Press Release: Archbishop Aghan Baliozian Among The Delegation From

PRESS RELEASE
Diocese of the Armenian Church of Australia & New Zealand
10 Macquarie Street
Chatswood NSW 2067
AUSTRALIA
Contact: Laura Artinian
Tel: (02) 9419-8056
Fax: (02) 9904-8446
Email: [email protected]

ARCHBISHOP AGHAN BALIOZIAN AMONG A TEN-PERSON DELEGATION FROM AUSTRALIA TO
VISIT INDONESIA FOR DIALOGUE ON INTERFAITH COOPERATION

Sydney, Thursday 9th December 2004 – The 10-person delegation from
Australia arrived this morning after participating in a Dialogue
on Interfaith Cooperation in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The Dialogue
involved religious leaders from the major faiths and religions and
Interfaith experts from the South East Asia region that included
Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar,
New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand,
Timor Leste and Viet Nam. The theme of the Dialogue was “Dialogue on
Interfaith Cooperation: Community Building and Harmony”.

At the invitation of Minister for Foreign Affairs of Australia, the
Hon. Alexander Downer M.P., His Eminence Archbishop Aghan Baliozian,
Primate of the Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church of Australia
and New Zealand, was among the delegation from Australia that included
six Christian leaders representing the Catholic, Anglican, Uniting,
Lutheran and Armenian Orthodox Churches, plus representatives from
the Muslim, Jewish, Buddhist and Hindu faiths.

The Dialogue on Interfaith Cooperation is a joint Australia-Indonesia
initiative announced by Mr Downer and his Indonesian counterpart,
H.E. Dr N. Hassan Wirajuda at the ASEAN meetings in Jakarta in July.

The broad objective of the Dialogue is to convene discussion
among world denominations and to foster greater understanding and
cooperation between the various faith communities in the region.
By working together more closely, there is also much potential to
resolve the challenges that face communities today.

On his return, Archbishop Aghan said “It was a high level delegation
that demonstrated a mutual respect and understanding toward differing
faiths and beliefs. It is with real hope that the dialogue will
continue to create real harmony in the region.”

The organising of the Dialogue is a reflection of the good relationship
between the Republic of Indonesia and Australia. It provides a
strong basis for reinforcing mutually beneficial ties between the two
countries and in this case, a good understanding of interfaith issues.

Young Armenians puzzle over their homeland

Young Armenians puzzle over their homeland
By Susan Sachs

International Herald Tribune

The New York Times Thursday, December 9, 2004

YEREVAN, Armenia – In a smoky corner of the Red Bull bar, a favorite
hangout for university students, Zara Amatuni mulled over the reasons
she would leave her homeland.

“It’s poor, it has no natural resources, it has an undeveloped
economy and it’s unlikely to be developing in the next 10 years,”
she said with a small shrug.

Amatuni, 21, imagines herself in London, or perhaps Moscow. Her
language skills might land her a good-paying job, and plenty of
Armenians have marked the trail before her.

“We can fit in anywhere,” she said. “The only place we can’t is
Armenia.”

For young people who have come of age in an independent Armenia,
a small country with barely 3 million people, it is an awkward paradox.

Their parents grew up in a captive republic of the Soviet Union. Their
grandparents escaped the Turkish massacres of Armenians in the bloody
aftermath of World War I. For them, and for the 4-million strong
Armenian diaspora, the creation of a sovereign Armenian homeland 13
years ago was the fulfillment of a dream.

Yet the promised land has proved too constricting and its promise too
distant for the next generation’s ambitions. Those who want to leave
and those who want to stay are all trying to reconcile what it means
to be Armenian.

For some, no longer being part of the empire that was the Soviet
Union means a loss of significance in the world. Then there were
opportunities for well-educated Armenians to work in Moscow and
elsewhere.

Independence, they had hoped, would propel Armenia into the wider
world, important on its own. Instead, they find themselves in a
backwater where most of the decent-paying jobs are with international
aid organizations.

“Let us build Armenia here,” said Artyom Simonian, an acting student in
the struggling town of Gyumri, 120 kilometers, or 75 miles, northwest
of the capital, where residents are still recovering from a devastating
1988 earthquake.

He is one of those nostalgic for an imagined past. Like many of his
fellow students, Simonian, 21, was uncomfortable with the country’s
apparent choices, integration with Europe or tighter bonds with Russia.

