in conjunction with NATO and
European Union. In return for these, we see very great care an
attention to Armenia which have continued to occupy 20 percent of our
territories over the past 20 years. I note that this is not a fair
position. I don’t understand so much love, attention and care [they
devote] to an aggressor. Everybody sees the West has recently moved
to take all steps to ease and improve the state and wellbeing of a
country which occupied Azerbaijan’s territories. I can’t understand
this,’ he added.

Asked `which areas Azerbaijan wants to see prioritized in the Eastern
Partnership Programme’, he said that this will be discussed in an EU
meeting in May.

`Azerbaijani President will express the country’s position during the
discussion. Simply, we want the fate of Eastern Partnership Initiative
not to be as that of the European Neighborhood Policy. We joined the
European Neighborhood Policy, what steps did Europe take in return?
What did the EU want to do? What did? It is not possible to this
clearly. Within the framework of the Eastern Partnership, we would
like everything to be fair, a special programme to be developed for
each country, concrete steps to be taken and initiatives to be
developed,’ he added.

COLUMBIA STUDENTS HOST DISTINGUISHED GENOCIDE PANEL
By Serouj Aprahamian

=41610_4/18/2009_1
Friday, April 17, 2009

In an effort to pay tribute to the memory of the 1.5 million victims of
the Armenian Genocide and inspire vigilance against such atrocities,
both past and present, the Armenian Student Association of Columbia
University hosted a distinguished panel lecture this past Thursday,
April 9.

Over 200 students, faculty and local community members were in
attendance for the event, which featured moderator Andrea Kannapell
of the New York Times, renowned genocide scholar Taner Akcam, and
famed Armenian-American attorney Mark Geragos. The official headline
for the evening was "The Armenian Genocide and Its Relevance Today."

"We were delighted to see the panel bring together the Columbia
community to discuss the Armenian Genocide," said Nora Khanarian,
a student at Columbia and a member of the organizing committee for
the event. "We are optimistic that constructive dialogue about the
important ramifications of our history is possible in the future."

Khanarian’s fellow organizer, William Bairamian, added, "It was
imperative to have an Armenian Genocide remembrance and educational
event at Columbia University, as it should be on every respected
university campus in the world. Every Armenian-American student
should feel that it is their duty to educate those who do not know
about the Genocide."

The evening began with the reading of a statement from the noted
psychiatrist and genocide prevention scholar David Hamburg. Hamburg was
scheduled to take part in the panel but was unable to make it due to
last-minute health reasons. Nevertheless, he sent a condensed version
of his talk which was read aloud for the audience by Ms. Kannapell.

This was followed by Professor Akcam’s presentation which focused
on Armenian-Turkish relations over the past 30 years and what will
be needed to move ahead in the future. He addressed such matters
as developments within Turkish society, the talks between Turkey
and Armenia, and the issue of the US position on the Armenian
Genocide. At several points during his talk, Akcam insisted that,
"Obama should use the word . . .genocide," and that, "by using this
term, %u218genocide,’ the United States can liberate Turks, Armenians,
and everybody in this conflict."

The next speaker to take the podium was Mark Geragos, who addressed
the legal implications of the Genocide and focused explicitly on
the need for reparations and restitution. After talking about his
experiences as a lead attorney for the Genocide-era claims against
insurance companies New York Life and AXA, Geragos expounded upon
why he believes reparations are so important for the securing of
justice. "You can never, as a victim, never be made whole until you
have restitution," stated Geragos. "There is never going to be a
resolution to the so-called Armenian question until we get back our
land, until we get back the monies that were taken from us, and until
we get back some kind of reparations."

After such forthright and succinct presentations, there naturally
was a great deal of issues ripe for discussion during the question
and answer period. Audience members included many Turkish students
who were not only hostile toward the facts of the Armenian Genocide,
but were also taken aback by the insistence that reparations would
be needed to right this wrong committed by their government.

Some of the Turkish attendees expressed their disagreement through
prolonged statements, at times refusing to sit down after being asked
politely by the moderator to recite their question. Many others
were more cordial and presented their questions to the panelists
and received forthright answers in return. This lively back and
forth continued as other audience members raised questions about how
Armenians could get their family lands back, the past operations of
ASALA and the Justice Commandos, and the legality of Turkey’s present
blockade of Armenia.

Following the Q&A, Bairamian took to the floor to offer some closing
remarks on behalf of the organizers. "We are here not only to remember
those that needlessly perished in the Armenian Highlands and in the
deserts of Der-Zor," he began, "but to make clear to any perpetrator
of genocide that their crimes will never be forgotten–not so long as
there is a sense of humanity and justice among the men and women of
this otherwise beautiful world." Posing the question of whether we
are doing enough to end the scourge of genocide, Bairamian posited,
"We will know the answer to that question when our children learn of
genocide not as a current event but as an aberration of the history
of a time long passed."