“We are trying to love foreigners too much,” he said.

He and some other students, gathered around a small table in the
chilly cafeteria of the Gyumri Arts School, understand they have
fewer opportunities than did their parents, who learned to speak
Russian and became assimilated to Russian culture.

They long for a bigger, more muscular Armenia, a land that would
embrace what is now southeastern Turkey where their ancestors lived a
century ago. The snowy crest of Mount Ararat, now on the other side
of the border, floats on the horizon beyond Gyumri as a reminder of
that phantom homeland.

“I won’t consider myself Armenian until all of sacred Mount Ararat is
in Armenia,” said Alexan Gevorgian, another theater student. He saw
the world as essentially hostile and neighboring Turkey, 25 kilometers
to the west, as “an animal waiting for its prey to weaken.”

His bitterness was too much for Ludvig Harutiunian, the student council
president. “We young people should leave this hostility behind,”
he protested. “I’d like Armenia to be known for good things, not
genocide and wars and victims and mourning.” Harutiunian had evaluated
his prospects. His father was working in Russia, his brother was
working in Spain and he was resigned to finding a chance for artistic
expression elsewhere.

“Armenian culture is not developing and you have to go out,” he said.

Simonian interrupted, chiding, “It’s wrong to leave the country.” The
other students fell silent.

The insular views of many of these young people dismay older Armenians
who have a sharp sense of how their own horizons have shrunk.

“For 70 years we lived in a different country, where we were open to
Russian culture and history,” said Svetlana Muradian, a Gyumri mother
of six. “Kids now see nothing beyond Armenia. My only hope is that
my three sons will grow up and leave.”

The students in the Red Bull bar in Yerevan were struggling with a
different facet of the same dilemma. Fluent in English and Russian as
well as their native Armenian, they were impatient with the growing
pains of a post-Soviet state and deeply cynical about politics.

To Gevorg Karapetian, a doctoral student in computer engineering,
the ideal leader would be a businessman, “someone educated and clever
enough to make relationships with the neighboring countries.” The
present crowd of politicians did not measure up. “Our president and all
the presidents before him just want to be president,” said Karapetian.

Unlike the less privileged students in Gyumri, he and his friends
in the capital have reached out to the world beyond Armenia’s
borders. They get their news from the Internet and use it to chat with
English speakers from around the world. They regularly meet Armenians
from the United States and Russia who visit the homeland. But their
relative sophistication also makes them keenly aware of the contrast
between their aspirations and their country’s opportunities, souring
even their successes.

Victor Agababov, 22, earns the princely sum of $650 a month working
as a computer programmer in Yerevan, making him the best paid member
of his university class. Yet he tends to mock his own achievement
because his job involves doing outsourced work transferred from the
United States and Japan.

“We are a cheap work force,” he said.

Pope Keeps Up Tradition of Spanish Steps

Pope Keeps Up Tradition of Spanish Steps

AP Online
Dec 08, 2004

Waving from his white popemobile, Pope John Paul II blessed shoppers
and tourists at the foot of the Spanish Steps on Wednesday as he
began his busy holiday schedule with a traditional visit to the
popular square in the heart of historic Rome.

He rode in an open-sided vehicle down narrow Via Condotti, a street
lined with some of Rome’s swankiest shops. John Paul, dressed in a
white robe and a red embroidered stole, sat in an upholstered chair
on a wheeled platform, and in a hoarse voice read a prayer in honor
of the Virgin Mary.

Dec. 8 is the church and Italian national holiday of the Immaculate
Conception, which marks the Roman Catholic dogma that the mother
of Jesus was conceived without original sin. In the morning, he
presided at a two-hour Mass in St. Peter’s Basilica to mark the
150th anniversary of the declaration of the dogma.

The pope prayed that Mary would “help us to build a world where the
life of man is always loved and defended, every form of violence is
banned, peace is tenaciously sought by all.”

Thousands of Romans and out-of-towners took a break from gift-buying
on the first official day of the city’s Christmas shopping season to
catch a glimpse of the pope in the square with its towering column
topped by a statue of Mary.

They cheered as the pontiff arrived during an afternoon break in the
rain that had drenched Rome earlier. Mayor Walter Veltroni watched
as John Paul blessed a basket brimming with pink roses that were then
placed at the foot of the column.

Ailing with Parkinson’s disease and hip and knee problems, John Paul
no longer walks or stands during his many public appearances. But
the Vatican’s official schedule of papal ceremonies indicates the
84-year-old pontiff is sticking to the heavy Christmas season schedule
of the last several years.

On Christmas Eve, he will preside over a solemn midnight Mass in
St. Peter’s Basilica. Several years ago he stopped celebrating a late
morning Mass on Christmas Day, but he is scheduled to deliver his
traditional message “Urbi et Orbi” (“to the city and to the world”)
at noon on Dec. 25. He will also lead a service of thanksgiving for
the blessing of 2004 on New Year’s Eve in the basilica.

Earlier Wednesday, the pope said he was praying for the Iraqi people
after militants bombed two churches in Mosul, the latest anti-Christian
violence in the country.

“I express my spiritual closeness to the faithful, shocked by the
attacks,” John Paul said, speaking from his apartment window above
St. Peter’s Square.

He said he was praying that Iraqis “may finally know a time of
reconciliation and peace.”

In coordinated attacks Tuesday, militants bombed an Armenian Catholic
and a Chaldean church in Mosul, injuring three people. Islamic
militants have regularly targeted Iraq’s various ethnic communities,
including the minority Christians.

Turkey/USA: Constantinople Patriarch strains relations

ANSA English Media Service
December 3, 2004

TURKEY/USA: CONSTANTINOPLE PATRIARCH STRAINS RELATIONS

By Lucio Leante

ANKARA

(ANSA) – ANKARA, December 3 – Relations between the Turkish
government and the U.S. Embassy in Ankara were strained after
the embassy invited Constantinople Orthodox patriarch
Bartholomew II to a reception in Istanbul, calling him
“ecumenical (global) patriarch” of Orthodox Christians across
the world, while Turkish authorities recognise him as patriarch
of Orthodox Christians only in their country.

Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Bartholomew
II was “an ordinary Turkish citizen” and accused the U.S.
embassy of having secret motives in deliberately bestowing him
with an inaccurate title.

The embassy’s aim is to disturb religious peace in Turkey,
Erdogan said.

The prime minister added he had ordered all ministers and
other senior state officials not to attend both this reception
and other similar events the U.S. embassy might organise in the
future.

“The United States have always considered Bartholomew II an
ecumenical patriarch,” U.S. ambassador to Turkey Eric Edelman
said in a statement.

“Our calling Bartholomew an ecumenical patriarch is not a
sign of a shift in our policy. All reluctant to attend our
receptions are free to abstain from attending,” Edelman added.

“We are not going to deny our identity and Turkey’s
authorities are not going to tell us who we are,” Bartholomew II
said.

“The title ‘ecumenical’ is a historic one and has been first
given to the Constantinople patriarch in 451 A.D.,” patriarchy
spokesman Dositeos Anagnastopulos said.

“The title cannot be changed and there is no need to because
it refers only to the Christian Orthodox Church and does not
have any political significance,” he added.

The 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, in which the European powers
recognised Turkey’s independence and received guarantees
concerning the status of three non-Muslim communities in the new
and predominantly Muslim Turkish state: Jewish, Greek Orthodox
and Armenian, recognises the Fener patriarch, as Bartholomew is
called in Istanbul after the name of the district where the
Orthodox patriarchy is located, as spiritual leader only of the
2,000-strong Turkish Orthodox community.

However, Bartholomew also claims to represent the nearly 320
million Orthodox Christians in the world, in competition with
the Russian and Greek patriarchs who claim to do the same.
“The Russian, Greek and Serbian Orthodox churches are hostile
towards Bartholomew and Turkey,” Bilgi University professor
Niyazi Oktem told local news channel NTV.
“Turkey’s interest does not lie in giving up a power to the
benefit of other countries but in keeping as much power for
itself. Why should we help the Russian patriarch who is enemy of
Turkey?” Oktem added.

The true reason behind Turkey’s reluctance to recognise
Bartholomew as ecumenical patriarch is that Turkey’s Islamic
authorities could not bear their predominantly Muslim country to
become a global Christian Orthodox centre and fear it might
become an Orthodox Vatican on Muslim ground.