The event concluded with a nearby reception which continued in the
spirit of the conference, as attendees congregated and discussed many
of the issues raised by the thought-provoking panel. Professor Akcam,
in particular, could be seen engaging with many of the Turkish students
who proceeded to congregate around him.

Reflecting upon the success of the evening, Arpine Kocharian,
another of the main student organizers of the event, explained how her
grandfather was a survivor of the Armenian Genocide from Mush. Orphaned
at the age of 7, he went on to serve as a veteran of WWII and live
an accomplished life. Nevertheless, he was never able to recover from
the trauma of what happened to his family and an entire village back
in Mush, says Kocharian.

"I think my grandfather, would have been proud of me and my colleagues
today because our panel was able to voice the relevance of the darkest
page in our history."

PEROOMIAN DISCUSSES SEXUAL VIOLENCE, STATE CENSORSHIP
By Andy Turpin

April 16, 2009
discusses-sexual-violence-state-censorship/

BELMO NT, Mass. (A.W.)-On April 2, the National Association for
Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR) presented a talk by Rubina
Peroomian on the topic of her recently published book, And Those
Who Continued Living in Turkey After 1915: The Metamorphosis of
Post-Genocide Armenian Identity As Reflected in Artistic Literature
(Armenian Genocide Museum Institute, 2008).

Peroomian’s earlier English-language book Literary Responses to
Catastrophe: A Comparison of the Armenian and the Jewish Experience
(1993) analyzed Armenian and Jewish literary works written in response
to the horrors of genocide. Peroomian holds a Ph.D. in Near Eastern
languages and cultures from UCLA and has been a lecturer in Armenian
language and literature as well as Armenian history at UCLA, the
University of Laverne, and Glendale College. She serves as a member
of the NAASR Board of Directors for southern California.

"I’m a very diligent scholar but it was the hardest thing trying to
find a publisher for my book," Peroomian began. "The book was very
popular in Yerevan but it had its disadvantages self-publishing so
I thank NAASR for their support."

Peroomian continued, "This is the second in a trilogy, the follow-up
to my first book in 1993… The first book dealt with those in the
Armenian Diaspora of the second and third generation and how they
dealt with trauma. I’m trying to finish the trilogy with a forthcoming
study of the effects of the genocide on those in Soviet Armenia and
how this trauma was transmitted."

"Since the book was published in Armenia, I felt a need to satisfy
Armenian readers with a 25-page schematic survey of the book in
Armenian," she said.

"The methodology encapsulates my readings of these various genocide
literatures that exist and the dynamics of them." Muslim Armenians in
Turkey, such as the Hamshen, she said, "are for some people a paradox."

"To answer the question, ‘Why this book?’ I’ve been interested in the
field of genocide literature in the diaspora for 25 years. But that was
the diaspora. But I always wondered, ‘What about those in Turkey that
couldn’t get out?’ Until 15 years ago we knew nothing of these people,
only that some tourists talked to some very old Armenians [in Turkey]."

Peroomian stated, "In Istanbul literature, you had to read between
the lines, and in fact more research is needed on Istanbul Armenian
literature."

Peroomian gave examples of the cryptic prose used to describe the
genocide and get past the state censors in works of fiction. "It is
very typical for the narrator to say in Istanbul Armenian literature
of the 1950’s and 60’s that ‘My mother and father had brothers and
sisters, but they all died before I was born.’"

"In that atmosphere of constant harassment and persecution, especially
for those Armenians living in the interior of Turkey, to them, all they
had to do was survive until they could go abroad or to Istanbul. And
this in fact was the intension of the Turkish government; to evacuate
these regions of Armenians."

Everywhere in Turkey after the genocide, she explained, it was banned
to talk about Armenians in the media. Only about a dozen novels in
the republic period talked about Armenians and most of them followed
the government line of ethnic identity."

But, she added, "Because of the Diaspora Armenians’ activities and
because of some of the Armenian armed struggle activities-like the
assassinations of Turkish diplomats-in the 1970’s, Turkish people
started asking themselves, ‘Who are these Armenians and what are
their claims?’"

"At this point, Turkish youth began to be raised to hate Armenians
as traitors that went against the Ottoman Empire. There are many
intellectuals and modernists who talk about these topics now in Turkey,
tasking the government to confront the past and do it justice in the
name of a multiculturalism that will only help to democratize Turkey."

However, she countered, "Author Orhan Pamuk says there are two souls
of Turkey [on the genocide issue] that are constantly combating each
other to change the other. Elif Shafak has said, ‘God save me from
my own people.’"