It is for this reason that the Orthodox seminary in
Heybeliada, an island close to Istanbul, has been closed by law
and the government of the Justice and Development party, which
is believed to have Islamic roots, has not allowed it to re-open
as demanded by the European Union (EU) with whom Turkey hopes to
start entry talks soon. (ANSA).
(BZ/krc)

`Azerbaijan not to allow cargo transit to Armenia’

AzerNews, Azerbaijan
Dec 2 2004

`Azerbaijan not to allow cargo transit to Armenia’

Hundreds of transit cargo trains have been withheld on the
Azerbaijani-Georgian border for three days. The contents of 309
carriages are suspected to have been en route to Armenia. Commenting
on the matter, First Deputy Prime Minister Abbas Abbasov said that
Azerbaijan can detain all consignments coming from other countries en
route to Georgia through its territory,

if they are further delivered to Armenia. He said that to prevent the
transit delivery of goods to Armenia, he met with Georgian President,
Prime Minister and Secretary of the Security Council last week and
informed them of such instances.
During the meetings, Abbasov urged the Georgian government to prevent
such cases and warned against detention of all kind of cargoes to be
dispatched to Georgia by Azerbaijan in order to protect the country’s
national interests.

Azerbaijan and Georgia have signed agreements on transportation of
transit and export consignments through the former’s territory
provided that they are not further passed on to Armenia, Abbasov
said.
Abbasov said, however, that there have been instances of cargo being
delivered to Armenia through Azerbaijan, in particular, transit of
oil products and fuel.
The First Deputy Prime Minister also underlined that the freight
trains, the destinations of which are determined, are allowed to
enter Georgia.
“Not a gram of fuel will be dispatched to aggressor Armenia, which
has occupied 20% of Azerbaijan’s territory, so that it could launch
new military attacks on our country,” Abbasov said.
The spokesman for the Georgian Railway Office Stepnadze said the
Georgian side is not aware of any cargo transportation to Armenia.
“As far as we know, the consignments coming from Azerbaijan are not
transported to Armenia via Georgia.”
He said that according to the existing bilateral agreements, the
consignments may not be transported to a third country contradicting
the interests of Azerbaijan and Georgia. Stepnadze indicated that the
recent detention of railway carriages on the frontier will not affect
bilateral relations.
“There are no problems between the two countries and Azerbaijan
reserves the right to inspect any consignment.”

LVIV: Galicia’s Moment

Galicia’s Moment

The Wall Street Journal (Online)
December 2, 2004
Commentary

By Kamil Tchorek

LVIV, Ukraine — The statue of St. Yury depicts a towering rider lodging
his lance straight through the mouth of a huge snake. As fate would have
it, the monument sits opposite this western Ukrainian town’s police
headquarters, where crowds gathered to banish another scourge, Lviv’s
chief of police.

As the “people’s revolution” unfolded in Ukraine last week, Lviv’s
regional assembly was the first in the country to formally reject the
results of the fraudulent presidential election. The assembly also fired
the Kiev-appointed chiefs of police, customs and tax and elected its own
governor, Petro Oliynyk, an ally of the opposition leader and
presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko. “We will not sit down and play
chess with an opponent who wields a club,” said Mr. Oliynyk, rebuking
suggestions that Lviv’s unilateral dismissals and appointments are
unconstitutional.

Lviv has been waiting and preparing for years for this moment. As the
cradle of Ukrainian nationalism, its people have resisted oppressors,
both foreign and domestic, since the 14th century. When the candidate of
the disliked central government, Viktor Yanukovych, tried to steal the
election, Lviv decided to act, reforming the political system here
without waiting for a green light from Kiev. However this national
crisis ends, the region of western Ukraine, with Lviv at its center, has
already gone a long way toward shaping its destiny.

History and geography have given Lviv a unique, defiant character. With
800,000 people, Lviv is one of the most affluent and cosmopolitan cities
in the Ukraine, just 70 kilometers from the Polish border, the new
eastern boundary of the EU and NATO. Like all border towns, Lviv has
long been the site of both conflict and assimilation, a home to rebels,
misfits and pioneers alike.

In 1349, the then capital of the Kingdom of Galicia, Lviv was annexed by
the Polish king. For centuries under Polish rule, the city had a
thriving cosmopolitan community that included Poles, Ukrainians, Jews,
Armenians, Germans and Hungarians. “We are all Ukrainian,” said Witek
Zembowski, a resident of the Lviv suburbs. “But many of us have
grandparents who were not. We vote Yushchenko, and if we go to the
east….” he jokingly drew his finger across his neck as if it would be
severed by a knife.

With the first partition of Poland in 1772, Lviv came under
Austro-Hungarian rule. From then until 1918, Lviv was the capital of the
Hapsburg province of Galicia, joining a network of cities such as
Prague, Budapest, Vienna and for some time even Venice and Milan. Though
now cut off from a united Europe by the border lines drawn by the past
century of history, Lviv’s stunning combination of medieval and
Secessionist architecture puts its beauty on a par with every great
European city. Here, there’s no doubt in anyone’s mind that Ukraine
belongs in the West.

Its people have an unswerving faith in the West as its protector. “If
our country breaks up, there will be a national crisis,” said Viktor, a
taxi driver. “But Europe and America will help us. They will save our
currency. They will save our economy.”

Lviv’s elegant coffee houses and bars are now filled with groups of
friends excitedly talking about the success of their revolution.
Somewhere, on all of them, is a flash of “Yushchenko orange,” the color
adopted by the opposition campaign.

The most famous example of Galician resistance is the West Ukrainian
Republic, which had its capital in Lviv in 1918-23, until the region was
swallowed up by Poland. Its political successors formed the Organization
of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), an armed struggle against successive
Polish, German and Soviet occupiers that fought well into the 1950s.
Speaking from Kiev, Vasyl Kuk, the 91-year-old veteran commander
-in-chief of the OUN said, “I spent years in a Soviet jail for fighting
communism. And I voted Yushchenko because I believe in democracy, not in
nationalism.”

After centuries of bitterness and conflict with Poland, and recent
memories of wartime atrocities, the Galician Ukrainians have remarkably
been able to make up with their western neighbors. Just over the EU
border, Polish companies and groups are supplying the city with buses
(now in short supply) for the convoys of activists that leave every day
to protest in Kiev.

The once-banned black-and-red flag, representing Ukrainian blood and
soil, of the nationalist rebels also occasionally flies alongside the
Solidarity flag in the sea of orange Yushchenko banners that now
dominate the constant winter carnival being celebrated in the streets of
Lviv. The flag is not flown in Lviv by armed partisans who aspire to
Galician secession, chanting anti-Semitic or anti-Russian songs, as Mr.
Yanokovych’s propagandists would have it. These are euphoric people with
a proud legacy. They have democracy in their hands, and the power to
keep hold of it.

The unilateral changes implemented in the past fortnight by leaders in
western Ukraine, such as the decision in Lviv to oust its centrally
appointed officials, raise concerns among the Russian-speakers in other
parts of the country. In Soviet times, as well as in the last 13 years
of independence, politicians in eastern region have exploited fears of
Ukrainian nationalism to win votes or scare electorates. The regional
governors who called for, then backed away from, a referendum on
autonomy for the east earlier this week were doing just that.

In reality, “Western Ukrainian nationalism” has evolved and matured into
the democratic assertiveness of the city of Lviv and its surrounding
region. This evolution has enabled the city to undergo a revolution that
has not needed to overthrow the ruling elite, but in which local leaders
are acting with the support of their people. In a city with St. Yury as
its patron saint, no one should expect anything less.

Mr. Tchorek is a journalist based in Warsaw.

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BAKU: Date for next meeting of Azeri, Armenian FMs not set

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
Nov 29 2004

Date for next meeting of Azeri, Armenian foreign ministers not set

The OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs are determining the date for the next
meeting of Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign ministers in Prague,
Deputy Foreign Minister Araz Azimov told a news briefing on Friday.
He said that the issues pertaining to the Upper Garabagh conflict
discussed at the Prague meetings by the two countries’ foreign
ministers include liberation of occupied land, return of displaced
persons home, restoration of communication and economic cooperation.
In a meeting with his Azerbaijani counterpart in Berlin, Germany on
November 18, Armenian foreign minister Vardan Oskanian said Yerevan
was ready to resume the talks.
The fifth Prague meeting, initially scheduled for October 25, was
later postponed after Armenia requested time to analyze the results
of previous meetings.*

Armenian, Iranian officials to launch gas pipeline construction on 3

Armenian, Iranian officials to launch gas pipeline construction on 30 November

A1+ web site
28 Nov 04

26 November: The construction of the Iran-Armenia gas pipeline will
start on 30 November. A delegation led by [Armenian Prime Minister]
Andranik Markaryan will leave for Syunik Region [southern Armenia]
on 29 November to attend a ceremony of launching the construction.