"Of course, these intellectuals are constantly under persecution and
harassment but they are active," Peroomian said. "And the more active
they are, the more active the ultra-nationalists are. Hrant Dink’s
assassination was proof of this."

Peroomian recounted the controversy caused in part by Dink when he
helped prove that Ataturk’s adopted daughter, a renowned pioneer
aviatrix and the first female combat pilot Sabiha Gokcen, was in
fact an Armenian orphan whose family had been decimated during the
genocide. She stated, "She was very popular in Turkey and for him to
expose the truth like that, [to them] he had to pay for it."

Of the questions that provoked her own research, Peroomian said,
"’Did women taken into harems and forced to convert to Islam truly
convert to Islam? How did they feel in their womb with [the child]
of the perpetrator inside them?’ These are the things I was looking
for in the research I’ve done."

Peroomian continued, "Henry Morganthau wrote in his memoirs about
the acts of rape against boys during the genocide as much as the
conventions for society in 1915 would allow. I’ve seen a few good
articles on sexual violence against male and female victims coming
forth."

She noted that such domination acts sought to de-masculinize and
de-humanize the victim. "There was physical violence as well against
Armenian women and boys after the genocide, in the orphanages and
in adopted families. And as we saw in the former Yugoslavia, sexual
violence is a form of genocidal war."

Peroomian cited the 1998 "Sexual Violence Report" by the UN’s special
rapporteur on human rights and noted, "There is so much research on
these topics, but at one point I had to stop and actually publish."

"I know I haven’t said the last word at all," she said. "I want this
to be my attempt to loosen the tongue of a forbidden past, that is
the Turks’ past as well."

And Those Who Continued Living in Turkey After 1915: The
Metamorphosis of Post-Genocide Armenian Identity As Reflected in
Artistic Literature is available for purchase at the NAASR bookstore,
online at naasr.org/store/home.php.

THERE HAS BEEN OBSERVED THE SECOND WIND IN TURKEY’S INTEGRATION TO THE EUROPEAN UNION

ArmInfo
2009-04-17 10:48:00

There has been observed the second wind in Turkey’s integration to
the European Union, Chairman of EU-Turkey Delegation in European
Parliament Joost Lagendijk said.

"A new feeling of optimism has been observed in EU," Lagendijk told
Trend News over phone from Brussels. A slowdown in the reforms in
2005 -2008 was changed with Turkey’s positive steps. This increased
the EU optimism. Lagendijk voiced five main steps, which allowed to
look fresh at Turkey’s integration. One of the steps is the visit of
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and head of the leading
opposition party – Republican People’s Party Deniz Baikal to Brussels
in early of the year. During the visit Erdogan and Baikal explained
that the EU is still top priority for Turkey rkey, Lagendijk said.

Another important issue was called appointment of Egemen Bakish as
chief negotiator in the negotiations between Turkey and EU ON Turkey’s
accession to EU, the nomination that is seen very positively inside
the EU. Thirdly, the TRT6 Kurdish language national television, which
is seen as an important step forward to solve the Kurdish issue,
was opened. A radio and TRT 6 Kurdish language national television
were opened in Turkey in 2008 and January 2009 respectively. The
channel is broadcasting not only in Turkey, but also in Iraq, Iran
and Syria. Fourthly, the talks between Turkey and Armenia are seen
from a very positive in restoring diplomatic relations and opening
of borders, which will help not only to Turkey’s accession to EU,
but also resolution to Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Armenian-Turkish ties have been severed since 1993 due to Armenia’s
claims of an alleged genocide, and the country’s occupation of
20 percent of Azerbaijani lands. Turkish President Abdullah Gul
visited Yerevan on Sept. 6, 2008 upon the invitation of his Armenian
counterpart Serzh Sarkisyan to watch an Armenia-Turkey football
match. Efforts have been made to normalize ties between the two
countries ever since. The fifth point is the fact that there
are ongoing talks between the Turkish government and the Alawi
leadership. Alawi is the largest religious minority in Turkey,
constituting about 20 percent of the population. The Turkish
authorities still prefer to ignore their existence: Alawi community
has no official status. The issue of ending discrimination against
Alawis and the protection of their rights and freedoms included in
the criteria for the accession of Turkey to the EU.

The talks on Turkey’s accession to the EU were launched in
2005. According to experts, Turkey will become the EU full member
within 1-15 years. The main obstacle on Turkey’s way is territorial
disputes with the Greek Cyprus, which occurred as a result of division
of the island into two parts in 1974. If Turkey to be accessed to the
EU, it will expand the EU market and grant qualified working force
to European companies, which suffer of ageing aboriginal population.