On the same day, the prime minister will attend the opening of the
third power supply line between Iran and Armenia.

An Iranian delegation led by Energy Minister Habibollah Bitaraf will
arrive in Syunik region as well. The energy ministers of the two
countries will meet in Yerevan on 1 December to discuss cooperation.

Armenia: Tra I Profughi delle guerre del Caucaso

ANSA Notiziario Generale in Italiano
November 23, 2004

ARMENIA: TRA I PROFUGHI DELLE GUERRE DEL CAUCASO / ANSA ;
ON. BONIVER INAUGURA CENTRO DI SOLIDARIETA’ ITALIANO

IEREVAN (ARMENIA)

(ANSA) – IEREVAN (ARMENIA), 23 NOV – Da lontano, nella
tempesta di neve, sembra un paesaggio irreale: una distesa di
piccole cupole gialle che galleggiano nella nebbia. Da vicino,
la realta’ e’ ben piu’ amara: si tratta di casupole di lamiera o
di gesso, senza finestre, poco piu’ che stalle per animali,
protette contro il freddo da balle di fieno ammucchiate sui
tetti. E’ in questo villaggio, ai margini di Ierevan, che vivono
ventimila profughi armeni, cacciati negli anni ’90
dall’Azerbaigian, in rappresaglia della sanguinosa guerra
secessionista ingaggiata dalla comunita’ armena del
Nagorno-Karabakh contro il governo azero.

Fanno parte di quell’esercito di centinaia di migliaia di
sfollati, vittime dei conflitti etnici e delle contese
territoriali, che fluttuano nel Caucaso e sono spesso tenuti ai
limiti della sopravvivenza dalle loro proprie nazioni, per non
far svanire la possibilita’ di nuove rivendicazioni ed
irredentismi.

Il governo italiano ha da tempo avviato, in base alla legge
180, un programma di aiuti umanitari nei tre Paesi caucasici,
Armenia, Georgia ed Azerbaigian, ed oggi il sottosegretario agli
esteri Margherita Boniver ha inaugurato, alla periferia della
capitale armena, un nuovo centro donato dall’Italia per la
riabilitazione dei profughi.

Una piccola folla di bambini, intirizziti dal freddo e che
sventolavano bandierine tricolori, ha accolto con entusiasmo
l’arrivo del corteo della delegazione italiana, evidentemente un
evento importante nella loro vita di miseria e desolazione.
“Ciao, ciao”, gridavano divertiti lungo la strada di fango.
Una banda in costume, armata di tamburelli e flauti, ha
festeggiato la cerimonia, alcuni brevi discorsi, pronunciati
all’aperto, davanti all’edificio che ospita macchine da cucire,
cucine e altre attrezzature di emergenza. In nuovo centro fa
parte di un programma di aiuti di circa 60 mila euro.

“E’ una ulteriore testimonianza di quanto siano stretti i
rapporti tra l’Italia e la popolazione armena”, ha spiegato il
sottosegretario agli esteri, ribadendo l’importanza anche degli
aspetti umanitari. Sul piano politico, infatti, il governo
italiano mantiene una posizione di assoluta neutralita’ di
fronte alla questione del Nagorno-Karabakh. Chi in quella guerra
ha invece combattuto e’ Gheorghi, “mi chiamo Giorgio” si
qualifica in un italiano stentato. Un armeno cacciato, insieme
alla sua famiglia, da Baku, capitale azera, dove era nato e
vissuto. “Il Karabakh – afferma convinto – e’ armeno, e’ il
cuore della nostra nazione. Non ce lo possono togliere gli
azeri, facendosi scudo di una decisione di Stalin”. Gheorghi
per il momento aspetta nel campo profughi di Ierevan: cosa,
esattamente, non si capisce. La strada per un ritorno a Baku
sembra sbarrata. Forse, anche lui finira’ nella diaspora
all’estero, insieme a milioni di altri armeni. (ANSA).